a proclamation by the president and council of his majesty's territory and dominion of new-england in america territory and dominion of new-england. 1686 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a55981 wing p3635 estc w8635 13708912 ocm 13708912 101519 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a55981) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101519) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 848:7) a proclamation by the president and council of his majesty's territory and dominion of new-england in america territory and dominion of new-england. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], boston : 1686. signed: edward randolph, secr. "given from the council-house in boston this 25th day of may, anno domini 1686." woodcut seal of colony at head. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bradstreet, simon, 1603-1697. dudley, joseph, 1647-1720. new england -politics and government -to 1775. broadsides -massachusetts -boston -17th century 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ✚ sigilum· praesid· & · concil· dom· reg· in·nov· anglia a proclamation by the president and covncil of his majestly's territory and dominion of new-england in america . whereas we have received from his most excellent majesty our soveraign lord james the second , king of england , scotland , france and ireland , defender of the faith &c. the exemplification of a judgment in his high court of chauncery under his majesty's great se●l of england , hearing date th● t 〈…〉 of october in the first year of his maj●●●ies reign ; against the governour and company of the massachusets bay in new-england : whereby the government thereof & at the members thereunto belonging is now in his majesties-hands . and his majesty having been graciously pleased to declare that he is minded to give all protection and encouragement to all his good subjects therein , and to provide in the most effectual manner that due and impartial justice may be administred in all cases civil and criminal and all care taken for the quiet and orderly government of the same . and in order thereunto it having pleased his most excellent majesty by his commission bearing date the eight day of october , in the first year of his reign under the great seal of england to erect and constitute a president and council to take care of all that his territory and dominion of new-england called the massathusets bay , the provinces of new-hampshire & main , and the narraganset countrey , otherwise called the kings-province , with all the islands , rights and members thereunto appertaining ; and to order , rule and govern the fame according to the rules , methods and regulations specified and declared in the said commission : together with his majesties gracious indulgence in matters of religion . and for the e●●●ution of his royal pleasure in that behalf , his majesty hath been pleased to appoint joseph dudley esq to be the first presiden● of his majesties said council , and vice-admiral of these seas . and to continue in the said offices until his majesty shall otherwise direct , and also to nominate & appoint simon bradstreet , william stoughton , petter bulkley , john pynchon , robert mason , richard wharton , wait winthrope , nathaniel saltonstal , bartholomew gidney , jonathan tyng , john vsher , dudley bradstreet , john hinks , francis champernoon , edward tyng , john fitz-winthrope , and edward randolph esq's to be his majesties council in the said colony and territories . the president and council therefore being convened according to the direction & form in the faid commission , and having taken the oathes in the said commission required , & finding it primarily needful , that speedy & effectual care be taken for the maintenance & preservation of the peace ; have accordingly appointed and authorized justices of the peace in the several counties , praecincts , & principal towns throughout the said several provinces ; & do also hereby continue all & every the grand juryes of the several counties , constables , select towns-men , and such as have lately had the charge of watches , in their several and respective offices , charge and trast , till others be orderly appointed to succed them . and the said pr●sident and council doe hereby in his majesties name strictly charge and require the several justices of the peace , select towns-men , overseers of the poor , surveyers of the high wayes , constables and other inferior officers who have had the care of watches , and who are now commissioned or continued as aforesaid , diligently and faithfully to intend , pursue , and execute their several and respective offices , charges and trusts , for the presevation of the peace , and for suppressing and discountenancing all disorder and vice. and we do hereby require all his majesties subjects within the said colony and territories to be obedient , aiding , and assisting to all such ●ustices of the peace , constables , and other officers in the execution of their several offices and places , at their utmost peril . and order that this proclamation be forth-with published . given from the council-house in boston this 25th day of may anno domini 1686. annoq : regni regis jacobi secundi secundo . by the president and council , edward randolph secr god save the king . a proclamation by the president and council of his majestiy's [sic]territory & dominion of new-england in america territory and dominion of new-england. 1686 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a50070 wing m1012 estc w8633 12767341 ocm 12767341 93610 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50070) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93610) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 698:16 or 2254:7) a proclamation by the president and council of his majestiy's [sic]territory & dominion of new-england in america territory and dominion of new-england. 1 sheet ([1] p.) ; 35 x 27 cm. printed by richard pierce ..., boston, in n.e. : 1686. signed: edward randolph secr'. "given from the council-house in boston this 28th day of may anno domini 1686." woodcut seal of colony at head. announcing that a president and council had been constituted over new england, and the appointment of joseph dudley, governor, following revocation of the massachusetts bay charter. dudley's administration ended after only seven months, in dec. 1686, when sir edmund andros became governor. the dominion of new england was in existence only until 1689. this item appears at reel 698:16 as wing m1012, and at reel 2254:7 as wing (2nd ed.) p3635a. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dudley, joseph, 1647-1720. new england -politics and government -to 1775. broadsides -massachusetts -boston -17th century 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-10 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation by the president and covncil of his majestiy's territory & dominion of new-england in america . whereas his most excellent majesty our soveraign lord james the second , king of england , scotland , france and ireland , defender of the faith &c. by commission or letters patents under his great seal of england , bearing date the eight day of october in the first of his reign hath been graciously pleased to erect and constitute a president and council to take care of all that his territory and dominion of new-england called the massachusets bay , the provinces of new-hampshire & main , and the narraganset countrey , otherwise called the kings-province , with all the islands , rights and members thereunto appertaining ; and to order rule and govern the same according to the rules , methods and regulations specified in the said commission : together with his majesties gracious indulgence in matters of religion . and for the execution of his royal pleasure in that behalf , his majesty hath been pleased to appoint joseph dudley esq to be the first president of his majesties said council , & vice-admiral of these seas . and to continue in the said offices until his majesty shall otherwise direct , & also to nominate & appoint william stoughton , esq now deputy-president , simon bradstreet , robert mason , john fitz-winthrope , john pynchon , peter bulkley , edward randolph , wait winthrope , richard wharton , john vsher , nathaniel saltonstal , bartholomew gidney , jonathan tyng , dudley bradstreet , john hinks , and edward tyng , esq 's to , be his majesties council in the said colony and territories . the president & council therefore being convened and having according to the direction & form of the said commission , taken their oathes and entered the government aforesaid ; and finding it needful , that speedy & effectual care be taken for the observation of his majesties commands , and particularly for the regulation and good government of the narraganset countrey or kings-province , which hath hitherto been unsettled . they the said president & council have resolved speedily to erect and settle a constant court of record upon the place ; and that the president , deputy-president , or some others of the members of his majesties council shall be present to give all necessary power and directions for establishing his majesties government there , and administration of justice to all his majesties subjects within the said narraganset countrey or kings-province , and all the islands , rights , and members thereof . and the said president & council have in the interim assigned richard smith esq james pendleton , and john fones gentlemen , justices to keep the peace of our soveraign lord the king and all his subjects : and also given commission to the said richard smith to be sergeant major , and chief commander of his majesties militia , both of horse & foot within the narraganset countrey or province , and all the islands rights and members thereof . therefore the said president & council doe hereby in his majesties name and by virtue of his said commission strictly require & command all other persons being or coming upon the place , to forbear the excercise of all manner of jurisdiction , authority , and power , and to cease all further proceedings for the allotments or divisions of land , or making any strip or waste upon any part of the said province , save only on each man 's stated propriety , except by licence obtained from the said court , or the president & council , until there shall be such effectual regulation and government established as is directed by his majesty . and the said president & council doe hereby henceforth discharge all his majesties subjects within the said narraganset countrey or kings province and all the islands , rights & members thereof from the government of the governour & company of connecticut & rhode-island and providence plantation , & all others pretending any power or jurisdiction . hereby charging & commanding all his majesties subjects to yeild ready & due obedience to the said justices of the peace , the sergeant major or chief commander of his majesties militia . and george weightman , thomas eldridge , thomas monford and william chaplin are hereby appointed & authorized present constables : and liberty given to the aforesaid justices to appoint so many more as they shall see needful to them , and to administer oathes unto the aforesaid constables & such as are to be ordeined . and all other persons are to be aiding & assisting unto them the said justices and constables in the execution and discharge of their respective offices , charges and trusts , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost peril . given from the council-house in boston this 28th day of may anno domini 1686. annoque regni regis jacobi secundi secundo . by the president and council , edward randolph secr ' : god save the king boston , in n. e. printed by richard pierce , printer to the honourable his majesties president and council of this government . a proposition of provisions needfull for such as intend to plant themselves in new england, for one whole yeare. collected by the adventurers, with the advice of the planters adventurers. 1630 approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a08125 stc 18486 estc s119935 99855140 99855140 20613 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a08125) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 20613) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1147:7) a proposition of provisions needfull for such as intend to plant themselves in new england, for one whole yeare. collected by the adventurers, with the advice of the planters adventurers. 1 sheet ([1]) p. for fulke clifton, printed at london : 1630. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng new england -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2006-05 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proportion of provisions needfvll for svch as intend to plant themselves in new england , for one whole yeare . collected by the adventurers , with the advice of the planters . victuall .       meale , one hogshead . 2 00 0 § malt , one hogshead . * 1 00 0 § beefe , one hundred waight . 0 18 0 § porke pickled , 100. or bacon 74. pound . 1 05 0 pease , two bushells . 0 08 0 greates , one bushell . 0 06 0 butter , two dozen . 0 08 0 cheese , halfe a hundred . 0 12 0 vineger , two gallons . 0 01 0 § aquavitae , one gallon . 0 02 8 mustard seed , two quarts . 0 01   § salt to save fish , halfe a hogshead . 0 10 0   7 11 8 apparell .       shooes , six payre . 0 16 0 § boots for men , one payre . 0 09 0 leather to mend shooes , foure pound . 0 05 0 irish stockings , foure payre . 0 04 6 shirts , six . 0 14 0 handkerchiefes twelve . * 0 04 0 one sea cape or gowne , of course cloth . 0 16 0 other apparell , as their purses will afford .         3 08 6 tooles which may also serve a family of foure o● five persons .       one english spade . 0 01 4 one steele shovell . 0 01 4 two hatchets . 0 02 8 axes 3. one broad axe , and 2. felling axes . 0 05 8 one wood hooke . 0 01 0 howes 3. one broad of nine inches , and two narrow of five or six inches . 0 03 4 one wimble , with sixe piercer bits . 0 01 6 one hammer . 0 00 8 other tooles as mens severall occupations require , as hand sawes , whip-sawes , thwart-sawes , augers , chissells , frowes , grinde-stones , &c. 0 17 6 for building .       § nayles of all sorts . † 3 00 0 § lockes for doores and chests . § gimmowes for chests . § hookes and twists for doores . armes .       one musket , rest , and bandeliere . 2 00 0 powder , ten pound . shot , sixteene . match , six pound . one sword. one belt. § one pistoll . with a mould . for fishing       twelve cod hookes . 0 02 0 two lines for fishing . 0 04 0 one mackrell line , and twelve hookes . 0 0 ●● 28. pound of lead for bullets and fishing lead . 0 03 3 the totall 17 07 4 out of which take that which the poore may spare , hauing sufficient in that which the country affords for needfull sustentation of nature . 7 04 8 remaines for their charge besides transportation 10 3 ● printed at london for fvlke clifton . 1630. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a08125-e10 § these things thus marked § the poorer sort may spare , and yet finde provisions sufficient for supplying the want of these . * of which the poorer sort may spare to the greater part , if they can content themselves with water in the heat of summer , which is found by much experience to bee as wholesome & healthfull as beere . § these things thus marked § the poorer sort may spare , and yet finde provisions sufficient for supplying the want of these . § these things thus marked § the poorer sort may spare , and yet finde provisions sufficient for supplying the want of these . § these things thus marked § the poorer sort may spare , and yet finde provisions sufficient for supplying the want of these . § these things thus marked § the poorer sort may spare , and yet finde provisions sufficient for supplying the want of these . § these things thus marked § the poorer sort may spare , and yet finde provisions sufficient for supplying the want of these . * which for the poorer sort may be of blew callico ; these in summer they use for bands . as for bedding , and necessary vessels for kitchin uses , men may cary what they have ; lesse serving the turne there than would give contentment here . § these things thus marked § the poorer sort may spare , and yet finde provisions sufficient for supplying the want of these . † according to the proportion of the house intended to be built . though for the more convenient and plentifull accommodation of each planter it were to be desired that they caried the provisions of victualls above said , if their estates wold reach thereunto , yet they may ( having meanes to take fish and fowle ) live comfortably that want all the rest , meale for bread onely excepted , which is the staffe of life . § these things thus marked § the poorer sort may spare , and yet finde provisions sufficient for supplying the want of these . § these things thus marked § the poorer sort may spare , and yet finde provisions sufficient for supplying the want of these . § these things thus marked § the poorer sort may spare , and yet finde provisions sufficient for supplying the want of these . § these things thus marked § the poorer sort may spare , and yet finde provisions sufficient for supplying the want of these . nevv englands trials declaring the successe of 26. ships employed thither within these sixe yeares: with the benefit of that countrey by sea and land: and how to build threescore sayle of good ships, to make a little navie royall. written by captaine iohn smith. smith, john, 1580-1631. 1620 approx. 28 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a12467 stc 22792 estc s111021 99846453 99846453 11422 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a12467) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 11422) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1084:11) nevv englands trials declaring the successe of 26. ships employed thither within these sixe yeares: with the benefit of that countrey by sea and land: and how to build threescore sayle of good ships, to make a little navie royall. written by captaine iohn smith. smith, john, 1580-1631. [20] p. printed by vvilliam iones, london : 1620. signatures: [a]² b-c⁴. the dedication is in one of four states: (1) text begins "to the consideration .."; dedication to (a) worthy adventers or (b) fish-mongers; (2) dedication is a cancel; text begins "the great worke .."; dedication to (a) sir edward coke or (b) sir john egerton. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng new england -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775 -early works to 1800. new england -commerce -early works to 1800. 2005-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion new englands trials . declaring the successe of 26. ships employed thither within these sixe yeares : with the benefit of that countrey by sea and land : and how to build threescore sayle of good ships , to make a little navie royall . written by captaine iohn smith . london , printed by vvilliam iones . 1620. to the right worshipfvl the maister , the wardens , and the companie of the fish-mongers . to the consideration of your fauourable constructions i present these sixe yeares continued trials from new england : if you please to peruse them , and make vse of them , i am richly rewarded . the subiect deserueth a farre better habit , but it is as good as the father can giue it . let not therefore a souldiers plainnesse cause you refuse to accept it , how euer you please to dispose of him , that humbly sacreth himselfe and best abilities to his countries good , and the exquisite iudgement of your renowned perfections . yours to command , iohn smith . nevv englands trials . new england is a part of america betwixt the degrees of 41. and 45. the very meane betwixt the north pole and the line : from 43. to 45. the coast is mountainous , rockie , barren and broken iles that make many good harbours . the water is deepe close to the shoare ; there are many riuers and fresh springs : few saluages , but an incredible aboundan●e of fish , fowle , wilde fruites , and good timber . from 43. to 41. and halfe , an excellent mixed coast of stone , sand , and clay : much corne , many people , some iles , many good harbours , a temperate ayre , and therein all things necessarie ; for the building ships of any proportion , and good merchandize for their fraughts ; within a square of twelue leagues 25. harbours i sounded , thirtie seuerall lordships i sawe , and so neare as i could imagine , three thousand men . i was vp one riuer fortie miles , crossed the mouths of many , whose heads are reported to be great lakes ; where they kill their beuers ; inhabited with many people , who trade with those of new england , and them of cannada . the benefite of fishing , as that famous philosopher master dee reporteth in his brittish monarchie . he saith , that more then forty foure yeares agoe , the herring busses out of the low-countries , vnder the king of spaine , were fiue hundred , besides one hundred frenchmen , and three or foure hundred saile of flemings . the coasts of wales and lankashire was vsed by three hundred sayle of strangers . ireland at baltemore fraughted yerely three hundred sayle of spaniards , where king edward the sixt intended to haue made a strong castell , because of the straite , to haue tribute for fishing . blacke rocke was yearely fished by three or foure hundred sayle of spaniards , portugalls , and biskiners . mr. gentleman and many fisher-men and fishmongers , with whom i haue conferred , report : the hollanders raise yearely by herrings , cod , and ling , 3000000. pounds . english , and french by salt-fish , poore iohn , salmons , and pilchards , 300000. pounds . hambrough and the sound , for sturgion , lobsters , and eeles , 100000. pounds . cape blanke , tunny and mullit , by the biskinners and spaniards . 30000. pounds . but diuers other learned experienced obseruers say , though it may seeme incredible : that the duke of medina receiueth yearely tribute , of the fishers of tunny , mullit , and purgos , more then 10000. pounds . lubeck hath seuen hundred shippes : hambrough sixe hundred : embden lately a fisher towne , 1400 , whose customes by the profit of fishing hath made them so powerfull as they be . holland and zeland , not much greater then yorkeshire , hath thirty walled townes , 400. villages , and 20000. sayle of ships and hoyes ; 3600. are fishermen , whereof 100. are dogers , 700. pinckes and welbotes , 700. frand botes , 400. enaces , 400. galbotes , britters and todebotes , with 1300. busses ; besides three hundred that yearely fish about yarmouth , where they sell their fish for gold ; and 15. yeares agoe they had more then 116000. sea-faring men . these fishing ships do take yearely 200000. last of fish , 12. barrells to a last ; which amounteth to 3000000. pounds by the fishermens price that 14. yeres agoe did pay for their tenths 300000. pound ; which venting in pomerland , sprusland , denmarke , lesland , russia , suethland , germany , netherlands , england , or e●sewhere , &c. make their returnes in a yeare about 7000000. pounds ; and yet in holland they haue neither matter to build shippes , nor merchandize to set them foorth , yet they asmuch encrease as other nations decay . but leauing th●se vncertainties as they are , of this i am certaine : that the coast of england , scotland , and ireland , the north sea , with island , and the sound , new-foundland , and cape blancke , doe serue all europe , as well the land townes as portes , and all the christian shipping , with these sorts of staple fish which is transported ; from whence it is taken , many a thousand mile , viz. herring : salt-fish . poore iohn . sturgion . mullit . tunny . porgos . caviare . buttargo . now seeing all these sorts of fish , or the most part of them , may be had in a land more fertile , temperate , and plentifull of all necessaries for the building of ships , boates and houses ; and the nourishment of man : the seasons are so proper , and the fishings so neare the habitations wee may there make , that new england hath much aduantage of the most of those parts , to serue all europe farre cheaper then they can , who at home haue neither wood , salt , nor food , but at great rates ; at sea , nothing but what they carry in their shippes , an hundred or two hundred leagues from their habitation . but new englands fishings neare land , where is helpe of wood , water , fruites , fowles , corne , or other refreshings needefull ; and the terceras , mederas , canaries , spaine , portugall , prouance , sauoy , sicilia , and ali italy , as conuensent markets for our dry fish , greene fish , sturgion , mullit , caviare , and buttargo , as norway , swethland , littuania , or germany , for their herring , ( which is here also in aboundance , for taking ; ) they returning but wood , pitch , tarre , soape-ashes , cordage , flaxe , waxe and such like commodities : we , wines , oyles , sugars , silkes , and such merchandizes as the straites affoord , whereby our profites may equalize theirs ; besides the increase of shipping and mariners . and for proofe hereof : with two shippes i went from the downes , the third of march , and arriued in new england , the last of aprill . i had but fortie fiue men and boyes , we built seuen boates , 37. did fish ; my selfe with eight bthers ranging the coast , i tooke a plot of what i could see , got acquaintance of the inhabitants , eleuen hundred beuer skinnes , one hundred martins , and as many otters : fortie thousand of dry fish we sent for spaine , with the salt-fish , treine oyle and furres , i returned for england the 18. of iuly , and arriued safe with my company the latter end of august . thus in sixe moneths i made my voyage , out and home , and by the labour of 45. got neare the valew of fifteene hundred pounds in those grosse commodities . this yeare also one went from plimmouth , spent his victuall , and returned with nothing . the londoners , vpon this , sent foure good shippes , and because i would not vndertake it for them , hauing ingaged my selfe to them of the west , the l●ndoners entertained the men that came home with me ; they set sayle in ianuary , and arriued there in march : they found fish enough vntill halfe iune , fraughted a shippe of three hundred tunnes ; went for spaine with drie fish , which was taken by the turkes ; one went to virginia , to relieue that collony ; and two came for eng●and , with the greene fish , treine oyle , and f●rres , within sixe moneths . with a labyrinth of trouble i went from plimmouth with a shippe of two hundred tunnes , and one of fiftie ; but ill weather breaking all my mastes , i was forced to returne to plimmouth , where re-imbarking my selfe in a ship of three score tunnes , how i escaped the english 〈◊〉 , and the french , and was betrayed by foure frenchmen of warre , i referre you to the description of new england ; but my vice-admirall , notwithstanding the latenesse of the yeare , setting forth with me in march , the londoners in ianuary , she arriued in may , they in march , yet came home well fraught in august , and all her men well , within fiue moneths odde dayes . the londoners , ere i returned from france , for all their losse by the turkes , which was valewed about foure thousand pounds , sent two more in iuly : but such courses they tooke by the canaries to the west indies ; it was ten months ere they arriued in new england : wasting in that time , their seasons , victuall , and healths ; yet there they found meanes to refresh themselues , and the one returned , neere fraught with fish and traine , within two moneths after . from plimmouth went foure ships , onely to fish and trade , some in february , some in march ; one of two hundred tunnes , got thith●r in a moneth , and went full fraught for spaine , the rest returnd to plimouth well fraught , & their men well , within 5 months odde daies . from london went two more , one of 220. tunnes , got thither in sixe weekes ; and within sixe weekes after , with fortie foure men and boyes , was full fraught , and returned againe into england within fiue months and a few dayes ; the other went to the canaries with dry fish , which they solde at a great rate , for royalls of eight , and ( as i heard ) turned pirates . i being at plimouth , prouided with three good ships , was wind-bound three months , as was many a hundred sayle more ; so that the season being past , the shippes went for new-found-land , whereby my desseigne was frustrate , which was to me and my friends , no small losse . there was foure good shippes prepared at plimouth ; but by reason of their disagreement , the season so wasted , as onely two went forward , the one being of two hundred tunnes , returned well fraught to plimouth , and her men in health , within fiue moneths ; the other of foure score , went for bilbow with dry fish , and made a good returne . this yeare againe , diuers shippes intending to go from plimmouth , so disagreed , as there went but one of 200. tuns , who stayed in the countrey about sixe weekes , with thirty eight men & boyes , had her fraght , which she sold at the first penny for 2100. pounds , besides the furres ; so that euery poore sayler , that had but a single share , had his charges and sixteene pound ten shiltings for his seuen moneths worke : but some of the company say , for sixe months in the hercules , they receeued seuenteene pound two shillings a share . for to make triall this yeare there is gone six or seuen sayle from the west country , onely to fish , three of which are returned ; and ( as i am certainely informed ) haue made so good a voyage , that euery sayler for a single share had twenty pounds for his seuen moneths worke , which is more then in twenty moneths he should haue gotten , had he gone for wages any where . now though all the former ships haue not made such good vyages as they expected , by sending opinionated vnskilfull men , that had not experienced diligence , to saue that they tooke ; nor take that there was ; which now patience and pract●se hath brought to a reasonable kinde of perfection in d●sp●te of all d●tractors , and calumniations , the countrey yet hath satisfied all , the defect hath beene in their vs●ng or abusing it , not in it selfe , nor me . heere i entreate your honourable leaues to answer some obiections . many do thinke it strange , if this be true , i haue made no more vse of it , and rest so long without employment . and i thinke it more strange they should tax me before they haue tried what i haue done , both by sea and land , as well in asia , and affrica , as europe and america . these fourteene yeres i haue spared neither pains , nor money , according to my abilitie , in the discouery of norumbega , where with some thirty seauen men and boyes , the remainder of an hundred and fiue , against the fury of the saluages , i began that plantation now in virginia ; which beginning ( here and there ) cost mee neare fiue yeares worke , and more then fiue hundred pound of my owne estate ; beside all the dangers , miseries and incomberances , and losse of other imployments i endured gratìs . from which blessed virgin , where i stayed till i left fiue hundred english , better prouided then euer i was ( ere i returned ) sprung the fortunate habitation of somer iles. this virgins sister ( called new-england , an. 1616 at my humble suite , by our most gracious prince charles ) hath bene neare as chargeable to mee and my friends ; from all which , although i neuer got shilling , but it cost mee a pound , yet i thinke my selfe happy to see their prosperities . if it yet trouble a multitude to proceede vppon these certainties , what thinke you i vndertooke , when nothing was knowne , but that there was a vast land ? i neuer had power and meanes to do any thing ( though more hath beene spent in formall delayes then would haue done the businesse ) but in such a penurious and miserable maner , as if i had gone a begging to builde an vniuersity ; where , had men bin as forward to aduenture their purses , as to crop the fruites of my labours , thousands ere this , had been bettered by these designes . thus betwixt the spurte of desire , and the bridle of reason , i am neare ridden to death in a ring of despaire ; the reines are in your hands , therefore i entreate you to ease mee : and those blame mee ( beleeue ) this little may haue taught me , not to be so forward againe at euery motion , vnlesse i intended nothing but to carry newes . for now they dare aduenture a shippe , that , when i went first , would not aduenture a groat , so they may be at home againe by michaelmasse ; but to the purpose . by this all men may perceiue the ordinary performance of this voyage in fiue or sixe moneths , the plenty of fish is most certainely approoued ; and it is certaine from cannada and new england hath come neare twenty thousand beuer skinnes , within these fiue yeares . now , had each of those shippes transported but sixe , or three pigs , as many goates and hens , fruits , plants and seeds as i proiected ▪ by this time there might haue beene victuall for a thousand men . but the desire of present gaine ( in many ) is so violent , and the indeuours of many vndertakers so negligent , euery one so regarding his priuate , that it is hard to effect any publique good , and impossible to bring them into a body , rule , or order , vnlesse both authoritie and mony assist experiences : it is not a worke for euery one to plant a colonie ( but when a house is built , it is no hard matter to dwell in it . ) this requireth all the best pars of art , iudgement , courage , honestie , constancy , diligence and experience to doe but neare well : and there is a great difference betwixt saying and doing . but to conclude , the fishing will go forward if you plant it or no ; whereby you may transport a colony for no great charge , that in a short time , might prouide such fraughts , to buy of vs their dwelling , as i would hope no ship could goe or come emptie from new england . the charge of this is onely salt , nettes , hookes , lines , kniues , irish rugges , course cloth , beads , hatchets , glasse and such trash , onely for fishing and trade with the saluages , besides our owne necessarie prouisions , whose indeuours will quickely desray all this charge ; and the saluages haue intreated me to inhabit where i will. now all those ships haue bin fished within a square of two leagues , & not one ship of all these , would yet aduenture further , where questionlesse 500. saile may haue their fraught , better then in island , newfoundland , or elsewhere , and be in their markets before the other can haue their fish in their ships . because new englands fishing beginneth in mid-february , the other not till mid-maie , the progression heereof tends much to the aduancement of virginia , and the burmudas : and will be a good friend in time of need to the inhabitants in new-found-land . the returnes made by the westerne shippes are commonly divided into 3. parts ; one for the owners of the shippe , another for the maister and his company , the third for the victulers ; which course being still permitted , will be no hinderance to the plantation , goe there neuer so many , but a meanes of transporting that yearely for little or nothing , which otherwise will cost many a hundred of pounds . if a ship can gaine , twenty , thirty , fifty in the hundred , nay neare three hundred for 100. in seuen moneths , as you see they haue doone , spending twice so much time in going and coming as in staying there ; were i there planted , seeing the varietie of the fishings in their seasons , serueth the most part of the yeare ; and with a little labour we might make all the salt we neede vse . i can conceiue no reason to distrust , but the doubling and trebling their gaines that are at all the former charge , and can fish but two months in a yeare : and if those do giue twenty , thirty , or forty shillings for an acre of land , or ship carpenters , forgers of yron &c. that buy all things at a deare rate , grow rich , when they may haue as good of all needfull necessaries for taking ( in my opinion ) should not grow poore ; and no commoditie in europe doth more decay then wood . maister dee recordeth in his brittish monarchie , that king edgar had a nauie of foure thousand saile , with which he yearely made his progresse about this famous monarchy of great brittany , largely declaring the benefit thereof : whereupon it seems he protected to our most memorable queene elizabeth , the erecting of a fleete of three score saile , he called a little nauy royall ; immitating the admired pericles prince of athens , that could neuer secure that tormented estate , vntill he was lord and captaine of the sea. at this none neede wonder , for who knowes not , her royall maiestie during her life , by the incredible aduentures of her royall nauy and valiant souldiers aud sea-men ; notwithstanding all treacheries at home , the protecting and defending france and holland , and re-conquering ireland , yet all the world , by sea or land , both feared , loued , and admired good queene elizabeth . both to maintaine and increase that incomparable honour ( god be thanked ) to her incomparable successour , our most royall lord and soueraigne king iames , &c. this great philosopher hath left this to his maiesty and his kingdomes considerations . that if the tenths of the earth be proper to god , it is also due by sea , the kings highwayes are common to passe , but not to digge for mines or anie thing , so englands coasts are free to passe , but not to fish , but by his maiesties prerogatiue . his maiestie of spaine , permits none to passe the popes order for the east and west indies , but by his permission , or at their perills . if all that world be so iustly theirs , it is no iniustice for england to make as much vse of her owne , as strangers doe , that pay to their owne lords the tenth , and not to the owners of those liberties any thing , whose subiects may neither take nor sell any in their territories ; which small tribute , would maintaine his little nauy royall , and not cost his maiesty a penny ; and yet maintaine peace with all forrainers , and allow them more curtesie , then any nation in the world affords to england . it were a shame to alledge , that holland is more worthy to enioy our fishings as lords thereof , because they haue more skill to handle it then we , as they can our wooll , and vndressed cloth , notwithstanding all their wars and trouble some disorders . to get mony to build this nauy he saith , who would not spare the hundred penny of his rents , and the 500. penny of his goods ; each seruant that taketh 33. s. 4. d. wages , 4. pence , and euery forrainer seuen yeares of age , 4. pence yearely for 7. yeares 3 ▪ not any of these but yearely they will spend 3. times so much in pride , wantonnesse or some superfluity . and doe any men loue the security of their estates that are true subiects , would not of themselues be humble suters to his maiestie , to do this of free will as a voluntary beneuolence , so it may be as honestly and truly imployed as it is proiected , the poorest mechanicke in this kingdome will gaine by it . if this be too much , would the honorable aduenturers be pleased to moue his maiestie , that but the 200. penny of rents , and the thousandth peny of goodes might bee thus collected , to plant new england , and but the tenth fish there taken , leauing strangers as they are . you might build ships of any burden and numbers you please , fiue times cheaper then you can doe heere , and haue good marchandize for their fraught in this vnknowne land , to the aduauncement of gods glorie , his church and gospel , and the strengthening and reliefe of a great part of christendome , without hurt to any : ●o the terror of pirates , the amazement of enemies , the assistance of friends , the securing merchants , and so much increase of nauigation , to make englands trade and shipping , as much as any nation in the world , besides a hundred other benefits , to the generall good of all true subiects , and would cause thousands yet snborne , blesse the time , and all them that first put it in practise . now , lest it should be obscured , as it hath bene , to private ends ; or so weakely vndertaken , by our ouer-weening incredulitie , that strangers may possesse it , whilst we contend for new englands goods , but not englands good . i present this vnto your lordship , and to all the lords in england , hoping ( by your honorable good liking and approbation , ) to moue all the worthy companies of this noble city , and all the cities and countries in the whole land to consider of it , since i can find them wood , and halfe victuall with the aforesaide aduantages , with what facility they may build and maintaine this little nauy royall , both with honour , profite and content , and inhabit as good a countrey as any in the world , within that parallell , which with my life , and what i haue , i will indeuour to effect , if god please , and you permit . as for them whom pride or couetousnes lulleth asleepe in a cradle of slouthfull carelesnesse ; would they but consider , how all the great monarchies of the earth haue bene brought to confusion : or but remember the late lamentable experience of constantinople ; and how many cities , townes , and provinces , in the faire rich kingdomes of hungaria , transilvania , and wallachi ; and how many thousands of princes , earles , barons , knights , and merchants , haue in one day , lost goods , liues , and honours : or solde for slaues , like beasts in a market place ; their wiues , children & seruants slain , or wandering they knew not whither : dying , or liuing in all extreamities of extreame miseries and calamities . surely , they would not onely doe this , but giue all they haue , to enioy peace and libertie at home ; or but adventure their persons abroade , to prevent the conclusions of a conquering foe , who commonly assaulteth , and best prevaileth , where he findeth wealth and plenty ( most armed ) with ignorance and securitie . much more i could say , but lest i should be too tedious to your more serious affaires , i humbly craue your honorable and favorable constructions and pardons , if any thing be amisse . if any desire to bee further satisfied , they may reade my description of virginia , and new england , and peruse them with their seuerall mappes ; what defect you finde in them , they shall finde supplied in mee , or in my authors , that thus freely haue throwne my selfe , with my mite into the treasury of my countries good , not doubting but god will shirre vp some noble spirits , to consider and examine it worthy collumbus could giue the spaniards any such certainties for his dessigne , when queene isabell of spayne set him forth with fifteene saile : and though i can promise no mines of golde , yet the warrelike hollanders let vs immitate , but not hate , whose wealth and strength are good testimonies of their treasure gotten by fishing . therefore ( honourable and worthy countrymen ) let not the meannesse of the word fish distaste you , for it will afford as good golde as the mines of guiana , or tubatu , with lesse hazard and charge , and more certaintie and facilitie : and so i humbly rest . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a12467-e160 s. proofe 1. 1614. proofe 2. 1615. proofe 3. 1615. proofe . 4. 1616. proofe 5. 1616. proofe 6. 1616. proofe 7. 1617 proofe 8. 1618. proofe 9. 1619. proofe 10. 1620. for this next yeare 1621. it is reported 12. or 20. saile is a preparing . burmudos . nevv-englands plantation. or, a short and true description of the commodities and discommodities of that countrey. written by mr. higgeson, a reuerend diuine now there resident. whereunto is added a letter, sent by mr. graues an enginere, out of new-england higginson, francis, 1587-1630. 1630 approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a03330) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 6514) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1352:04) nevv-englands plantation. or, a short and true description of the commodities and discommodities of that countrey. written by mr. higgeson, a reuerend diuine now there resident. whereunto is added a letter, sent by mr. graues an enginere, out of new-england higginson, francis, 1587-1630. graves, thomas, enginere. the second edition [28] p. printed by t. & r. cotes, for michael sparke, dwelling at the signe of the blew bible in greene arbor in the little old bailey, london : 1630. signatures: [a]² b-d⁴. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been 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and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng new england -description and travel -to 1775. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion new-englands plantation . or , a short and trve description of the commodities and discommodities of that countrey . written by mr. higgeson , a reuerend diuine now there resident . whereunto is added a letter , sent by mr. graues an enginere , out of new-england , the second edition enlarged . london , printed by t. & r. cotes , for michael sparke , dwelling at the signe of the blew bible in greene arbor in the little old bailey . 1630. to the reader . reader , do not disdaine to reade this relation ; and looke not here to haue a large gate and no building within ; a full-stuffed title with no matter in the booke : but here reade the truth , and that thou shalt find without any frothy bumbasted words , or any quaint new-deuised additions , onely as it was written ( not intended for the presse ) by a reuerend diuine now there liuing , who onely sent it to some friends here , who were desirous of his relations ; which is an epitomy of their proceedings in the plantation . and for thy part if thou meanest to be no planter nor venturer , doe but lend thy good prayers for the furthrance of it . and so i rest a well-wisher to all the good designes both of them which are gone , and of them that are to goe . m. s. new-englands plantation . letting passe our voyage by sea , we will now begin our discourse on the shore of new-england . and because the life and wel-fare of euerie creature here below , and the commodiousnesse of the countrey whereas such creatures liue , doth by the most wise ordering of gods prouidence , depend next vnto himselfe , vpon the temperature and disposition of the foure elements , earth , water , aire and fire ( for as of the mixture of all these , all sublunarie thin●● are composed ; so by the more or lesse inioyment of the wholesome temper and conuenient vse of these , consisteth the onely well-being both of man and beast in a more or lesse comfortable measure in all countreys vnder the heauens ) therefore i will indeauour to shew you what new-england is by the consideration of each of these apart , and truly endeauour by gods helpe to report nothing but the naked truth , and that both to tell you of the discommodities as well as of the commodities , though as the idle prouerbe is● tra●ellers may lye by authoritie , and so may take too much sinfull libertie that way . yet i may say of my selfe as once nehemiah did in another case : shall such a man as i lye ? no verily : it becommeth not a preacher of truth to bee a writer of falshod in any degree : and therefore i haue beene carefull to report nothing of new-england but what i haue partly seene with mine owne eyes , and partly heard and inquired from the mouths of verie honest and religious persons , who by liuing in the countrey a good space of time haue had experience and knowledge of the state thereof , & whose testimonies i doe beleeue as my selfe . first therefore of the earth of new-england and all the appertenances thereof : it is a land of diuers and sundry sorts all about masathulets bay , and at charles riuer is as fat blacke earth as can be seene any where : and in other places you haue a clay soyle , in other grauell , in other sand●●●s it is all about our plantation at salem , for so our towne is now named , psal. 76.2 . the forme of the earth here in the superficies of it is neither too flat in the plainnesse ; nor too high in hils , but partakes of both in a mediocritie , and fit for pasture , or for plow or meddow ground , as men please to employ it : though all the countrey bee as it were a thicke wood for the generall , yet in diuers places there is much ground cleared by the indians , and especially about the plantation : and i am told that about three miles from vs a man may stand on a little hilly place and see diuers thousands of acres of ground as good as need to be , and not a tree in the same . it is thought here is good clay to make bricke and tyles and earthen-pots as needs to bee . at this instant we are setting a bricke-kill on worke to make brickes and tiles for the building of our houses . for stone , here is plentie of slates at the i le of slate in masathulets bay , and lime-stone , free-stone , and smooth-stone , and iron-stone , and marble-stone also in such store , that we haue great rockes of it , and a harbour hard by . our plantation is from thence called marble-harbour . of minerals there hath yet beene but little triall made , yet we are not without great hope of being furnished in that soyle . the fertilitie of the soyle is to be admired at , as appeareth in the aboundance of grasse that groweth euerie where both verie thicke , verie long , and verie high in diuers places : but it groweth verie wildly with a great stalke and a broad and ranker blade , because it neuer had been eaten with cattle , nor mowed with a sythe , and seldome trampled on by foot . it is scarce to be beleeued how our kine and goats , horses and hogges doe thriue and prosper here and like well of this countrey . in our plantation we haue already a quart of milke for a penny : but the aboundant encrease of corne proues this countrey to bee a wonderment . thirtie , fortie , fiftie , sixtie are ordinarie here : yea iosephs encrease in aegypt is out-stript here with vs. our planters hope to haue more then a hundred fould this yere : and all this while i am within compasse ; what will you say of two hundred fould and vpwards ? it is almost incredible what great gaine some of our english planters haue had by our indian corne. credible persons haue assured me , and the partie himselfe auouched the truth of it to me , that of the setting of 13 gallons of corne hee hath had encrease of it 52 hogsheads , euery hogshead holding seuen bushels of london measure , and euery bushell was by him sold and trusted to the indians for so much beauer as was worth 18 shillings ; and so of this 13 gallons of corne which was worth 6 shillings & pence , he made about 327 pounds of it the yeere following , as by reckoning will appeare : where you may see how god blessed husbandry in this land. there is not such great and plentifull eares of corne i suppose any where else to bee found but in this countrey : being also of varietie of colours , as red , blew and yellow , &c. and of one corne there springeth foure or fiue hundred . i haue sent you many eares of diuers colours that you might see the truth of it . little children here by setting of corne may earne much more then their owne maintenance . they haue tryed our english corne at new plimouth plantation , so that all our seuerall graines will grow here verie well , and haue a fitting soyle for their nature . our gouernour hath store of greene pease growing in his garden as good as euer i eat in england ▪ this countrey aboundeth naturally with store of roots of great varietie and good to eat . our turnips , parsnips and carrots are here both bigger and sweeter then is ordinarily to be found in england . here are also store of pumpions , cowcombers , and other things of that nature which i know not . also , diuers excellent pot-herbs grow abundantly among the grasse , as strawberrie leaues in all places of the countrey , and plentie of strawberries in their time , and penyroyall , wintersauerie , sorrell , brookelime , liuerwort , caruell and watereresses , also leekes and onions are ordinarie , and diuers physicall herbes . here are also aboundance of other sweet herbes delightfull to the smell , whose names we know not , &c. and plentie of single damaske roses verie sweet ; and two kinds of herbes that beare two kinds of flowers very sweet , which they say , are as good to make cordage or cloath as any hempe or flaxe we haue . excellent vines are here vp and downe in the woods . our gouernour hath already planted a vineyard with great hope of encrease . also , mulberries , plums , raspherries , corrance , chesnuts , filberds , walnuts , smalnuts , hurtleberies & hawes of whitethorne neere as good as our cherries in england , they grow in plentie here . for wood there is no better in the world i thinke , here being foure sorts of oke differing both in the lease , timber , and colour , all excellent good . there is also good ash , elme , willow , birch , beech , saxafras , iuniper ciprus , cedar , spruce , pines & firre that will yeeld abundance of turpentine , pitch , tarie , masts and other materials for building both of ships and houses . also here are store of sumacke trees , they are good for dying and tanning of leather , likewise such trees yeeld a precious gum called white beniamen , that they say is excellent for perfumes . also here be diuers roots and berries wherewith the indians dye excellent holding colours that no raine nor washing can alter . also , wee haue materials to make sope-ashes and salt-peter in aboundance . for beasts there are some beare● , and they say some lyons also ; for they haue been seen at cape a●●e . also here are seuerall sorts of deere , some whereof bring three or foure young ones at once , which is not ordinarie in england ▪ also wolues , foxes , beauers , otters , martins , great wild cats , & a great beast called a molke as bigge as an oxe . i haue seen the skins of all these beasts since i came to this plantation excepting lyons . also here are great store of squerrels , some greater , and some smaller and lesser : there are some of the lesser sort , they tell me , that by a certaine skin will fly from tree to tree though they stand farre distant . of the waters of new-england with the things belonging to the same . new-england hath water enough both salt and fresh , the greatest sea in the world , the atlanticke sea runs all along the coast thereof . there are abundance of ilands along the shore , some full of wood and mast to feed swine ; and others cleere of wood , and fruitfull to beare corne. also we haue store of excellent harbours for ships , as at cape anne , and at masathulets bay , and at salem , and at many other places : and they are the better because for strangers there is a verie difficult and dangerous passage into them , but vnto such as are well acquainted with them , they are easie and safe enough . the aboundance of sea. fish are almost beyond beleeuing , and sure i should scarce haue beleeued it except i had seene it with mine owne eyes . i saw great store of whales , and crampusse , and such aboundance of makerils that it would astonish one to behold , likewise cod-fish aboundance on the coast , and in their season are plentifully taken . there is a fish called a basse , a most sweet & wholesome fish as euer i did eat , it is altogether as good as our fresh sammon ; and the season of their comming was begun when wee came first to new-england in iune , and so continued about three 〈◊〉 space . of this fish our fishers take many hundreds together , which i haue seene lying on the shore to my admiration ; yea their n●ts ordinarily take more then they are able to ●ale to land , and for want of boats and men they are constrained to let a many goe after they haue taken them , and yet sometimes they fill two boats at a time with them . and besides basse wee take plentie of sca●e and thornbacke , and abundance of lobsters , and the least boy in the plantation may both catch and eat what he will of them . for my owne part i was soone cloyed with them , they were so great , and far , and lussious . i haue seene some my selfe that haue weighed 16 pound , but others haue had diuers times so great lobsters as haue weighed 25 pound , as they assure me . also here is abundance of herring , turbut , sturgion , cuskes , hadocks , mullets , eeles , crabs , muskles and oysters . beside there is probability that the countrey is of an excellent temper for the making of sa●●● for since our comming our fishermen haue brought home verie good salt which they found candied by the standing of the sea water and the heat of the sunne , vpon a rock by the sea shore : and in diuers salt marishes that some haue gone through , they haue found some salt in some places crushing vnder their feet and cleauing to their shooes . and as for fresh water the countrey is full of daintie springs , and some great riuers , and some lesser brookes ; and at masathulets bay they digged wels and found water at three foot deepe in most places : and neere salem they haue as fine cleare water as wee can desire , and we may digge wels and finde water where we list . thus wee see both land and sea abound with store of blessings for the comfortable sustenance of mans life in new-england . of the aire of new-england with the temper and creatures in it . the temper of the aire of new-england is one speciall thing that commends this place . experience doth manifest that there is hardly a more healthfull place to be found in the world that agreeth better with our english bodyes . many that haue beene weake and sickly in old england , by comming hither haue beene thoroughly healed and growne healthfull and strong . for here is an extraordinarie cleere and dry aire that is of a most healing nature to all such as are of a cold , melancholy , flegmatick , reumaticke temper of body . none can more truly speake hereof by their owne experience then my selfe . my friends that knew me can well tell how verie sickly i haue been and continually in physick , being much troubled with a tormenting paine through an extraordinarie weaknesse of my stomacke , and aboundance of melancholike humors ; but since i came hither on this voyage , i thanke god i haue had perfect health , and freed from paine and vomitings , hauing a stomacke to digest the hardest and coursest fare , who before could not eat finest meat ; and whereas my stomacke could onely digest and did require such drinke as was both strong and stale , now i can and doe often times drink new-england water verie well , and i that haue not gone without a cap for many yeeres together , neither durst leaue off the same , haue now cast away my cap , and doe weare none at all in the day time : and whereas before-time i cloathed my selfe with double cloathes and thicke wastcoats to keepe me warme , euen in the summer time , i doe now goe as thin clad as any , onely wearing a light stuffe cassocke vpon my shirt and stuffe breeches of one thicknesse without linings . besides , i haue one of my children that was formerly most lamentably handled with sore breaking out of both his hands and feet of the kings-euill , but since he came hither he is verie well ouer he was , and there is hope of perfect recouerie shortly , euen by the verie wholesomnesse of the aire , altering , digesting and drying vp the cold and crude humors of the body : and therefore i thinke it is a wise course for all cold complections to come to take physicke in new-england : for a sup of new-englands aire is better then a whole draught of old englands ale. in the summer time in the midst of iuly and august , it is a good deale hotter then in old england : and in winter , ianuary and february are much colder as they say : but the spring and autumne are of a middle temper . fowles of the aire are plentifull here , and of all sorts as we haue in england as farre as i can learne , and a great many of strange fowles which we know not . whilst i was writing these things , one of our men brought home an eagle which he had killed in the wood : they say they are good meat . also here are many kinds of excellent hawkes , both sea hawkes and land hawkes : and my selfe walking in the woods with another in company , sprung a partridge so bigge that through the heauinesse of his body could fly but a little way : they that haue killed them , say they are as bigge as our hens . here are likewise aboundance of turkies often killed in the woods , farre greater than our english turkies , and exceeding fat , sweet and fleshy , for here they haue aboundance of feeding all the yeere long , as strawberries , in summer all places are full of them , and all manner of berries and fruits . in the winter time i haue seene flockes of pidgeons , and haue eaten of them : they doe flye from tree to tree as other birds doe , which our pidgeons will not do in england : they are of all colours as ours are : but their wings and tayles are farr longer , and therefore it is likely they fly swifter to escape the terrible hawkes in this countrey . in winter time this countrey doth abound with wilde geese , wild ducks , and other sea fowle , that a great part of winter the planters haue eaten nothing but roastmeat of diuers fowles which they haue killed . thus you haue heard of the earth , water and aire of new-england , now it may bee you expect something to bee said of the fire proportionable to the rest of the elements . indeed i thinke new-england may boast of this element more then of all the rest : for though it bee heresomewhat cold in the winter , yet here we haue plenty of fire to warme vs , and that a great deale cheaper then they sel billets and faggots in london : nay , all europe is not able to afford to make so great fire as new-england . a poore seruant here that is to possesse but 50 acres of land , may afford to giue more wood for timber & fire as good as the world yeelds , then many noble men in england can afford to do . here is good liuing for those that loue good fires . and although new-england haue no tallow to make candles of , yet by the abundance of the fish thereof , it can afford oyle for lampes . yea our pine-trees that are the most plentifull of all wood , doth allow vs plenty of candles , which are very vsefull in a house : and they are such candles as the indians commonly vse , hauing no other , and they are nothing else but the wood of the pine tree clouen in two little slices something thin , which are so full of the moysture of turpentine and pitch , that they burne as cleere as a torch . i haue sent you some of them that you may see the experience of them . thus of new-englands commodities , now i will tell you of some discommodities that are here to be found . first , in the summer season for these three months , iune , iuly , and august , we are troubled much with little flyes called musketoes , being the same they are troubled with in lincolneshiere and the fens : and they are nothing but gnats , which except they bee smoked out of their houses are troublesome in the night season . secondly , in the winter season for two months space , the earth is commonly couered with snow , which is accompanied with sharp biting frosts , something more sharpe then is in old england , and therefore are forced to make great fires . thirdly , this countrey being very full of woods , and wildernesses , doth also much abound with snakes and serpents of strange colours , and huge greatnesse : yea there are some serpents called rattle-snakes , that haue rattles in their tayles , that will not flye from a man as others will , but will flye vpon him and sting him so mortally , that hee will dye within a quarter of an houre after , except the partie stinged haue about him some of the root of an hearbe called snake weed to bite on , and then hee shall receiue no harme : but yet seldome fals it out that any hurt is done by these . about three yeeres since , an indian was stung to death by one of them , but wee heard of none since that time . fourthly and lastly , here wants as yet the good company of honest christians to bring with them horses , kine and sheepe to make vse of this fruitfull land : great pitty it is to see so much good ground for corne and for grasse as any is vnder the heauens , to lye altogether vnoccupied , when so many honest men and their families in old england through the populousnesse thereof , do make very hard shift to liue one by the other . now , thus you know what new-england is , as also with the commodities and discommodities thereof : now i will shew you a little of the inhabitants thereof , and their gouernment . for their gouernours they haue kings , which they call saggamores , some greater , and some lesser , according to the number of their subiects . the greatest saggamores about vs can not make aboue three hundred men , and other lesse saggamores haue not aboue fifteene subiects , and others neere about vs but two . their subiects aboue twelue yeeres since were swept away by a great & grieuous plague that was amongst them , so that there are verie few left to inhabite the countrey . the indians are not able to make vse of the one fourth part of the land , neither haue they any setled places , as townes to dwell in , nor any ground as they challenge for their owne possession , but change their habitation from place to place . for their statures , they are a tall and strong limmed people , their colours are tawny , they goe naked , saue onely they are in part couered with beasts skins on one of their shoulders , and weare something before their priuities : their haire is generally blacke , and cut before like our gentlewomen , and one locke longer then the rest , much like to our gentlemen , which fashion i thinke came from hence into england . for their weapons , they haue bowes and arrowes , some of them headed with bone , and some with brasse : i haue sent you some of them for an example . the men for the most part liue idlely , they doe nothing but hunt and fish : their wiues set their corne and doe all their other worke . they haue little houshold stuffe , as a kettle , and some other vessels like trayes , spoones , dishes and baskets . their houses are verie little and homely , being made with small poles pricked into the ground , and so bended and fastned at the tops , and on the sides they are matted with boughes , and couered on the roofe with sedge and old mats ▪ and for their beds that they take their rest on , they haue a mat. they doe generally professe to like well of our comming and planting here ; partly because there is abundance of ground that they cannot possesse nor make vse of , and partly because our being heere will bee a meanes both of reliefe to them when they want , and also a defence from their enemies , wherewith ( i said ) before this plantation begun , they were often indangered . for their religion , they doe worship two gods , a good god and an euill god : the good god they call tantum and their euill god whom they feare will doe them hurt , they call squantum . for their dealing with vs , we neither feare them nor trust them , for fourtie of our musketeeres will driue fiue hundred of them out of the field . we vse them kindly , they will come into our horses sometimes by halfe a douzen or halfe a score at a time when we are at victuals , but will aske or take nothing but what we giue them . we purpose to learne their language as soone as we can , which will be a meanes to do them good . of the present condition of the plantation , and what it is . when we came first to nethum kek , we found about halfe a score houses , and a faire house newly built for the gouerners , we found also aboundance of corne planted by them , verie good and well liking . and we brought with vs about two hundred passengers and planters more , which by common consent of the old planters were all combined together into one body pol●●icke , vnder the same gouernour . there are in all of vs both old and new planters about three hundred , whereof two hundred of them are setled at nehum-kek , now called salem : and the rest haue planted themselues at masathulets bay , beginning to build a towne there which we doe call cherton , or charles towne . we that are setled at salem make what haste we can to build houses , so that within a short time we shall haue a faire towne . we haue great ordnance , wherewith we doubt not but we shall fortifie our selues in a short time to keepe out a potent aduersarie . but that which is our greatest comfort , and meanes of defence aboue all other , is , that we haue here the true religion and holy ordinances of almightie god taught amongst vs : thankes be to god , we haue here plentie of preaching , and diligent catechizing , with strickt and carefull exercise , and good and commendable orders to bring our people into a christian conuersation with whome we haue to doe withall . and thus we doubt not but god will be with vs , and if god be with vs , who can be against vs ? here ends master higgesons relation of new-england . a letter sent from new-england , by master graues , engynere now there resident . thus much i can affirme in generall , that i neuer came in a more goodly country in all my life , all things considered : if it hath not at any time beene manured and husbanded , yet it is very beautifull in open lands , mixed with goodly woods , and againe open plaines , in some places fiue hundred acres , some places more , some lesse , not much troublesome for to cleere for the plough to goe in , no place barren , but on the tops of the hils , the grasse & weedes grow vp to a mans face , in the lowlands & by fresh riuers aboundance of grasse and large meddowes without any tree or shrubbe to hinder the sith : i neuer saw except in hungaria , vnto which i alwayes paralell this countrie , in all our most respects , for every thing that is heere eyther sowne or planted prospereth farre better then in old england : the increase of corne is here farre beyond expectation , as i haue seene here by experience in barly , the which because it is somuch aboue your conception i will not mention : and cattell doe prosper very well , and those that are bredd heere farr greater then those with you in england . vines doe grow heere plentifully laden with the biggest grapes that ever i saw , some i haue seene foure inches about , so that i ●m bold to say of this countrie , as it is commonly said in germany of hungari● , that for cattel , corne , and wine is excelleth . we haue many more hopefull commodities here in this countrie , the which time will teach to make good vse of : in the meane time wee abound with such things which next vnder god doe make vs subsist , as fish , foule , deere , and sundrie sorts of fruites , as musk-millions water-millions , indian-pompions , indian pease beanes , & many other odde fruits that i cannot name , all which are made good and pleasant through this maine blessing of god , the healthfulnesse of the countrie which farre exceedeth all parts that euer i haue beene in ▪ it is obserued that few or none doe heere fall sicke , vnlesse of the scuruy that they bring from aboard the shippe with them , whereof i haue cured some of my companie onely by labour . thus making an end of an imperfect description , and committing you to god , &c. a catalogue of such needfull things as euery planter doth or ought to prouide to go to new-england ; as namely for one man , which being doubled , may serue for as many as you please , viz. victuals for a whole yeere for a man , and so after the rate for more . 8 bvshels of meale . 2 bushels of pease 2 bushels of otemeale . 1 gallon of aquavitae . 1 gallon of oyle . 2 gallons of vineger . 1 firkin of butter . apparell . 1 monmoth cap. 3 falling bands . 3 shirts . 1 wast-coat . 1 suit of canuase . 1 suit of frize . 1 suit of cloth. 3 paire of stockings . 4 paire of shooes . 2 paire of sheets . 7 ells of canuas to make a bed and boulster . 1 paire of blankets . 1 course rug. armes . 1 armor compleat . 1 long peece . 1 sword. 1 belt. 1 bandilier . 20 pound of powder . 60 pound of lead . 1 pistoll and goose shot . tooles . 1 broad howe 1 narrow howe . 1 broad axe . 1 felling axe . 1 steele handsawe . 1 whipsawe 1 hammer . 1 shouell . 1 spade . 2 aug●es . 4 chissels . 2 percers stocked . 1 gimblet . 1 hatchet . 2 frowes . 1 hand-bill . 1 grindstone . 1 pickaxe . nayles of all sorts . houshold implements . 1 iron pot . 1 kettell . 1 frying pan . 1 gridiron . 2 skellets . 1 spit . woodden platers . dishes . spoones . trenchers . spices . sugar . pepper . cloues . mace. cinnamon . nutmegs . fruit. also there are diuers other things necessary to be taken ouer to this plantation , as bookes , nets , hookes and lines , cheese , bacon , kine , goats , &c. the names of the most remarkable places in new-england . the old names . the new names . cape cod. cape iames. the harbor of cape cod. milford hauen . chawum . barwick . accomack . plimouth . sagoquas . oxford . massachusets mount. cheuit hils . massachusits riuer . charles riuer . totan . famouth . a great bay by cape anne . bristow . cape tragabig sanda . cape anne . naemback . bastable , so named by king charles : but by the new planters now called salem . aggawom . southampton . smiths iles. smiths iles. passataquack . hull . accominticus . boston . sassanows mount. snowdon hill . sow●catuck . ipswich . bahanna . dartmouth . a good harbor within that bay. sandwich . ancociscos mount. shuters hill . ancocisco . the base . anmoughcawgen . cambridge . kenebecka . edenborow . sagadahock . leth. pemmayquid . s. iohns towne . segocket . norwich . mecadacut . dunbarton . pennobscot . aberden . nusket . low mounds , monahigan . barties iles. matinack . willowbies iles. metinacus . haughtons iles. but whosoeuer desireth to know as much as yet can be discouered , i aduise them to buy captaine iohn smiths booke of the description of new england in folio ; and reade from fol. 203. to the end ; and there let the reader expect to haue full content . finis . a trip to new-england with a character of the country and people, both english and indians. ward, edward, 1667-1731. 1699 approx. 51 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a67528 wing w764 estc r3226 12630786 ocm 12630786 64752 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67528) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64752) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 678:15) a trip to new-england with a character of the country and people, both english and indians. ward, edward, 1667-1731. 16 p. [s.n.], london : 1699. first edition. attributed to edward ward. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). a scurrilous tract written by a london tavern keeper and pamphleteer. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng new england -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775 -anecdotes 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-04 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trip to new-england . with a character of the country and people , both english and indians . london , printed in the year , 1699. a trip to new-england , &c. bishops , bailiffs , and bastards , were the three terrible persecutions which chiefly drove our unhappy brethren to seek their fortunes in our forreign colonies . one of these bug-bears , i confess , frighted me from the blessings of my own dear native country ; and forc'd me to the fatigue of a long voyage , to escape a scouring . but whether zeal , debt , or the sweet sin of procreation , begot in my conscience those fears , which hurried me a great many leages beyond my senses , i am as unwilling to declare to the world , as a romish damsel that has lost her maiden-head , is to confess her frailty to the priest. for many years my mind sat as easie in my breast , as an alderman in an elbow-chair , till the devil envying my felicity , flung so many crosses and losses in my way , that every step i took in my occupation , i was timorous of tumbling . i thought it then high time to seek for balm , but finding none in gilead , i was mov'd by the spirit of necessity , to forsake ungodly london , for religious boston in new-england ; hoping to purifie my self by the way in an ocean of brine , that when i got thither , i might find my condition , as well as my conscience , in a tollerable pickle , fitted for the conversation of the saints in so holy a land. i pack'd up my auls in order for my voyage ; and embarked the ship the prudent sarah , at gravesend , who was weighing anchor , with a fair wind for the downs , that i had no leasure to step back to london to satisfie my creditors ; but , like a girl that 's ravish'd , was forc'd , with a very good will , to do that which i intended . to entertain this merry town , with an exact iournal in tarpaulin arabick , is like reading the revelations to an establish'd atheist , or repeating a welsh commedy to a highlander . i shall therefore omit all such accustomary fustian , and divert you with some thoughts of my own in the time of my passage . when i first came on board , i fancy'd a ship to be like a country village with two or three may-poles in 't ; and the fellows running about deck in red and white-wastcoats , to be the young men of the town engaged in a match at foot-ball . sometimes i consider'd them as a pack of hounds , and the pilot to be the hunts-man : for , like dogs upon a scent , they keep a heavy yelping at their business ; but in every interval , were as silent as a beagle at a loss . at other times , i have fancy'd a ship to be a floating hive , instead of bees , posses'd by drones , who make more t — d than honey . a vessel , whilst the pilot is on board , is an emblem of feeble monarchy ; where the king has a states-man in his dominions greater than himself , that the prince only bears the title , but the other the command . a man on board cannot but be thoughtful on two destinies , viz. hanging and drowning : for withinside you have rope , and without water enough to effect either . so that it often put me in mind of the old proverb , the sea and the gallows refuses none . a commander when at sea , is a marine deity ; his will is his law , and the power of punishing soly in his own hands . he has a wooden world at his mercy , wherein there is no way to be happy , but by due obedience : for he that knoweth his masters will , and doth it not , shall be beaten with many stripes . when out at sea , i thought the world was drown'd , because no land was to be seen . the captain and his mess , i compar'd to noah and his family ; but as for the rest , they were the beasts of the ark. we were very good christians when we 'd nothing else to do : all hands in a calme to pray or pick okum ; but to work in a storm , serve god serve devil . brandy and tobacco are the soul of a seaman ; he that wants either , is but half himself ; and he that has neither , wants every thing that 's needful ; and must , in his own defence , turn thief or beggar . mariners , like parsons , are much given to look upwards ; but never consult heaven beyond the pole , or the pointers . at sea they are a kind of persians , trusting to the sun , moon and stars for bodily salvation . they seldom take notice but of one miracle since adam , and that is of noah's guiding the ark to a safe harbour , without the help of a sail , or the use of a rudder : which ( forgetting providence ) they urge to be impossible . a foul wind makes scanty messes ; for it 's a chearful saying among seamen , large wind , large allowance : starving and drowning being to them equally terrible . facetious ignorance is an excellent tallent to win the captains favour . reason at sea , without the rules of navigation , is as dangerous to be talk'd as treason : for nothing galls the ambition of a commander more , than to hear any body on board seem wiser than himself . they generally bestow their favours , as fortune does her benefits , as if both their heads were in a bag ; and for want of sense or sight , choose dunces for their minions , and fools for their companions : dreading ingenuity , and slighting merit . being possitive in errors , hateful to instruction , proud of their ignorance , and wise in their own conceits . a violent storm at sea , to me , seem'd the minute resemblance of a general conflagration : when jarring elements for power contended ; and angry heavens belch'd out flakes of its consuming fire on the reflecting ocean ; follow'd with dreadful claps of rending thunder , rattling from cloud to cloud , thro' rains and hurricanes , till the conquering wind had blown his sable enemies beneath our horizon , and clear'd the skies of his affrightening rivals . a calm to me was an effeminate acquiescence of the elements ; and unpleasant to a manly disposition : the world look'd as if nature was a sleep ; and , careless of her charge , had suffer'd ( thro' neglect ) the whole universe to be idle ▪ i could compare our ship to nothing in so smooth a sea , but to an egg upon a looking-glass . idleness at sea is the worst of slavery ; and he that has nothing to do , is buried alive in a cabbin instead of a coffin . with these sort of cogitations i past away my time , being tost about by the waves like a dog in a blanket , till we got sight of the promis'd land , and arriv'd at our desir'd port , boston . of which i shall first proceed to give you an account , free from prejudice or partiality . of boston , and the inhabitants . on the south-west side of massachusets-bay , is boston ; whose name is taken from a town in lincoln-shire : and is the metropolis of all new-england . the houses in some parts joyn as in london . the buildings , like their women , being neat and handsome . and their streets , like the hearts of the male inhabitants , are paved with pebble . in the chief , or high street , there are stately edifices , some of which have cost the owners two or three thousand pounds the raising ; which , i think , plainly proves two old adages true , viz. that a fool and his money is soon parted ; and , set a beggar on horse-back he 'll ride to the devil , for the fathers of these men were tinkers and peddlers . to the glory of religion , and the credit of the town , there are four churches , built with clap-boards and shingles , after the fashion of our meeting-houses ; which are supply'd by four ministers , to whom some , very justly , have apply'd these epithites , one a scholar , the second a gentleman , the third a dunce , and the fourth a clown . their churches are independent , every congregation , or assembly , in eclesiastical affairs , being distinctly govern'd by their own elders and deacons , who in their turns set the psalmes ; and the former are as busie on sundays , to excite the people to a liberal contribution , as our church-wardens at easter and christimas , are with their dishes , to make a collection for the poor . every stranger is unavoidably forc'd to take this notice , that in boston , there are more religious zealots than honest-men , more parsons than churches , and more churches than parishes : for the town , unlike the people , is subject to no division . the inhabitants seem very religious , showing many outward and visible signs of an inward and spiritual grace : but tho' they wear in their faces the innocence of doves , you will find them in their dealings , as subtile as serpents . interest is their faith , money their god , and large possessions the only heaven they covet . election , commencement , and training-days , are their only holy-days ; they keep no saints-days , nor will they allow the apostles to be saints , yet they assume that sacred dignity to themselves ; and say , in the title page of their psalm-book , printed for the edification of the saints in old and new-england . they have been very severe against adultery , which they punish'd with death ; yet , notwithstanding the harshness of their law , the women are of such noble souls , and undaunted resolutions , that they will run the hazard of being hang'd , rather than not be reveng'd on matrimony , or forbear to discover the corruption of their own natures . if you kiss a woman in publick , tho' offer'd as a curteous salutation , if any information is given to the select members , both shall be whip'd or fin'd . it 's an excellent law to make lovers in privat make much of their time , since open lip-lechery is so dearly purchas'd . but the good humor'd lasses , to make you amends , will kiss the kinder in a corner . publick kissing , and single fornication are both of a price ; for which reason the women wisely consider ▪ the latter may be done with more safty than the former ; and if they chance to be detected , and are forc'd to pay the fine , they are sure before-hand of something for their money . a captain of a ship who had been a long voyage , happen'd to meet his wife , and kist her in the street ; for which he was fin'd ten shillings , and forc'd to pay the money . what a happiness , thought i , do we enjoy in old-england , that can not only kiss our own wives , but other mens too without the danger of such a penalty . another inhabitant of the town was fin'd ten shillings for kissing his own wife in his garden ; and obstinatly refusing to pay the money , endured twenty lashes at the gun : who , in revenge of his punishment , swore he would never kiss her again , either in publick or private . and at this rate , one of the delightfulest customs in the world , will in time be quit thrown out of fashion , to the old folks satisfaction , but to the young ones lamentation , who love it as well in new-england , as we do in the old. a man and woman , were sentenc'd to be whip'd for the like offence ▪ he being order'd thirty lashes , and she twenty ; but he having extorted the kiss from her , was so generous to sollicit the select , that he might have the fifty , and the woman to be excus'd ; which was consented to accordingly . every tenth man is chose as one of the select , who have power , together , to regulate and punish all disorders that happen in their several neighbour-hoods . the penalty for drunkenness , is whiping or a crown ; cursing or swearing , the same fine , or to be bor'd thro' the tongue with a hot iron : but get your select member into your company and treat him , and you may do either without offence ; and be as safe as a parishoner here in a tavern in the church-wardens company in sermon-time . a couple of deacons marching along the street , espied a woman in a corner relieving nature from the uneasiness of a burthen she could keep no longer , one of them cryed out to tother , pointing to the stooping object , brother , brother , what a shameful thing , what a beastly thing is this ? i vow , brother , this is a thing that ought to be peep'd into . the other being a more sensible man , prithee brother ( said he ) do thou peep into 't then , for i care not to run such a hazard of my eye-sight . besides ( said he ) the thing 's to deep for our inspection ; and therefore we shall only be laugh'd at for meddling with the matter . they are very busie in detecting one anothers failings ; and he is accounted , by their church governers , a meritorious christian , that betrays his neighbour to a whipping-post . a good cudgel apply'd in the dark , is an excellent medicine for a malignant spirit . i knew it once experienced at boston , with very good success , upon an old rigged precisian , one of their select , who used to be more then ordinary vigilant in discovering every little irregularity in the neighbour-hood ; i happening one night to be pritty merry with a friend , opposite to the zealots dwelling , who got out of his bed in his wast-coat and drawers , to listen at our window . my friend having oft been serv'd so , had left unbolted his cellar trap-door , as a pitfall for mr. busie-body , who stepping upon it , sunk down with an out-cry like a distressed mariner in a sinking pinnace . my friend having planted a cudgel ready , run down stairs , crying thieves , and belabour'd old troublesome very sevearly before he would know him . he crying out i am your neighbour . you lye , you lye , you rogue , says my friend , my neighbours are honest men , you are some thief come to rob my house . by this time i went down with a candle , my friend seeming wonderfully surpriz'd to see 't was his neighbour , and one of the select too , put on a counterfeit countenance , and heartily beg'd his pardon . away troop'd the old fox , grumbling and shruging up his shoulders ; and became afterwards the most moderate man in authority in the whole town of boston . a little pains sometimes do good to such cross knotty sticks of wood. correction is the best recept , to set a crooked temper streight . if such old stubborn boughs can bend , and from a just chastisment mend , fond parents pray asign a reason , why youth should want it in due season ? the women here , are not at all inferiour in beauty to the ladies of london , having rather the advantage of a better complexion ; but as for the men , they are generally meagre ; and have got the hypocritical knack , like our english iews , of screwing their faces , into such puritanical postures that you would think they were always praying to them selves , or running melancholy mad about some mistery in the revelations : so that 't is rare to see a handsome man in the country , for they have all one cast , but of what tribe i know not . a woman that has lost her reputation , hath lost her portion , her virginity is all her treasure : and yet the merry lasses esteem it but a trifle , for they had rather , by far , loose that then their teeming-time . the gravity and piety of their looks , are of great service to these american christians ▪ it makes strangers that come amongst them , give credit to their words . and it is a proverb with those that know them , whosoever believes a new-england saint , shall be sure to be cheated : and he that knows how to deal with their traders , may deal with the devil and fear no craft . i was mightily pleas'd one morning with a contention between two boys at a pump in boston , about who should draw their water first . one jostled the other from the handle , and he would fill his bucket first , because his master said prayers and sung psalms twice a day in his family , and the others master did not . to which the witty knave made this reply , our house stands backward in a court : if my master had a room next the street , as your master has ▪ he 'd pray twice to your masters once , that he wou'd , and therefore i 'll fill any pail first , marry will i ; and did accordingly . some years ago , when the factors at boston were credited with large stocks by our english merchants , and being backward in their returns , and more in their books then they were willing to satisfie , contriv'd this stratagem to out-wit their correspondents . as 't is said , they set fire to their ware-houses , after the disposal of their goods , and burnt them down to the ground , pretending in their letters , they were all undone , their cargos and books all destroy'd ; and so at once ballanc'd their accounts , with england . one of their factors , who had three or four thousand pounds worth of an english merchants goods in his hands , sends him an account of this lamentable mischance , to the purpose he was quite ruin'd , and had lost all but a small cheese of four pound weight , which he sent him for a present . the merchant having had some intelligence of the roguery of his factor , invites several eminent merchants ( that dealt to new-england ) to dinner with him , who came accordingly , he having prepar'd an extraordinary feast to entertain them . they mightily condol'd his great loss , ( he making slight of it ) and blam'd him for the extravagancy of his treat , after he had sustain'd so considerable a misfortune . ah! gentlemen , says he , this is nothing to what i have provided you : i have one dish still to come up , which cost me between three and four thousand pounds ; and , notwithstanding its costliness , i think it not good enough for such worthy company . the gentlemen look'd one upon another , and thought he was frenzical . in the interim , up came his new-england present , under a cover . that 's the dish , says the master of the feast , that stood me in so many thousands . 't is but a small morsel , considering the price . the company all wondering of what delicates the cook must have compos'd this extravagant kickshaw , lifted up the cover , and finding nothing but a cheese , laugh'd as heartily at their disapointment , as the mob in the fable at the mountain-mouse . then he continued their mirth by unfolding the riddle : and swore , if ever he trusted a new-england saint again for three pence , the devil shou'd have a title to him and his heirs for half the money . the ground upon which boston ( the metropolis of new-england ) stands , was purchas'd from the natives , by the first english proprietors , for a bushel of wampum-peag and a bottle of rum , being of an inconsiderable value . therefore the converted indians , ( who have the use of the scriptures ) cannot blame esau for selling his birth-right for a mess of porrage . the latitude of boston is accounted 42 deg . 30 min. north. its longitude 315 deg . and is very commodiously seated upon a bay , large enough for the anchorage of 500 sail of ships . of the country in general . new-england is computed to begin at 40 , and end at 46 north latitude ; running from de-la-ware-bay to new-found-land . the country is for the most part wilderness , being generaly rocky , woody and mountainous , very rarely beautified with valleys , but those large and rich , wherein are lakes thirty or forty miles in compass , from whence their great rivers have their beginnings , and are chiefly succour'd . there are many plantations by the sea-side , situate for the advantage of the east and south winds , which coming from sea produceth , warm weather . the nor-west blowing over land , causeth extremity of cold ; and very often strikes both indian and english inhabitants with that terrible distemper , called , the plague in the back . the country , by its climate , is always troubled with an ague and fever ; as soon as ever the cold fit 's over , t is attended with a hot : and the natives themselves , whose bodys are habituated to the suddain changes , from one extream to another , cannot but confess , they freez in winter and fry in summer . a ridg of white mountains run almost thro' the country , whereon lies a remembrance of the past winter , in the warmest of their weather , an indian at the sight of the snow , lodg'd upon the shoulders of these hills , will quake at midsummer : for they love cold like a cricket . at the top there is a large plain , ten or twelve leages over , yielding nothing but moss , where a man may walk with his mistress , in the height of his juvenality , and not entertain one thought of attempting her chastity , it being fatally cold , and above the clouds ; and would have been a rare place , for the presumptious babilonians to have built their tower on . plymouth plantation was the first english colony that settled in new-england , in the year 1618. their habitations , at their going on shore , being empty hogs-heads , which they whelm'd over their heads to defend themselves from the cold damps and falling mischiefs of the night . each house having but one window , and that 's the bung-hole , requiring a cooper instead of a carpenter to keep their houses in repair . their provision ( till better acquainted with the country ) being only pumkin , which they cook'd as many several ways , as you may dress venison : and is continued to this day as a great dish amongst the english. pumpkin porrage being as much in esteem with new-england saints , as ielly broth with old-england sinners . ten years expired , before any other colonies were planted ; since which time the possessions of the english are so greatly improv'd , that in all their colonies , they have above a hundred and twenty towns , and is at this time one of the most flourishing plantations belonging to the english empire . there is a large mountain , of a stupendious height , in an uninhabitable part of the country , which is call'd the shining mountain , from an amaizing light appearing on the top , visible at many leages distance , but only in the night . the english have been very curious in examining the reason of it ; and have , in bodies , with great pains and danger , attempted a rational discovery of this prodigy to no purpose : for they could not observe any thing upon it to occasion this unusual brightness . it is very terrible to the indians , who are of a blind opinion that it contains great riches , and the devil lives there ; and do assert , that when any of them ascend this place , they are met by something in the figure of an old indian , that commands them to return , or if they proceed further they shall die , which several have found true , by presuming to climb higher , heedless of the caution . of the native english in general . the women ( like the men ) are excessive smokers ; and have contracted so many ill habits from the indians , that 't is difficult to find a woman cleanly enough for a cook to a squemish lady , or a man neat enough for a vallet to sir courtly nice . i am sure a covent-garden beau , or a bell-fa would appear to them much stranger monsters , then ever yet were seen in america . they smoke in bed , smoke as they nead their bread , smoke whilst they 'r cooking their victuals , smoke at prayers , work , and exonoration , that their mouths stink as bad as the bowl of a sailers pipe , which he has funk'd in , without burning , a whole voyage to the indias . eating , drinking , smoking and sleeping , takes up four parts in five of their time ; and you may divide the remainder into religious excercise , day labour , and evacuation . four meals a day , and a good knap after dinner , being the custom of the country . rum , alias kill devil , is as much ador'd by the american english , as a dram of brandy is by an old billingsgate . t is held as the comforter of their souls , the preserver of their bodys , the remover of their cares , and promoter of their mirth ; and is a soveraign remedy against the grumbling of the guts , a kibe-heel , or a wounded conscience , which are three epidemical distempers that afflict the country . their industry , as well as their honesty , deserves equal observation ; for it is practicable amongst them , to go two miles to catch a horse , and run three hours after him , to ride half a mile to work , or a quarter of a mile to an ale-house . one husband-man in england , will do more labour in a day , then a new-england planter will be at the pains to do in a week : for to every hour he spends in his grounds , he will be two at an ordinary . they have wonderful appetites , and will eat like plough-men ; tho very lazy , and plough like gentlemen : it being no rarity there , to see a man eat till he sweats , and work till he freezes . the women are very fruitful , which shows the men are industrious in bed , tho' idle up . children and servants are there very plenty ; but honest-men and virgins as scarce as in other places . provisions being plenty , their marriage-feasts are very sumptious . they are sure not to want company to celebrate their nuptials ; for its customary in every town , for all the inhabitants to dine at a wedding without invitation : for they value their pleasure at such a rate , and bear such an affection to idleness , that they would run the hazard of death or ruin , rather then let slip so merry a holy-day . the women , like early fruits , are soon ripe and soon rotten . a girl there at thirteen , thinks herself as well quallified for a husband , as a forward miss at a boarding-school , does here at fifteen for a gallant . he that marrys a new-england lass at sixteen , if she prove a snappish gentlewoman , her husband need not fear she will bite his nose off ; for its ten to one but she hath shed her teeth , and has done eating of crust , before she arrives to that maturity . it is usual for the men to be grey at thirty ; and look as shrivel'd in the face , as an old parchment indenture pasted upon a barbers block . and are such lovers of idleness , that they are desirous of being thought old , to have a better pretence to be lazy . the women have done bearing of children by that time they are four and twenty : and she that lives un-married till she 's twenty five , may let all the young sports-men in the town give her maiden-head chase without the danger of a timpany . notwithstanding their sanctity , they are very prophane in their common dialect . they can neither drive a bargain , nor make a iest , without a text of scripture at the end on 't . an english inhabitant having sold a bottle of rum to an indian ( contrary to the laws of the country ) was detected in it ; and order'd to be lash'd . the fellow brib'd the whipster to use him tenderly ; but the flog-master resolving ( being a conscientious man ) to do his duty honestly , rather punish'd the offender with the greater severity , who casting a sorrowful look over his shoulder , cry'd out , the scripture sayeth , blessed is the merciful man. the scourgineer replying , and it also says , cursed is he that doeth the work of the lord negligently : and for fear of coming under the anathema , laid him on like an unmerciful dog , till he had given him a thorough fellow-feeling of his cat of nine-tailes . their lecture-days are call'd by some amongst them , whore fair , from the levity and wanton frollicks of the young people , who when their devotion 's over , have recourse to the ordinaries , where they plentifully wash away the remembrance of their old sins , and drink down the fear of a fine , or the dread of a whipping-post . then vptails-all and the devils as busie under the petticoat , as a iuggler at a fair , or a whore at a carnival . husking of indian-corn , is as good sport for the amorous wag-tailes in new-england , as maying amongst us is for our forward youths and wenches . for 't is observ'd , there are more bastards got in that season , than in all the year beside ; which occasions some of the looser saints to call it rutting time. many of the leading puritans may ( without injustice ) be thus characteris'd . they are saints without religion , traders without honesty , christians without charity , magistrates without mercy , subjects without loyalty , neighbours without amity , faithless friends , implacable enemys , and rich men without money . they all pretend to be driven over by persecution , which their teachers roar out against in their assemblies , with as much bitterness , as a double refin'd protestant can belch forth against the whore of babylon : yet have they us'd the quakers with such severity , by whipping , hanging , and other punishments , forcing them to put to sea in vessels without provision , they flying with gladness to the merciless ocean , as their only refuge under heaven , left to escape the savage fury of their vnchristian enemies , till drove by providence upon rhoad-island ( so call'd from their accidental discovery of it in their stroling adventure ) which they found full of fruits and flowers , a fertile soil , and extreamly pleasant , being the garden of america ; where they happily planted themselves , making great improvements : there live and flourish , as the righteous , like a bay-tree under the noses of their enemies . the clergy , tho' they live upon the bounty of their hearers , are as rediculously proud , as their communicants are shamefully ignorant . for tho' they will not suffer their unmannerly flock to worship their creator with that reverence and humility as they ought to do , but tell them 't is popery to uncover their heads in the house and presence of the deity ; yet they oblige every member to pay an humble respect to the parsons box , when they make their offerings every sunday , and fling their mites into their teacher●s treasury . so that the haughty prelate exacts more homage , as due to his own transcendency , than he will allow to be paid to heaven or its place of worship . if you are not a member in full communion with one of their assemblies , your progeny is deny'd baptism , for which reason , there are hundreds amongst them , at mans estate , that were never christened . all handicrafts-men may live here very well , except a pick-pocket ; of all artificers he would find the least encouragement ; for the scarcity of money would baulk his tallent . an eminent planter came to me for an ounce of venice-treacle , which i would have sold him for a shilling ; he protested he had liv'd there fifty years , and never see in the whole term , ten pounds in silver-money of his own ; and yet was rated at a thousand pounds , and thought the assessors us'd him kindly ▪ but gave me for my medicine a bushel of indian-corn , vallued at half a crown , and vow'd if a shilling would save his family from distruction , he knew not how to raise it . they have a charter for a fair at salem , but it begins , like ingerstone market , half an hour after eleven a clock , and ends half an hour before twelve : for i never see any thing in it but by great accident , and those were pumkins , which were the chief fruit that supported the english at their first settling in these parts . but now they enjoy plenty of good provisions , fish , flesh and fowl , and are become as great epicures , as ever din'd at pontack's ordinary . lobsters and cod-fish are held in such disdain , by reason of their plenty , 't is as scandalous for a poor man in boston to carry one through the streets , as 't is for an alderman in the city of london , to be seen walking with a groatsworth of fresh-herrings , from billings-gate to his own house . there were formerly amongst them ( as they themselves report ) abundance of witches , and indeed i know not , but there may be as many now , for the men look still as if they were hag-ridden ; and every stranger ; that comes into the country , shall find they will deal by him to this day , as if the devil were in ' em . witchcraft they punish'd with death , till they had hang'd the best people in the country , and convicted the culprit upon a single evidence : so that any prejudic'd person , who bore malice against a neighbour , had an easie method of removing their adversary . but since , upon better consideration , they have mitigated the severity of that unreasonable law , there has not been one accused of witchcraft , in the whole country . many are the bug-bear storys reported of these suppos'd negromancers , but few believ'd , tho' i presume none true , yet all collected and already printed , i shall therefore omit the relating of any . they have one very wholesome law , which would do mighty well to be in force in old-england ; which is a peculiar method they have of punishing scolds . if any turbulent woman be troubled with an unruly member , and uses it to the defamation of any body , or disquiet of her neighbours , upon complaint , she is order'd to be gag'd and set at her own door as many hours as the magistrates shall think fit , there to be gaiz'd at by all passengers till the time 's expired . which , to me ▪ seems the most equitable law imaginable to punish more particularly that member which committed the offence . whipping is a punishment so practicable in this country , upon every slight offence , that at a town upon the sound , call'd new-haven , the people do confess , that all the inhabitants of that place , above the age of fourteen , had been whip'd for some misdemeanour or other ( except two ) the minister and the iustice. of the beasts . they have most sort of four-footed beasts that we have here , only something different in either sise or colour , but of the same species . i shall only mention those which are natives of that country , and to us uncommon ; for to treat of creatures dayly to be seen , or heard of in our own climate , will afford the reader but little satisfaction . first of the moos-deer . of all the creatures that inhabit these parts of america , the moos-deer makes the most noble figure : he is shap'd like an english deer , only round footed ; but of a stately stature , seldom so low as the biggest of our oxen. his head fortified with horns proportionable , whose palms are very broad , full of indented branches , and are commonly two fathom distance from tip to tip. his flesh is not dry , like venison , but moist and lushious ; extreamly palatable , and very wholesome . the flesh of their fawns , is also delicious food ; highly commended by all such who are more than ordinary nice in obliging their voluptuous appetites . there is much said by the phisicians of that country concerning the excellent virtues of the horn of this creature : being look'd upon as an incomparable restorative against all inward weaknesses ; and in all cases where harts-honn is prescrib'd , the moos-horn they look upon to be a far better medicine ; half the quantity being more powerful in effect . of the bear. the bears that inhabit this part of america , are generally of a blackish colour during the winter season , which is much colder than in england . they defend themselves from the hardship of the weather , by retiring into caves , where they continue for about four months ; in which time their snows are pretty well dissolv'd , and the severity of their frost over . they are commonly very fat in the fall of the leaf , by feeding upon acorns , at which time the indians destroy a great many ; looking upon 'em then to be incomparable venison : but the head , i believe , is but a sorry dish , because they hold the brains to be venomous . they are very fierce in rutting-time ; and then walk the country round , thirty or forty in a company , making a hedious roaring , which may be heard a mile or two before they come near enough to endanger a traveller . they will never injure a man at any other time of the year , except you attempt to hurt them first ; but if you shoot at one , and miss him , he will certainly destroy you ; which makes the indians sure of their mark before ever they discharge their piece . their skins they sell to the english , but the flesh they cook sundry ways , salting and drying some , of which they make extraordinary bacon , no hogs-flesh in the world being more pleasant to the eye , grateful to the tast , or agreeable to the appetite . of the raccoon . it is a creature about the bigness of a cat , but of a different species . it s furr is of a dark colour , and in good esteem , tho' something course . he is of an owlish disposition ; and chooses for his mansion-house a hollow-tree . they are meer gluttons at indian-corn ; and feed themselves in autumn very fat . their flesh is dark , like venison ; and accounted good food roasted . of the wild-cat , which the indians call the ounce . t is as tall as an english bull-dog ; and as fierce . their manner of preying , is to climb a tree , and drop from the branches upon the back of horse , cow , deer , or any creature that is feeding under it ; clinging close with their tallons , knawing a great hole between the shoulders of the beast , who runs full speed till he drops down dead , and becomes a prey to his subtile enemy . their flesh roasted , is as good as lamb , and as white . of the porcupine . this is a very peevish , also a dangerous creature ; being the height of an ordinary mungril , but in shape like an hedge-hog , arm'd all over with mischievous darts , as a hemp-dressers comb with teeth ; which he exercises with as much art as an old soldier does his pike , charging them according as you attack him , to the right , left , front , or rear , which they will shoot at their enemies a considerable distance ; and wherever they stick in the flesh , if you pluck them not out presently , they will work thro' . the indians use these quills to adorn their birchen dishes . the flesh they do not eat . of the beaver . this is an amphibeous creature , rather larger than an otter , hairy all over but his tail , which is scaly like a fish ; and is of an admirable instinct , as is observ'd by their artificial dam-heads , by which , in dry seasons , they raise the water to their houses , when the pond , upon whose brinks they dwell , is sunk from it's usual edges . their nests or burrow which they make , are three stories high , that in case excessive rains should over-flow their first and second floor , they may mount into their garrets , there sleep in a dry skin till the floods abated . they have two pair of testacles , one soft and oily ; and the other pair hard or solid . the women dry the latter , and grate them into wine , to further generation , remove the causes of barrenness , prevent miscarriages , and to strengthen nature against , and also moderate the pains of delivery . they eat no part of this creature but the tail , which they flea and boil , accounting it rare victuals . it 's very fat , and eats like marrow , being an excellent supper for a bride-groom , or good food for that unhappy man who has marry'd a wife much younger than himself : of their furr , mix'd with coney-wooll , they make your beaver-hats . of the jackall . these are very numerous in new-england . they are the colour of a grey rabbit ; something less than a fox , having much the same scent , but not so strong . this is the creature reported to hunt the lyons prey , which make some suspect there are lyons , but there never was but one seen as we have any account of ; and that was shot by an indian , with bow and arrow , sixty years ago , as he lay dormant upon the body of an oak , by a hurricane blown up by the roots . the iackall is sometimes eaten by the indians . wolves there are abundance , of two sorts , one like a mungril , which kills goats , sheep , &c. and the other shap'd like a grey-hound , which preys upon deer . they are very shy and difficult to be shot or trap'd . their manner of distroying them , being by four maycril-hooks , which they bind together , with their beards revers'd , then hide them with a ball of tallow , and tie it to the carkass of any thing they have just kill'd , from which you have scar'd them , and when he comes to make up his meale , being a lover of fat , he certainly takes your bait , and becomes your prisoner . besides what i have above mentioned , they have a great deal of good provisions , as beef , mutton , kid , swines-flesh , &c. also great plenty both of fish and fowl ; the particulars being too large to treat of in so brief an account . of the indians , and first of the men. they are generally of a comely stature , grave disposition , deliberate in their talk , and courteous in their carriage , quick of apprehension , very ingenious , subtile , proud and lazy . there is nothing they value so much as liberty and ease . they will not become servil upon any terms whatsoever , or abridge their native freedom , with either work or confinement , to gain the universe : for they neither covet riches , or dread poverty : but all seem content with their own conditions , which are in a manner equal . for these four virtues they are very eminent , viz. loyal to their kings , constant to their wives , indulgent to their children , and faithful to their trust. for nothing will tempt them to offer violence to their sagamore , to abuse their squawes , use soverity with their papooses , or betray a secret ; rather chusing to die then do either . they call themselves hunters ; and are very dexterous at the use of either gun or bow , by the excercise of which ; they maintain themselves and families . they acknowledge a god , whom they worship for his benefits . they believe a devil , whom they adore thro' fear . and have a blind notion of futurity , which appears by their manner of interring their dead , with whom they bury his bow , gun , with provisions for his journy into a better country ; but where or what it is they know not . upon the breaking out of a war , or such extraordinary occasions , as the old romans consulted their oracles , so do the indians their pawaws , which are a kind of wizards : and at a general pawawing , the country a hundred miles round assemble themselves in a body ; and when they are thus met , they kindle a large fire , round which the pawaw walks , and beats himself upon his breast , muttering out a strange sort of intricate jargon , till he has elivated himself into so great an agony , that he falls down by the fire in a trance ; during which time , the sagamores ask him what they have a mind to know : after which , he is convey'd thro' the fire , in the same posture that he lies , by a power invisible , in the sight of the spectators ; then awakes , and answers the several questions ask'd by their kings or sachems . the chiefest vice amongst them is drunkenness , which ( to the reputation of christianity ) they learn'd of the english : and are so greedy of being drunk , when they have purchas'd any rum , that if they have not enough to fuddle their whole society , they draw cuts who shall drink , till it falls into the hands of so few , they may be sure to have their bellies full . when they get drunk they are very mischievous one to another : but are never known to offer any indignity to their kings , who are hail fellow well met with his subjects . their garments are mantles , about the bigness of a cradle-rug , made of course english cloth , which they call a coat . they also have a piece of the same cloth , about six inches wide , between their legs , tuck'd under a deer's-skin belt , to hide their privities , by them call'd breeches . adorning themselves with beads of several colours , of their own making . their heads , breast , legs and thighs being bare . sometimes , for their children , they weave coates of turky feathers . their houses they call wigwams ; and are built with bended poles , after the fashion of our arbours , cover'd with bark of trees , and lin'd with mats they make of rushes , leaving a hole at top for a smoke-vent , kindling their fires in the middle of their wigwams . their lodging is upon hurdles , rais'd from the ground with wooden stumps . of their women . their squaws when young , are generally round visage'd , well feitur'd , plump , and handsome ; black-eyed , with alabaster teeth , a satin skin , and of excellent proportion ; with tolerable complections , which they injure much with red-lead and bears-grease , being so silly to believe it gives an advantage to their beauty . they are extreamly modest when virgins ; very continent when wives , obedient to their husbands , and tender mothers to their children . from whom our english ladies might learn those virtues , which would heighthen their charms , and illusterate their perfection beyound the advantages of gaudy dresses . they are much in the condition of our first parents ; having a little more than a fig-leaf to hide their nakedness : yet the modestty of their deportment , makes it not look like impudence but necessity . they carry their children at their backs , lac'd to a board in the form of a boot-jack : which is said to be the reason their children are never rickety , or shall you ever see a bandy-leg'd or crooked indian . of their food . their diet is fish , fowl , bear , wild-cat , raccoon , deer , oysters , lobsters roasted or dry'd in smoke , lampres , moot-tongues dry'd , which they esteem a dish for a sagamore . with hard eggs pulveriz'd , they thicken their broth ; indian-corn and kidney-beans boil'd , earth-nuts , chest-nuts , lilly-roots , pumpkins , milions , and divers sorts of berries ; cook'd after various manners . their distempers are , quinsies , pleurisies , sciatica , head-ach , palsey , dropsie , worms , cancer , pestilent fever and scurvy ; for all which diseases , the indians are incomparable physicians : being well skill'd in the nature of herbs and plants of that country . but the english will not make use of them , because their ministers have infus'd this notion into 'em , that what they do , is by the power of the devil . finis . a briefe relation of the discouery and plantation of nevv england and of sundry accidents therein occurring, from the yeere of our lord m.dc.vii. to this present m.dc.xxii. together with the state thereof as now it standeth; the generall forme of gouernment intended; and the diuision of the whole territorie into counties, baronries, &c. council for new england. 1622 approx. 57 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a08122 stc 18483 estc s110082 99845699 99845699 10618 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a08122) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 10618) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 930:10) a briefe relation of the discouery and plantation of nevv england and of sundry accidents therein occurring, from the yeere of our lord m.dc.vii. to this present m.dc.xxii. together with the state thereof as now it standeth; the generall forme of gouernment intended; and the diuision of the whole territorie into counties, baronries, &c. council for new england. [40] p. printed by iohn haviland, and are to be sold by william bladen, london : m.dc.xxii. [1622] dedication signed: the president and councell for the affaires of nevv-england. signatures: a-e⁴. the first leaf is and the last leaf are blank. running title reads: the discouery and plantation of nevv england. on a3r, "highnesse" appears in large capitals. variant: quire a partly in an earlier setting; "highnesse" in upperand lowercase, "sir" stamped by hand at head of text, dedication signed "the president and councell of nevv-england". reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plymouth company -early works to 1800. new england -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775 -early works to 1800. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-11 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a briefe relation of the discovery and plantation of new england : and of svndry accidents therein occvrring , from the yeere of our lord m. dc . vii . to this present m. dc . xxii . together with the state thereof as now it standeth ; the generall forme of gouernment intended ; and the diuision of the whole territorie into counties , baronries , &c. london , printed by john haviland , and are to be sold by william bladen , m. dc . xxii . to the prince his highnesse . sir as you are the height of our hopes and blessednesse , next after your royall father our lord and soueraigne : so , next vnto his maiesty , are wee bound to dedicate our best endeuours to your princely seruice . and for the subiect of this relation , as your highnesse hath beene pleased to doe it the honour , by giuing it the name of new-england ; and by your highnesse most fauourable encouragement , to continue the same in life and being : so ought we to render an accompt of our proceedings , from the root thereof vnto the present growth it hath : which summarily is here done . if it shall appeare naked ( as in truth it is ) wee beseech your highnesse to receiue it so much the rather for the truths sake , and with your bounty and grace to shelter it from the storms & tempests of malice and enuy , by which it hath been heretofore dispoyled of that goodly ornament it might haue had by this time . it is now almost able to comfort it selfe , and there is no question but by the light of your countenance , it will speedily grew , both to serue his maiesty with honour and profit , and multiply the same seruice to your highnesse in time to come , as a tribute due for the grace it receiues , by the blessings of a long peace and prosperity that our nation enioyes vnder the raigne of his sacred maiestie , through which we haue the easier passage to aduance the crosse of christ in heathen parts , and to display his banner in the head of his armie against infernall spirits , which haue so long kept those poore distressed creatures ( the inhabitants of those parts ) in bondage , whose posteritie will for euer blesse the time , that the issue of your royall ancestors , sprung from so emperiall branches , should be the meanes to vnite the diuided crownes in one , whereby the generous spirits of both nations , may haue the fairer opportunity to procure their liberties . if your highnesse accept of what is past , we will hope of happinesse to ensue ; and howsoeuer , pray that all encrease of honour in this world , and all heauenly blessings in the world to come , may light vpon your highness as best be●omes those that are your highnesse humble seruants , the president and councell of nevv-england . a briefe relation of the discovery and plantation of new england . although it bee a course , farre from the minde of vs , that are vndertakers for the aduancement of the plantation of new-england , to seeke by any vaine ostentation to extoll our owne endeuours : yet we cannot but striue to vindicate our reputation from the iniurious aspersions that haue beene laid vpon it , by the malicious practises of some that would aduenture nothing in the beginning , but would now reape the benefit of our paines and charges , and yet not seeme beholding to vs ; and to that end they disualew what is past , and by sinister informations derogate what they can from the present courie intended : the rather because the good orders appointed to bee put in execution there , are likely to restraine the licentious irregularitie of other places . and this hath induced vs to publish our proceedings , whereunto it hath pleased god to giue a blessing : as to any of indifferent iudgement may appeare by that which followeth . vvhen this designe was first attempted , some of the present company were therein chiefly interessed ; who being carefull to haue the same accomplished , did send to the discouery of those northerne parts a braue gentleman , captaine henry challons , with two of the natiues of that territory , the one called maneday , the other assecomet . but his misfortunes did expose him to the power of certaine strangers , enemies to his proceedings , so that by them , his company were seized , the ships and goods confiscated , and that voyage wholly ouerthrowne . this losse , & vnfortunate beginning , did much abate the rising courage of the first aduenturers ; but immediately vpon his departure , it pleased the noble lord chiefe iustice , sir iohn popham knight , to send out another ship , wherein captain thomas haman went commander , & marti ne prinne of bristow master , with all necessarie supplies , for the seconding of captaine challons and his people ; who arriuing at the place appointed , and not finding that captaine there , after they had made some discouery , and found the coasts , hauens , and harbors answerable to our desires , they returned . vpon whose relation the lord chiefe iustice , and wee all waxed so confide nt of the businesse , that the yeere following euerie man of any worth , formerly interessed in it , was willing to ioyne in the charge for the sending ouer a competent number of people to lay the ground of a hopefull plantation . here upon captaine popham , captaine rawley gilbert , and others were sent away with two ships , and an hundred landmen , ordnance , and other prouisions necessarie for their sustentation and defence ; vntill other supply might bee sent . in the meane while , before they could returne , it pleased god to take from vs this worthy member , the lord chiefe iustice , whose sudden death did so astonish the hearts of the most part of the aduenturers , as some grew cold , and some did wholly abandon the businesse . yet sir francis popham his sonne , certaine of his priuate friends , and other of vs , omitted not the next yeare ( holding on our first resolution ) to ioyne in sending forth a new supply , which was accordingly performed . but the ships arriuing there , did not only bring vncomfortable newes of the death of the lord chiefe iustice , together with the death of sir iohn gilbert , the elder brother vnto captaine rawley gilbert , who at that time was president of that councell : but found that the old captaine popham was also dead ; who was the onely man ( indeed ) that died there that winter , wherein they indured the greater extremities ; for that , in the depth thereof , their lodgings and stores were burnt , and they thereby wondrously distressed . this calamitie and euill newes , together with the resolution that captaine gilbert was forced to take for his owne returne , ( in that hee was to suceed his brother , in the inheritance of his lands in england ) made the whole company to resolue vpon nothing but their returne with the ships ; and for that present to leaue the countrey againe , hauing in the time of their abode there ( notwithstanding the coldnesse of the season , and the small helpe they had ) built a prettie barke of their owne , which serued them to good purpose , as easing them in their returning . the arriuall of these people heere in england , was a wonderfull discouragement to all the first vndertakers , in so much as there was no more speech of setling any other plantation in those parts for a long time after : only sir francis popham hauing the ships and prouision , which remained of the company , and supplying what was necessary for his purpose , sent diuers times to the coasts for trade and fishing ; of whose losse or gaines himselfe is best able to giue account . our people abandoning the plantation in this sort as you haue heard ; the frenchmen immediately tooke the opportunitie to settle themselues within our limits ; which being heard of by those of virginia , that discreetly tooke to their consideration the inconueniences that might arise , by suffering them to harbour there , they dispatched sir samuel argall , with commission to displace them , which hee performed with much discretion , iudgement , valour , and dexteritie . for hauing seized their forts , which they had built at mount mansell , saint croix , and port reall , he carryed away their ordnance , hee also surprised their ship , cattle , and other prouisions , which hee transported to the collonie in virginia , to their great benefit . and hereby he hath made a way for the present hopefull plantation to bee made in noua-scotia , which we heare his maiestie hath lately granted to sir william alexander knight , one of his maiesties most honourable councell of the kingdome of scotland , to bee held of the said crowne , and that not without some of our priuities , as by approbation vnder writing may and doth appeare . whereby it is manifest that wee are so farre from making a monopoly of all those lands belonging to that coast ( as hath beene scandalously by some obiected ) that we wish that many would vndertake the like . in this interim there were of vs who apprehenedd better hopes of good that might ensue by this attempt , being thereunto perswaded , both by the relations of our people that had indured the many difficulties whereunto such actions are subiected chiefly in the winter season ; and likewise by the informations giuen them by certaine of the natiues , that had beene kept a long time in their hands ; wherefore we resolued once more to trie the veritie thereof , and to see if possibly we might finde something that might induce a fresh resolution to prosecute a worke so pious and so honourable . and thereupon they dispatched captaine hobson , of the i le of wight , together with captaine herley , master iohn matthew , master sturton , with two saluages , the one called epenow , the other manawet , with commission and directions fit for them to obserue and follow , the better to bring to passe what was expected . but as in all humane affaires , there is nothing more certaine , then the vncertaintie thereof ; so fell it out in this ; for a little before such time as they arriued vpon the coast with the foresaid sauages , who were naturalls of those parts , it happened there had beene one hunt ( a worthlesse fellow of our nation ( set out by certaine merchants for loue of gaine ; who ( not content with the commoditie he had by the fish , and peaceable trade he found among the sauages ) after hee irad made his dispatch , and was ready to set sayle , ( more sauage-like then they ) seized vpon the poore innocent creatures , that in confidence of his honestie had put themselues into his hands . and stowing them vnder hatches , to the number of twenty foure , carried them into the straights , where hee sought to sell them for flaues , and sold as many as he could get money for . but when it was vnderstood from whence they were brought , the friers of those parts tooke the rest from them , and kept them to be instructed in the christian faith , and so disappointed this vnworthy fellow of the hopes of gaine he conceiued to make by this new & diuellish proiect . this being knowne by our two saluages , formerly spoken of , they presently contracted such an hatred against our whole nation , as they immediatly studied how to be reuenged ; and contriued with their friends the best meanes to bring it to passe ; but manawet dying in a short time after the ships arriuall there , and the other obseruing the good order , and strong guard our people kept , studied only how to free himselfe out of our hands , and thereupon laid the plot very orderly , and indeed effected his purpose , although with so great hazard to himselfe and friends , that laboured his rescue , that captaine hobson and his whole company imagined he had beene slaine . and though in the recouery of his body they wounded the master of our ship , and diuers other of our company , yet was not their designe without the slaughter of some of their people , and the hurts of other , compassed , as appeared afterward . hereupon captaine hobson and his companie , conceiuing the end of their attempt to bee frustrate , resolued without more adoe to returne , and so those hopes , that charge and voyage was lost also , for they brought home nothing but the newes of their euill successe , of the vnfortunate cause thereof , and of a warre now new begunne betweene the inhabitants of those parts , and vs. a miserable comfort for so weake meanes as were now left , to pursue the conclusion of so tedious an enterprise . while this was a working , wee found the meanes to send out captainer iohn smith from plymouth , in a ship , together with master darmer and diuers others with him , to lay the foundation of a new plantation , and to try the fishing of that coast , and to seeke to settle a trade with the natiues : but such was his misfortune , as being scarce free of our owne coast , he had his masts shaken ouer boord by stormes and tempasts , his ship wonderfully distressed , and in that extremity forced to come backe againe ; so as the season of the yeere being almost spent , we were of necessitie enforced to furnish him with another ship , and taking out the prouision of the first , dispatched him away againe , who comming to the height of the westerne islands , was chased by a french pirate , and by him made prisoner , although his ship in the night escaped away , and returned home with the losse of much of her prouision , and the ouerthrow of that voyage , to the ruine of that poore gentleman captaine smith , who was detained prisoner by them , and forced to suffer many extremities , before hee got free of his troubles . notwithstanding these disasters , it pleased god so to worke for our incouragement againe , as hee sent into our hands tasquantum , one of those saluages that formerly had beene betrayed by this vnworthy hunt before named , by whose meanes there was hope conceiued to worke a peace betweene vs , and his friends , they being the principall inhabitants of that coast , where the fire was kindled . but this saluage tasquantum , being at that time in the new-found land with captain mason gouernour there for the vndertakers of that plantation : master darmer ( who was there also , and sometimes before imployed as we haue said by vs , together with captaine iohn smith ) found the meanes to giue vs intelligence of him , and his opinion of the good vse that might be made of his imployment , with the readinesse of captaine mason , to further any of our attempts that way , either with boats or other prouision necessary , and resoluing himselfe to goe from thence , aduised vs to send some to meet with him , at our vsuall place of fishing , to aid him in his indeuour , that they ioyning together , might be able to doe what he hoped would be verie acceptable vnto all well wishers of that businesse . vpon this newes , we dispatched the next season captaine rocraft , with a company for that purpose , in hope to haue met with captaine darmer ; but the care and discretion of captaine mason was such , finding captaine darmers resolution to goe beyond his meanes , that hee perswaded him first to goe for england , that prouiding himselfe there , as was requisite , he might proceed in time expedient , which counsell he obserued ( as fit it was ) although our expectation of his ioyning with captaine rocraft was thereby disappointed . yet so it happened , that captaine rocraft at his arriuall in those parts , met with a french barke that lay in a creeke a fishing , and trading , which he seized on , and sent home the master and company in the same ship which he went out in . with this barke and his owne company , hee meant to keepe the coast that winter quarter , being very well fitted both with salt , and other necessaries for his turne : but as this was an act of extremity ( the poore man being of our owne religion ) so succeeded it accordingly . for in a short time after , certaine of this captaines company , conspired together to cut his throat , and to make themselues masters of the whole spoile , and so to seeke a new fortune where they could best make it . this conspiracie being discouered to the captaine , hee let it goe on , till the time that it should haue beene put in execution , when hee caught them in there owne traine , and so apprehended them in the very instant that they were purposed to beginne their massacre . but after he had preuented the mischiefe , and seized vpon the malefactors , hee tooke to his consideration what was best to be done with them . and beeing loth by himselfe to dispatch them as they deserued , he resolued to put them a shore , thinking by their hazard that it was possible they might discouer something , that might aduance the publike ; and so giuing them some armes for their defense , and some victuall for their sustentation , vntill they knew better how to prouide for themselues , he left them at a place called sawaguatock , where they remained not long , but got from thence to menehighon , an island lying some three leagues in the sea , and fifteene leagues from that place , where they remained all that winter , with bad lodging , and worse fare , yet came all safe home saue one sickly man , which dyed there , the rest returned with the ship wee sent for rocrafts supply and prouision , to make a fishing voyage . after these fellowes were landed , the captaine finding himselfe but weakely man'd , and his ship to draw too much water to coast those places , that by his instructions he was assigned to discouer , hee resolued to goe for virginia where he had liued a long time before , and had ( as hee conceiued ) many friends , that would helpe him with some things that he had occasion to vse . arriuing there , he was not deceiued of his expectation ; for sir samuel argall being their gouernour , and one that respected him much for his owne sake , was the readier to helpe him , in regard of the good hee ●●shed to the businesse wherein he was imployed . but all this could not preuaile , for after that sir samuell argall came from thence ( his departure being more suddaine then was expected ) it fell out that the new gouernour entred the harbour : and finding rocraft ready to bee gone , sent to him to command him to come aboord to speake with him , which he readily obeyed , assoone as he could fit his boat and men for that purpose . and so leauing his barke with her great anker a head , and taking with him the halfe of his company , hee was forced to stay aboard the new gouernours ship that night . in the meane while a storme arising , our barke wanting hands to doe their labour , droue a shoare , and there sunke . but yet the gouernour and captaine so laboured the next day , when they knew thereof , as that they freed her againe , but that occasion forced our captaine to stay so long in the countrey to fit himselfe anew , as in the interim a quarrell fell out betweene him and another of that place ; so as rocraft was slaine , and the barque sunke the second time , and finally disabled from yeelding vs any benefit to this present . but we not knowing this disaster , and captaine darmer arriuing with his saluage out of now-found-land , dispatched him away the next season , in a shippe we sent againe for the fishing businesse , and assigned him a company to ioyne with rocraft and his people . captaine darmer arriuing there , and not finding rocraft , was a little perplexed , and in doubt what to doe : yet hearing by those mutiners which he found there , that he was gone for virginia ; he was hopefull of his returne ; and liued in that expectation , till such time as he heard ( by a ship that came from thence to fish for the collony ) the confusion of his fortune , and the end of his misery in this world . then he determined to take the pinnace that the yeare before was assigned to rocraft for him to make the trade with , and with her to proceed on his designe , and so embarked himselfe , and his prouision and company in her . and leauing the fisher-men to their labour , he coasted the shore from thence , searching euery harbor , and compassing euery cape-land , till he arriued in virginia ; where he was in hope to meet with some of the prouision , or company of rocraft , to helpe to supply him of what he wanted ; as also to lay a decke vpon his pinnace , that before had not any , and now was taught by experience the necessitie of hauing that defect supplied . but those hopes failed him ( al being before that time ruined and dispersed ) so farre , as he saw it in vaine to hope for help by that means , and therfore attempted to make the best of what hee had of his owne . and going to set his men a worke , they all in a few dayes after their arriuall , fell sicke of a difease which hapned at that time in the country , so as now he was not onely forced to be without hope of their helping of him , but must labor himselfe all he could to attend and sustaine them ; but so god fauoured him , that they recouered , and in time conuenient he dispatched his businesse there , and put himselfe to sea againe , resoluing to accomplish in his iourney backe to new-england , what in his last discouery he had omitted . in his passage he met with certaine hollanders , who had a trade in hudsons riuer some yeares before that time , with whom he had conference about the state of that coast , and their proceedings with those people : whose answer gaue him good content . he betooke himselfe to the following of his businesse , discouering many goodly riuers , and exceeding pleasant , and fruitfull coasts , and islands , for the space of 80. leagues from east to west , for so that coast doth range along from hudsons riuer to cape iames. now after we had found by captaine rocrafts relation made the yeare before , the hopes he conceiued of the benefits that coast would afford , towards the vpholding of the charge for setling our plantation by reason of the commodities arising by fishing and furres , if a course might be taken for the mannaging of that businesse , as was fit for such a designe ; as well as for the aduancement of the publique good of our whole nation , and satisfac●●●n of euery well disposed person , that had a will to be interessed therein . it was held to be most conuenient to strengthen our selues by a new grant to be obtained from his royall maicstic : the rather , finding that those of virginia had by two seuerall patents setled their bounds , and excluded all from intermedling with them that were not free of their company ; and had wholly altered the forme of their gouernment , from the first ground layed for the managing the affaires of both collonies , leauing vs as desperate , and our businesse as abandoned . these considerations ( as is said ) together with the necessitie of setling our affaires , bounds and limits , distinct from theirs , made vs resolue to petition his maicstic for the renewing of our grant. by which time the rumour of our hopes was so publiquely spread abroad , and the commodities of the fish , and trade so looked into , as it was desired , that all that coast might be made free , as well to those of virginia , as to vs to make their commoditie : how iust or vniust that motion was , we will not argue , seeing the businesse is ended . by this meanes , our proceedings were interrupted , and we questioned about it ; first , by the counsell of virginia , whom we thought to haue benefully satisfied therein , before we could haue way giuen vs for a new patent , both parties hauing beene heard by certaine of the lords of the councell ; and the businesse by them so ordered , as we were directed to proceed and to haue our grant agreeable to the libertie of the virginia company , the frame of our gouernment excepted ; but this order not being liked of , it was againe heard & concluded . lastly , the patent being past the seale , it was stopt vpon new suggestions to the king , and by his maiestie referred to the councell to be setled , by whom the former orders were confirmed , the difference cleared , and we ordered to haue our patent deliuered vs. these disputes held vs almost two yeeres , so as all men were afraid to ioyne with vs , and we thereby left hopelesse of any thing more , than that which our owne fortunes would yeeld to aduance our proceedings , in which time so many accidents hapned vnto vs at home , and abroad , that wee were ●●ine to giue order by the ships we sent a fishing , for the retiring of master darmer , and his people , vntill all things were cleared , and we better prouided of meanes to goe through with our designe : but this worthy gentleman confident of the good likely to ensue , and resolutely resoluing to pursue the ends he aymed at , could not be perswaded to looke backe , as yet ; and so refusing to accept our offer , began againe to prosecute his discouery , wherein he was betrayed by certaine new saluages , who sodainly set vpon him , giuing him foureteene or fifteene wounds , but by his valour , and dexteritie of spirit he freed himselfe out of their hands , yet was constrained to retire into virginia again the second time , for the cure of his wounds , where he fell sicke of the infirmities of that place , and thereof dyed : so ended this worthie gentleman his dayes , after he had remained in the discouery of that coast two yeares , giuing vs good content in all hee vndertooke ; and after he had made the peace between vs and the saluages , that so much abhorred our nation , for the wrongs done them by others , as you haue heard : but the fruit of his labour in that behalfe we as yet receiue to our great commoditie , who haue a peaceable plantation at this present among them , where our people both prosper , and liue in good liking , and assurednesse of their neighbours , that had beene formerly so much exasperated against vs , as will more at large appeare hereafter . but hauing passed all these stormes abroad , and vndergone so many home-bred oppositions , and freed our parent , which we were by order of state assigned to renew , for the amendment of some defects therein contained , we were assured of this ground more boldly to proceed on than before ; and therefore we tooke first to consideration how to raise the meanes to aduance the plantation . in the examination thereof , two wayes did offer themselues : the one was the voluntary contribution of the patentees ; the other , by an easie ransoming of the freedomes of those that had a will to partake onely of the present profits , arising by the trade , and fishing vpon the coast . the first was to proceed from those noble-men , and others that were patentees , and they agreed by order among themselues to disburse a hundred pounds a peece , for the aduancement of such necessary busines , as they had in hand . the second was to be accomplished by setling such liberties and orders in the westerne cities , and townes , as might induce euery reasonable man , in , and about them , affecting the publike good , or a regular proceeding in the businesse of trade , to embrace an vniformitie , and to ioyne in a communitie , or ioynt stocke together : how reasonable , or vnreasonable those orders were , is hereafter to be seene , and iudged by euery well affected person , or any truly louing the publike good of our nation , whereunto is annexed the difference of trading by a ioynt stocke vnder gouernment and orders and the promiscuous trading without order , and in a dis-joynted manner , as of late they haue done to the infinite preiudice of others already , as also to the losse of many of themselues , that contemptuously and greedily haue leapt into that course , as it were in despight of all authoritie , whose reward , in time , will follow . before these orders were to be tendered to those cities and townes , it was desired that there might be letters sent from their lordships , admonishing them of his maiesties royall grant , that prohibiteth any not free of that busines , to intermeddle within our limits , vpon paine of confiscation of ship and goods . these letters expressing withall the good affection of those that were interessed in the businesse , to entertaine any that should be willing to conforme themselues to such orders , as had in that behalfe beene established . but those letters how full of iustice soeuer they appeared , were as distastefull , as was the rumor of order vnto them : for by it euery particular man thought himselfe strait debarred of libertie to run his owne currant , in which he thought his freedome did onely consist ; and by debarring him thereof , his priuate ends were ouerthrowne , which was to endeuour to preuent his neighbour of the market he aimed at , or the harbour he resolued to goe vnto , or the present trade hee expected to haue by his priuate industrie , but as for the publique hee cared not , let that fare as it would . while these things were in dispute , and likely to haue taken a good foundation , the news of the parliament flew to all parts , & then the most factious of euery place , presently combined themselues to follow the businesse in parliament , where they presumed to proue the same to be a monopolie , and much tending to the preiudice of the common good . but that there should be a conformitie in trade , or a course taken to preuent the euills that were likely to ensue , or to appropriate possessions , or lands , after a generous manner , in remote parts of the world , to certaine publique persons , of the common-wealth , for the taking care , and spending their time and means how to aduance the enlargement of their countrey , the honour of their king , and glory of their god ; these were thought crimes worthy the taking notice of , and the principall actors in this kinde , must be first traduced in priuate , then publiquely called vpon in parliament , to answer such other scandalls as could by malice be inuented . but as this businesse was in it selfe iust , and righteous , so was it as earnestly desired , they might haue had the opportunitie to haue answered it before so vnpartiall iudges , and so reuerend persons ; if so it might haue been without offence to the authoritie of his royall maiestie , that had extended it selfe by vertue of his prerogatiue so farre off , and without the lawes of this realme , and to be put in execution without the publike expence , or charge of the common-wealth , or preiudice to any other former imployments of our nation , and indeed without offence to any that couered not to put their sickle into the haruest of other men , or whose enuious & couetous humors stirred them not vp to shame themselues in the conclusion . these troubles thus vnfortunately falling out , haue notwithstanding hindered vs from the hopes we had this yeare , to giue some life extraordinarily to those affaires , & therefore we are forced of necessitie to refer the maine of our resolution , till a more conuenient opportunitie , and till we haue gotten our ships and prouision fit to serue our turnes both to giue the law along those coasts , and to performe such other seruice , as is thereby intended for the publike good of our aduenturers , and defence of our marchants , that shall frequent those places , according to such orders , as shall be found behouefull in that behalfe . the clime and condition of the country , and the present estate of our affaires there . you haue heard already the many disasters , calamities , misfortunes , oppositions , and hinderances we haue had , and receiued . howbeit many are omitted , in that we desire not to trouble the reader with more than enough ; or to affright the minds of weak spirits , that will beleeue there is no better successe to be looked for from such attempts : although it be true that the best designes do oftentimes cary with them the most impediments , whether it be that god will haue it so , to trie our constancie , or otherwise to make vs know , that it is he onely that worketh after his owne will , according to the time he hath assigned , and that there is nothing done but by him , as also that , that is onely best which hee will haue to be done , and that time most proper which he hath assigned for the same . but by these you may imagine ( seeing we haue none other helps than our owne fortunes to build vpon ) there can no great matters bee performed in these stormes and tempests . notwithstanding , you may know wee haue not beene more hindred one way , than blessed an other : for , as our patience , constancie , trauels and charge hath beene great , so hath it ( indeed ) manifoldly beene requited : for , by gods fauour , and these gentlemens industrie , we haue made a most ample discouerie of the most commodious country for the benefit of our nation , that euer hath beene found . for better satisfaction of the reader in this behalfe , we haue thought it fit , by the way , to acquaint him first with the nature of the place where wee haue setled our selues , whereby hee may see reason for what wee haue done , remembring him likewise , that in settling of plantations , there is principally to be considered : the aire , for the health of the inhabitants . the soile , for fertilitie fit for corne , and feeding of cattle wherewith to sustaine them the sea , for commoditie of trade and commerce , the better to enrich their publique and priuate state , as it shall grow to perfection , and to raise imployments , to furnish the course of those affaires . now for the quality of the aire , there is none of iudgement but knowes it proceedeth either from the generall disposition of the sphere , or from the particular constitution of the place . touching the disposition of the sphere , it is not onely seated in the temperate zone , but as it were in the center , or middle part thereof , for that the middle part of that country hath about three hundred and ten degrees of longitude ; and stands in the forty fourth and forty fifth degrees of the northerne latitude , that is , twenty degrees from the fiery tropicke , and as much from the freesing articke circle : vnder the same climate and course of the sunne that constantinople , and rome , the ladies of the world ; italy , and france , the gardens of europe , haue their situation , within the limits of the fifth and sixt climate , after the later computation ; hauing their longest day fifteene houres and some odde minutes . touching the constitution of the place ( which is about sixty two degrees by sea from our continent westerly ) the maritine parts thereof are somewhat colder , then the nature of the clime otherwise affordeth ; for that the beames of the sunne are weakned , partly by the vnstable reflection of the same vpon the sea , and partly by beeing laden with abundance of moisture it exhales out of the vast ocean , whereby the nature thereof is not so violently there expressed , as in the like parallel further into the maine is accustomed . nor is that sea coast so subiect to droughts or want of raine in seasonable times , as other parts are of like latitudes , and by that reason the sea coasts are at all times more cold then is the inland . and the easterne coast which receiueth the rising of the sunne , is likewise colder then are the westerne parts , towards the declining of the same , as our morning aires ( for example ) euen in the heat of summer are cold and quicke , when the day and euening are very sweltring . and this makes those parts more sutable to the nature of our people , who neither finde content in the colder climates , nor health in the hotter ; but ( as hearbs and plants ) affect their natiue temperature , and prosper kindly no where else . and indeed , the hot countreys yeeld sharper wits , but weaker bodies , and fewer children ; the colder , more slow of conceit , but stronger of body , and more abounding in procreation . so that , though the inuention of arts hath risen from the southerne nations , yet they haue still beene subiect to the inundations , and inuasions of the more northerly people , by reason of their multitudes , together with the strength of their body , and hardnesse of their constitutions . but this country , what by the generall and particular situation , is so temperate , as it seemeth to hold the golden meane , and indeed is most agreeable to the nature of our owne , which is made manifest by experience , the most infallible proofe of all assertions ; in so much as our people that are setled there , enioy their life and health much more happily , then in other places ; which can bee imputed to no other cause , then the temperature of the climate . now , as the clime is found to bee so temperate , so delicate , and healthfull , both by reason and experience ; such is the soile also , some parts thereof yeelding wonderfull increase , both of the corne , the natiues haue most vse of ; as also of our owne , of all sorts : with infinite variety of nourishing roots , and other herbes , and fruits , common among them , but rare with vs. besides , the coast doth abound with most conuenient hauens , and harbors , full of singular islands , fit for plantation ; replenished with plants and wood of all sorts ; as oake , cedars , spruce , firre , pyne , walnut , chestnut , elme , sassafras , plum-trees , and calamus aromaticus , &c. the people are tractable ( if they bee not abused ) to commerce and trade withall , and as yet haue good respect of vs. the seas are stored with all kindes of excellent fish , and in many places vpon the coast , fit to make salt in . the country aboundeth with diuersity of wild foule , as turkeys , partriges , swans , cranes , wilde geese of two sorts , wilde duckes of three sorts , many doues , especially when strawberies are ripe . there are seuerall sorts of deere in those parts , and some that bring forth two , three , and foure young at once , which is a manifest proofe of the fertility of the soile , or temper of the clime , or both together . there is also a certaine beast , that the natiues call a mosse , hee is as big bodied as an oxe , headed like a fallow deere , with a broad palme , which hee mues euery yeere , as doth the deere , and necke like a red deere , with a short mane , running downe along the raines of his backe , his haire long like an elke , but esteemed to be better then that for sadlers vse , he hath likewise a great bunch hanging downe vnder his throat , and is of the colour of our blacker sort of fallow deere , his legges are long , and his feet as bigge as the feet of our oxen , his taile is longer then the single of a deere , and reacheth almost downe to his huxens , his skinne maketh very good buffe , and his flesh is excellent good food , which the natiues vse to ierkin and keepe all the yeere to serue their turne , and so prooues very seruiceable for their vse . there haue beene many of them seene in a great island vpon the coast , called by our people mount mansell , whither the saluages goe at certaine seasons to hunt them ; the manner whereof is , by making of seuerall fires , and setting the countrey with people , to force them into the sea , to which they are naturally addicted , and then there are others that attend them in their botes with bowes and weapons of seuerall kindes , wherewith they slay and take at their pleasure . and there is hope that this kinde of beasts may bee made seruiceable for ordinary labour with art and industry . the knowne commodities of that country , are fish of seuerall sorts , rich furres , as beauers , otters , martins , blacke fox , sables , &c. there are likewise plenty of vines , of three kindes , and those pleasant to the taste , yet some better then other . there is hempe , flax , silkgrasse , seuerall veines of ironstone , commodities to make pitch , rosen , tarre ; deale boords of all sorts , sparres , masts , for ships of all burdens ; in a word , there comes no commodity out of france , germany , or the sound , but may be had there , with reasonable labour and industry . further , wee haue setled at this present , seuerall plantations along the coast , and haue granted patents to many more that are in preparation to bee gone with all conueniencie . those of our people that are there , haue both health and plenty , so as they acknowledge there is no want of any thing , but of industrious people , to reape the commodities that are there to be had , and they are indeed so much affected to the place , as they are loth to be drawne from thence , although they were directed to returne to giue satisfaction to those that sent them , but chose rather to performe that office by letters , together with their excuse , for breach of their duty in that behalfe . and thus you see there is no labour well imployed , but hath his reward at one time or other . these incouragements haue imboldned vs to proceed , to the ingaging of our selues , for the building of some ships of good burden , and extraordinary mould , to lie vpon the coast for the defense of merchants and fishermen , that are imployed there , as also to waft the fleets , as they goe to and from their markets : and we purpose from henceforth to build our shipping there , where wee find all commodities fit for that seruice , together with the most opportune places , that can bee desired . lastly , finding that wee haue so far forth preuailed , as to winde our selues into familiarity with the natiues , ( which are in no great number ) along the coast for two hundred leagues together , wee haue now dispatched some of our people of purpose , to diue into the bowels of the continent , there to search and finde out what port , or place , is most conuenient to settle our maine plantation in , where wee meane to make the residencie of our state and gouernment , as also to bee assured , what other commodities may be raised for the publique , and priuate benefit of those that are dealers in that businesse , and willing to bee interessed in any the lands there : whither is gone this yeere already , for trade and fishing onely , thirty saile of the better sort of ships , belonging to the westerne parts , besides those who are gone for transportation of the planters , or supply of such as are already planted , whose returne ( as is supposed ) will amount ( at the least ) to thirty thousand pound , the greater part whereof comes home in bullion . and therefore as touching the third happinesse of these parts , which is the sea , there needeth no other or greater commendation then this benefit of fishing assured vnto vs by common experience ; although it affords many other hopes both in regard of the facilitie of the nauigation , the boldnesse of the coast , the conueniency of roades , hauens and harbors , for performance of all manner of imployments ; yet is there also found showes of pearle , ambergrees , great numbers of whales , and other marchantable meanes to raise profit to the industrious inhabitants or diligent traders . heere you may see to what profit our industry and charge hath beene imploied ; what benefit our countrey is like to receiue by it , and whether it bee reason wee should bee so traduced , as we haue beene , wee seeking nothing more then the glory of god , the enlarging of his highnesse dominions , and generall good of all his maiesties loyall subiects , and striuing for the better accomplishment therof to keepe order , and settle gouernment in those affaires , to preserue from ruine and confusion so faire a foundation , whereon is likely to bee built the goodliest frame that hath euer beene vndertaken to be raised by our nation . the platforme of the gouern ment , and diuisions of the territories in generall . as there is no common-wealth that can stand without gouernment , so the best gouernments haue euer had their beginnings from one supreme head , who hath disposed of the administration of iustice , and execution of publike affaires , either according to lawes established , or by the aduice , or counsell of the most eminent , discreetest , and best able in that kinde . the verity of this is so cleere , as it needs no example : for that indeed all nations from the beginning , vnto this present , follow still the same rule in effect , howsoeuer they vary in the forme , or some small circumstances . and vpon this generall ground , the kings of these our realmes did first lay the foundations of their monarchies ; reseruing vnto themselues the soueraigne power of all ( as fit it was ) and diuiding their kingdomes into counties , baronries , hundreds , and the like ; instituted their lieutenants , or officers , meet to gouerne those subdiuisions , that the subiect might with the more ease receiue iustice , and the soueraignes at more leasure the better able to dispose of matters of greater consequence . this foundation being so certaine , there is no reason for vs to vary from it , and therefore we haue resolued to build our edifices vpon it , and to frame the same after the platforme already layd , and from whence wee take our denomination . so as we purpose to commit the managing of our whole affaires there in generall , vnto a gouernour , to be assisted by the aduice and counsel of so many of the patentees as shall be there resident , together with the officers of state , that is to say ; the treasurer for the managing of the treasure and reuenues belonging to that state. the martiall for matters of armes , and affaires of warres , be it defensiue or offensiue . the admirall for maritine businesse ciuill or criminall , and the forces belonging to the sea. the master of the ordnance for munition , artillery and other prouisions for publique store of armies by sea or land ; as also such other persons of iudgement and experience , as by the president and counsell established here , for the better gouerning of those affaires shall be thought fit . by this head , and these members , vnited together , the great affaires of the whole state is to be managed , according to their seuerall authorities , giuen them from their superiours , the president and councell established as aforesaid . and for that all men by nature are best pleased to be their owne caruers , and doe most willingly submit to those ordinances , or orders whereof themselues are authors : it is therefore resolued , that the generall lawes whereby that state is to be gouerned , shall be first framed and agreed vpon by the generall assembly of the states of those parts , both spirituall and temporall . for the better distinction whereof , and the more orderly proceeding , agreeable ( as is said ) to the present state of this our realme , two parts of the whole territorie is to be diuided betweene the patentees , into seuerall counties , to be by themselues or their friends planted , at their pleasure or best commoditie . the other third part is to be reserued for publique vses , to be belonging to the state , as their reuenew for defraying of publique charge . but as well this third part , as the two formerly spoken of , is to be diuided into counties , baronries , hundreds , and the like , from all which the deputies for euery county , and baronry , are to be sent in the name and behalfe of the subiects , vnder them to consult and agree vpon the lawes so to be framed , as also to reforme any notable abuses committed in former proceedings . yet these are not to be assembled , but by order from the president and councell heere , who are to giue life to the lawes so to be made , as those to whom of right it best belongs , according to his maiesties royall grant in that behalfe , as also that vnder god , and his sacred highnesse , they are the principall authors of that foundation . and thus much for the generall forme of our gouernment . in like manner are the counties to be gouerned by the chiefe head or deputy thereof with other officers vnder him . as his steward , comptroller , treasurer of his reuenews ; and so the baronries by their stewards , and other inferiour ministers , who are to haue assigned them the power of high and low iustice within themselues for determining of controuersies , with reseruation of appeale in some cases to the supreme courts . and further , these lords of counties may of themselues subdiuide their said county into mannors and lordships , as to them shall seeme best , giuing to the lords thereof power of keeping of courts , and leets , as is heere vsed in england , for the determining of petty matters , arising betweene the lords , and the tenants , or any other . and there is no lesse care to be taken for the trade and publique commerce of merchants , whose gouernment ought to be within themselues , in respect of the seuerall occasions arising betweene them , the tradesmen , and other the mechanickes , with whom they haue most to doe : and who are generally the chiefe inhabitants of great citties , and townes , in all parts ; it is likewise prouided , that all the cities in that territory , and other inferiour townes where trades-men are in any numbers , shall be incorporate and made bodies politique , to gouerne their affaires and people as it shall be found most behouefull for the publique good of the same ; according vnto the greatnes or capacity of them , who shall be made likewise capable to send certaine their deputies , or burgesses to this publique assembly , as members thereof , and who shall haue voyces equall with any the rest . by this you see our maine drift is but to take care for the well ordering of the businesse , seeking by all meanes to auoyd ( what we may ) the intermedling with any mens monies , or disposing of any mens fortunes , saue onely our owne ; leauing to euery particular vndertaker the imployment of their aduentures , and the raising of their profits , out of their proper limits , and possessions , as shall seeme best to themselues , or their officers , or ministers , whom they imploy , and whom they may be bold to question , or displace , as to themselues shall seeme most fitting . and hereby all men may know , that as it is not in our wills to delude and deceiue any , so wee are carefull not to giue the least cause of suspicion of any euill in that kinde ; so much the rather for that wee daily see by experience , the abuses committed in like cases by inferiour ministers , to be a notable cause to dehort the good dispositions of many otherwise well affected to plantations , for that they obserue those that are so imployed to grow rich , and their aduentures to come to nothing . and wee further desire that all men should bee perswaded , wee couet not to engrosse any thing at all vnto our selues , but that wee should bee exceeding glad to finde more of our nation , so free in disposition , as to partake with vs , as well in the profit , as in the future trauell , and charge thereof ; without looking backe to our expence , or labour already past , to the end that all our hands being vnited together , the worke may bee so much the sooner aduanced , well knowing and freely confessing , that it is sufficient to giue content to a multitude , and that of all sorts . for such as are truely pious , shall finde heere the opportunity to put in practise the workes of piety , both in building of churches , and raising of colledges for the breeding of youth , or maintenance of diuines and other learned men . if they be such as affect glory , and to continue their memory to future ages , they may haue heere the meanes to raise houses , parishes , yea townes , or prouinces , to their names and posterity . doe they aime at wealth ? heere is the way for their industry to satiate their appetites in that , if they be not vnsatiable . doe they long after pleasure ? here is as much to be had as may content any , not meerely voluptuous , or onely prodigall . doe they asp●re to be commanders ? here is the place where they may haue command of their owne friends , or tenants , if they be of any worth , or meanes extraordinary wherewith to transport any numbers . if otherwise of experience and vertue , it is likely they may attaine places of gouernement for the publique state. so as you see there wants no occasions , or opportunity to inuite , or giue satisfaction to such as haue patience to attend the time . and indeed we shall be glad , that this , or any thing else may induce a free and noble resolution , in any well affected person , to endeuour the aduancement of these ends , together with vs , in that they shall finde them agreeable to honour , and honestie ; and if there bee any that can adde ought vnto our endeuours , by their aduice or otherwise , there is none that shall more readily embrace the same then wee ; whose intents are onely framed for the prosperity of the businesse , as is already said , and as we hope will all those be , that shall assent to ioyne with vs , both in the labor , profit , and honour , without respect to the weakenesse of the motiue , by which it hath beene heeretofore mooued , or any thing saue the worke it selfe . for by it you shall finde the honour of our god , our king , and nation , will bee aduanced , without effusion of christian bloud , or question of wrong to the present inhabitants . for that they themselues both desire it , & we intēd not to take ought , but what they that are there , are willing wee should bee seized of , both for the defence of them against their enemies , and their preseruation in peace among themselues , & propagation of the christian faith , which with wonderfull alacrity many of them seeme to giue care vnto , and for whose speedy conuersion wee intend to bee as carefull as of our owne happinesse ; and as diligent to build them houses , and to prouide them tutors for their breeding , and bringing vp of their children , of both sects , as to aduance any other businesse whatsoeuer , for that wee acknowledge our selues specially bound thereunto . and this being done , to referre the successe , to the author of heauen and earth , to whom be all honour and glory . finis . a brief recognition of new-englands errand into the wilderness made in the audience of the general assembly of the massachusetts colony at boston in n.e. on the 11th of the third moneth, 1670, being the day of election there / by samuel danforth. danforth, samuel, 1626-1674. 1671 approx. 63 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a36187 wing d175 estc r24911 08648168 ocm 08648168 41539 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36187) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41539) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1254:26) a brief recognition of new-englands errand into the wilderness made in the audience of the general assembly of the massachusetts colony at boston in n.e. on the 11th of the third moneth, 1670, being the day of election there / by samuel danforth. danforth, samuel, 1626-1674. 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recognition of new-englands errand into the wilderness ; made in the audience of the general assembly of the massachusets colony , at boston in n. e. on the 11 th of the third moneth , 1670. being the day of election there . by samuel danforth , pastor of the church of christ in roxbury in n. e. jer. 2. 2. go , and cry in the ears of jerusalem , saying . thus saith the lord , i remember thee , the kindness of thy youth , the love of thine espousals , when thou wentest after me in the wilderness , in a land that was not sown . 3. israel was holiness unto the lord , and the first-fruits of his increase — 5. thus saith the lord , what iniquity have your fathers found in me , that they are gone far from me , and have walked after vanity , and are become vain ? cambridge : printed by s. g. and m. j. 1671. christian reader , a word spoken in due season ( saith solomon ) how good is it ? prov. 15. 23. and again , a word fitey spoken is like apples of gold in pictures of silver , chap. 25. 11. such were the words of our lord jesus , who ( accommodating himself to the way of doctrine used by those eastern nations ) did by parabolical discourses delight to breathe forth the deep mysteries of divine and heavenly wisdome : and how plain , but pungent , his sermons were , how perspicuous , yet unspeakably profound were those oracles which flowed out of his lips of grace , none are ignorant , who are not unacquainted with what the holy evangelists do harmoniously relate concerning him . no more excellent patern then the lord jesus for the ministry of the new testament to imitate : and of all the words of the sacred scripture ( though all are of equal authority , as being of the canon , yet ) none seem to have a more eminent immediation of heart-commanding virtue , then those which proceeded directly out of the mouth of the lord himself ; whereof this text is one , upon which the following sermon is spent . and how much of the spirit of our saviour appears therein , i need not say , and which perhaps will not , at the first dash , be discerned by the ordinary or cursory reader ; but wisdome is justified of her children . the seasonableness , and suitableness of this work which is now in thine hand , unto our present wilderness-state , will commend it self unto the judicious christian , whose heart doth indeed travel with the labouring interest of the kingdome of our lord jesus in these ends of the earth : the text carrying with it so much heavenly argumentation , being so profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction in righteousness , as though intended by our lord jesus for such a day as that , whereon this sermon was preached , ( and also before such an auditory ) . whose applauds the former , will not disapprove the latter ; the reverend author thereof observing therein the saying of that apostolick man of god ( and very judicious in his advice to younger ministers about such matters ) his most reverend father of blessed memory , mr. wilson , viz. that he delighted in such a sermon wherein the preacher kept close unto his text , and the proper scope thereof , and wandered not from it by needless excursions , and impertinent enlargements . the loss of first love , first to christ , and so to the subjects , and order of his kingdome , being a radical disease too tremendously growing upon so great a part of the body of professors in this land , unto a laodicean lukewarmness in the matters of god , notwithstanding the signal , and unparallel experiences of the blessing of god upon this people , a people so often saved by the lord in the way of moses and aaron's meeting , and kissing one another in the mount of god ; and the observation of that declension justly calling for so meet an antidote and faithful caution , as is the ensuing sermon ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) unto such , to review , and consider in earnest their errand into this wilderness : and the recovery of their affections to the name of christ , in the chastity , vigour , and fervour thereof , by a thorough-reformation of things in the matters of his worship , being a special duty in this hour of temptation incumbent , as on the magistracy in their sphere , so on the ministry in theirs , whereby they may declare themselves loyal to christ in their generation-work , hath no doubt inclined the heart of this servant of his , to yield unto the perswasions of divers , that these his meditations might be published , and so ( through the blessing of god ) advance that desired reformation . it is not a loose toleration , nor a rigid independent-separation , but an holy , and brotherly reformation which all should in such an hour be endeavouring . and how perillous a sceptical indifferency , or a reed like vacillation , much more wilful opposition to the doctrine and way of the first fathers and founders of this colony in matters of religion , would be , were it onely in those two points about the magistrates coercive power in matters of religion , ( contrary to that toleration aforesaid ) and about communion of churches in synods , &c. described also by them , from the word of god , in the platform of discipline ( contrary to that independent-separation aforesaid ) will be evident to those that understand what these things mean ; scil . 1. quod liberi sunt spirituales a jugo-potestatis secularis : and 2. quod ecclesia non potest errare . it is said i remember ( josh . 24. 31. ) that israel served the lord all the dayes of joshua , and all the dayes of the elders that out-lived joshua , and which had known all the works of the lord that he had done for israel : it is much to israels advantage in the service of god , when the lord graciously continues those , who are acquainted with the first wayes of such a people , as hath been holiness to the lord , and with the first works of the lord in his laying the foundation of that glory which might dwell in their land. and it is recorded ( exod. 1. 8. ) as an inlet to israels calamitious state , in that place where the lord had greatly multiplied and blessed them , that there aro●e up a new king which knew not joseph . when joseph , or joshua are unknown , or forgotten , and the work and way of god in leading his people by the hand of moses and aaron in their primitive glory not understood , or not minded by these or those , how fearfully ominous to israel must it needs be ! and how necessitating the affectionate repetition , again , and again , of that expostulatory , sad interrogation of our saviour , but what went ye out into the wilderness to see ? and should there arise such another generation ( as is mentioned judg. 2. 11. ) after our fathers are removed to rest from the warfare of the service of the tabernacle of god in their generation , as should not know the lord , nor regard the works which he hath done for our israel , what may be expected , but that ( as the following context shews ) the anger of the lord should wax hot against israel , and that he deliver us also into the hand of spoilers ? &c. strangers to the first intention of the people of god in their planting in this wilderness , and so to the doctrine of faith and order left in print behinde them ( more sure and credible then some vnwritten traditions thereabout ) may prove dangerous instruments to our ruine , if the lord in mercy prevent not . it was the commendation of timothy by paul , 2 tim. 3. 10 , 11. as also a profitable instruction and encouragement to him , when he saith , but thou hast fully known my doctrine , manner of life , purpose , faith , long-suffering , charity , patience , persecutions , afflictions which came unto me at antioch , at iconium , at lystra , what persecutions i endured , but out of them all the lord delivered me : the like may be said of this reverend servant of the lord , my dear brother in christ , to whom it hath seemed good 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( according to that word of wisdome which is given to him by that same holy spirit , from whom proceed those diversities of gifts , which he divides to every man severally as he will ) to leave this ensuing testimony of his sollicitude for the poor woman fled also into this wilderness , unto the consideration of all such as are wise-hearted in israel . his nearness to , and intimacy with my ever-honoured father now with god ( he being brought up with him as a son with a father ) commands from my pen a glad apprehending the opportunity of performing this service of waiting upon it to the press ; praying , that the lord would make the words thereof as goads , and nails fastened by the masters of assemblies , and given by that one shepherd the lord jesus : in whom i am thine , for the service of thy faith , thomas shepard . a brief recognition of new-englands errand into the wilderness . matth. 11. 7 , 8 , 9. — what went ye out into the wilderness to see ? a reed shaken with the wind . but what went ye out for to see ? a man clothed in soft raiment ? behold , they that wear soft clothing , are in kings houses . but what went ye out-for to see ? a prophet ? yea , i say unto you , and more then a prophet . these words are our saviour's proem to his illustrious encomium of john the baptist . john began his ministry , not in jerusalem , nor in any famous city of judea , but in the wilderness , i. e. in a woody , retired and solitary place , thereby withdrawing himself from the envy and preposterous zeal of such as were addicted to their old traditions , and also taking the people aside , from the noise and tumult of their secular occasions and businesses , which might have obstructed their ready and cheerful attendance unto his doctrine . the ministry of john at first was entertained by all sorts with singular affection : there went out to him jerusalem and all judea , and all the region round about jordan , mat. 3. 5. but after awhile , the people's fervour abated , and john being kept under restraint divers moneths , his authority and esteem began to decay and languish , john 5. 35. wherefore our saviour , taking occasion from johns messengers coming to him , after their departure , gives an excellent elogie and commendation of john , to the intent that he might ratifie and confirm his doctrine and administration , and revive his authority and estimation in the hearts and consciences of the people . this elogie our saviour begins with an elegant dialogism , which the rhetorician calleth communication : gravely deliberating with his hearers , and seriously enquiring to what purpose they went out into the wilderness , and what expectation drew them thither . wherein we have , 1. the general question , and main subject of his inquisition . 2. the particular enquiries . 3. the determination of the question . the general question is , what went ye out into the wilderness to see ? he saith not , whom went ye out to hear , but what went ye out to see ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the phrase agrees of shows and stage-playes ; plainly arguing that many of those , who seemed well-affected to john , and flock'd after him , were theatrical hearers , spectators rather then auditors ; they went not to ●ear , but to see ; they went to gaze upon a new and strange spectacle . this general question being propounded , the first particular enquiry is , whether they went to see a reed shaken with the wind ? the expression is metaphorical and proverbial . a reed when the season is calm , lifts up it self and stands upright , but no sooner doth the wind blow upon it , but it shakes and trembles , bends and bows down , and then gets up again : and again it yields and bows , and then lifts up it self again . a notable emblem of light , empty and inconstant persons , who in times of peace and tranquillity , give a fair and plausible testimony to the truth ; but no sooner do the winds of temptation blow upon them , and the waves of troubles roll over them , but they incline and yield to the prevailing party : but when the tempest is over , they recover themselves and assert the truth again . the meaning then of this first enquiry is , went ye out into the wilderness to see a light , vain and inconstant man , one that could confess and deny , and deny and confess the same truth ? this interrogation is to be understood negatively and ironically ; q. d. surely ye went not into the desert to behold such a ludicrous and ridiculous sight , a man like unto a reed shaken with the wind . under the negation of the contrary levity , our saviour sets forth one of john's excellencies , viz. his eminent constancy in asserting the truth . the winds of various temptations both on the right hand and on the left , blew upon him , yet he wavered not in his testimony concerning christ , he confessed and denied not , but confessed the truth . then the general question is repeated , but what went ye out for to see ? and a second particular enquiry made , was it to see a man clothed in soft raiment ? this interrogation hath also the force of a negation , q. d. surely ye went not into the wilderness to see a man clothed in silken and costly apparel . the reason of this is added , behold , they that wear soft clothing , are in kings houses . delicate and costly apparel is to be expected in p 〈…〉 ces courts , and not in wilde woods and forrests . under the negation of john's affectation of courtly delicacy , our saviour sets forth another of john's excellencies , viz. his singular gravity and sobriety , who wore rough garments , and lived on course and mean fare , mat. 3. 4. which austere kinde of life was accommodated to the place and work of his ministry . john preached in the wilderness , which was no fit place for silken and soft raiment . his work was to prepare a people for the lord , by calling them off from worldly pomp and vanities , unto repentance and mourning for sin . his peculiar habit and diet was such as became a penitentiary preacher . thirdly , the generall question is reiterated , but what went ye out for to see ? and a third particular enquiry made , was it to see a prophet ? this interrogation is to be understood affirmatively , q. d. no doubt but it was to see a prophet . had not john been a rare and excellent minister of god , you would never have gone out of your cities into the desert to have seen him . thus our saviour sets forth another of john's admirable excellencies , viz. his prophetical office and function . john was not an ordinary interpreter of the law , much less a teacher of jewish traditions , but a prophet , one who by the extraordinary inspiration of the holy ghost , made known the mysteries of salvation , luke 1. 76 , 77. lastly , our saviour determines and concludes the question , he , whom ye went out to see was more then a prophet , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , much more , or abundantly more then a prophet . this he confirms by his wonted asseveration , yea , i say unto you , and much more then a prophet . how was john much more then a prophet ? john was christs herauld sent immediately before his face , to proclaim his coming and kingdome , and prepare the people for the reception of him by the baptism of repentance , ver . 10. hence it follows ver . 11. among all that are born of women , there hath not risen a greater prophet then john. john was greater then any of the prophets that were before him , not in respect of his personal graces and virtues , ( for who shall perswade us that he excelled abraham in the grace of faith , who was the father of the faithful , or moses in meekness , who was the meekest man on earth , or david in faithfulness , who was a man after gods own heart , or solomon in wisdome , who was the wisest man that ever was or shall be ? ) but in respect of the manner of his dispensation . all the prophets foretold christs coming , his sufferings and glory , but the baptist was his harbinger and forerunner , that bare the sword before him , proclaimed his presence , and made room for him in the hearts of the people . all the prophets saw christ afar off , but the baptist saw him present , baptized him , and applied the types to him personally . behold the lamb of god. he saw and bare record that this is the son of god. joh. 1. 29 , 34. but he that is least in the kingdome of heaven , is greater then john. the least prophet in the kingdome of heaven , i. e. the least minister of the gospel since christ's ascension , is greater then john ; not in respect of the measure of his personal gifts , nor in respect of the manner of his calling , but in respect of the object of his ministry , christ on the throne , having finished the work of our redemption , and in respect of the degree of the revelation of christ , which is far more clear and full . john shewed christ in the flesh , and pointed to him with his finger , but the ministers of the gospel declare that he hath done and suffered all things necessary to our salvation , and is risen again and set down at the right hand of god. doct. such as have sometime left their pleasant cities and habitations to enjoy the pure worship of god in a wilderness , are apt in time to abate and cool in their affection thereunto : but then the lord calls upon them seriously and throughly to examine themselves , what it was that drew them into the wilderness , and to consider that it was not the expectation of ludicrous levity , nor of courtly pomp and delicacy , but of the free and clear dispensation of the gospel and kingdome of god. this doctrine consists of two distinct branches ; let me open them severally . branch 1. such as have sometime left their pleasant cities and habitations , to enjoy the pure worship of god in a wilderness , are apt in time to abate and cool in their affection thereunto . to what purpose did the children of israel leave their cities and houses in egypt , and go forth into the wilderness ? was it not to hold a feast to the lord , and to sacrifice to the god of their fathers ? that was the onely reason , which they gave of their motion to pharaoh , exod. 5. 1 , 3. but how soon did they forget their errand into the wilderness , and corrupt themselves in their own inventions ? within a few moneths after their coming out of egypt , they make a calf in horeb , and worship the molten image , and change their glory into the similitude of an ox that eateth grass , psal . 106. 19 , 20. exod. 32. 7 , 8. yea for the space of forty years in the wilderness , while they pretended to sacrifice to the lord , they indeed worshipped the stars and the host of heaven , and together with the lords tabernacle , carried about with them the tabernacle of moloch , amos 5. 25 , 26. acts 7. 42 , 43. and how did they spend their time in the wilderness , but in tempting god , and in murmuring against their godly and faithful teachers and rulers , moses and aaron ? psal . 95 8. to what purpose did the children of the captivity upon cyrus his proclamation , leave their houses which they had built , and their vineyards and oliveyards which they had planted in the province of babylon , and return to judea and jerusalem , which were now become a wilderness ? was it not that they might build the house of god at jerusalem , and set up the temple-worship ? but how shamefully did they neglect that great and honourable work for the space of above forty years ? they pretended that gods time was not come to build his house , because of the rubs and obstructions which they met with ; whereas all their difficulties and discouragements hindred not their building of stately houses for themselves , hag. 1. 2 , 3 , 4. to what purpose did jerusalem & 〈…〉 ll judea , & all the region round about jordan , leave their several cities and habitations , and flock into the wilderness of judea ? was it not to see that burning and shining light , which god had raise● up ? to hear his heavenly doctrine , and partake of that new sacrament , which he administred ? o how they were affected with his rare and excellent gifts ! with his clear , lively and powerful ministry ! the kingdome of heaven pressed in upon them with a holy violence , and the violent , the zealous and affectionate hearers of the gospel , took it by force , mat. 11. 12. luk. 16. 16. they leapt over all discouragements and impediments , whether outward , as legal rites and ceremonies , or inward , the sense of their own sin and unworthiness , and pressed into the kingdome of god , as men rush into a theatre to see a pleasant sight , or as souldiers run into a besieged city , to take the spoil thereof : but their hot fit is soon over , their affection lasted but for an hour , i. e. a short season , joh. 5. 35. reas . 1. because the affection of many to the ministry of the gospel and the pure worship of god , is built upon temporary and transitory grounds , as the novelty and strangeness of the matter , the rarerness and excellency of ministerial gifts , the voice of the people , the countenance of great men , and the hope of worldly advantage . the jews had lien in ignorance and darkness a long time , being trained up under the superstitious observances of their old praditions , which were vain , empty and unprofitable customes ▪ and the church wanted the gift of prophecy about four hundred years , and therefore when john the baptist arose like a bright and burning light , shining amongst them with admirable gifts of the spirit , and extraordinary severity and gravity of manners , proclaiming the coming and kingdome of the messias , ( which had been oft promised and long expected ) and pressing the people to repentance and good works ; o how they admire and reverence him ? especially , when grown popular , and countenanced by herod the tetrarch . what sweet affections are kindled ! what great expectations are raised ! what ravishing joy is conceived ! hoping ( as its probable ) to make use of his authority to cast off the roman yoke , and recover their civil liberties , riches and honours . but after a little acquaintance with john , ( for he was a publick preacher but a year and half ) his doctrine , administrations and prophetical gifts , grew common and stale things , and of little esteem with them ; especially , when they saw their carnal hopes frustrated , the rulers disaffected , and herods countenance and carriage toward him changed . reas . 2. because prejudices and offences are apt to arise in the hearts of many against the faithful dispensers of the gospel . the pharisees and lawyers came among others to the baptism of john , but when they hear his sharp reprehensions of their viperous opinions and practices , they nauseate his doctrine , repudiate his baptism , calumniate his conversation , luke 7. 30. herodiaes hath an inward grudge and a quarrel against him , because he found fault with her incestuous marriage , mar. 6. 19. yea , that very age and generation of the jews , were like to a company of surly , sullen and froward children , whom no musick can please , they neither dance after the pipe , nor make lamentation after the mourner . they inveigh against john's austerity , saying that he was transported with diabolical fury , and was an enemy to humane society : and they do as much distaste and abhor christ's gentleness and familiarity , traducing him , as being a sensual and voluptuous person , given to intemperance and luxury , and a patron and abettor of looseness and profaneness , mat. 11. 16 — 19. thus doth the frowardness and stubbornness of man , resist and oppose the wisdome and goodness of god , who useth various waves and instruments to compass poor sinners , but they throught their folly and perverseness frustrate , disanul and abrogate the counsel of god against themselves . the evil spirit that troubled saul , was quieted and allayed by the sweet melody of david's harp : but the mad and outragious fury that transports men against the truth and the ministry thereof , cannot be quieted and allayed by the voice of the charmers , charm they never so wisely . branch ii. when men abate and cool in their affection to the pure worship of god , which they went into the wilderness to enjoy , the lord calls upon them seriously and throughly to examine themselves , what it was that drew them into the wilderness , and to consider that it was not the expectation of ludicrous levity , nor of courtly pomp and delicacy , but of the free and clear dispensation of the gospel and kingdome of god. our saviour knowing that the people had lost their first love and singular affection to the revelation of his grace by the ministry of his herauld john , he is very intense in examining them , what expectation drew them into the wilderness : he doth not once nor twice , but thrice propound that question , what went ye out into the wilderness to see ? yea , in particular he enquires whether it were to see a man that was like to a reed shaken with the wind ? or whether it were to see a man clothed like a courtier , or whether it were to see a prophet , and then determines the question , concluding that it was to see a great and excellent prophet , and that had not they seen rare and admirable things in him , they would never have gone out into the wilderness unto him . the reason is , because the serious consideration of the inestimable grace and mercy of god in the free and clear dispensation of the gospel and kingdome of god , is a special means to convince men of their folly and perverseness in undervaluing the same , and a sanctified remedy to recover their affections thereunto . the lord foreseeing the defection of israel after moses his death , commands him to write that prophetical song , recorded in deut. 32. as a testimony against them : wherein the chief remedy , which he prescribes for the prevention and healing of their apostacy , is their calling to remembrance gods great and signal love in manifesting himself to them in the wilderness , in conducting them safely and mercifully , and giving them possession of their promised inheritance , ver . 7 — 14. and when israel was apostatized and fallen , the lord to convince them of their ingratitude and folly , brings to their remembrance his deliverance of them out of egypt , his leading them through the wilderness for the space of forty years , and not onely giving them possession of their enemies land , but also raising up , even of their own sons , prophets , faithful and eminent ministers , and of their young men nazarites , who being separated from worldly delights and encumbrances , were paterns of purity and holiness : all which were great and obliging mercies . yea , the lord appeals to their own consciences , whether these his favours were not real and signal , amos 2. 10 , 11. the prophet jeremiah , that he might reduce the people from their backslidings , cries in the ears of jerusalem , with earnestness and boldness declaring unto them , that the lord remembred how well they stood affected towards him , when he first chose them to be his people and espoused them to himself , how they followed him in the wilderness , and kept close to him in their long and wearisome passage through the uncultured desert ; how they were then consecrated to god , and set apart for his worship and service ; as the first-fruits are wont to be sequestred and devoted to god : and thereupon expostulates with them for their forsaking the lord , and following after their idols , jer. 2. 2 , 3 , 5 , 6. surely our saviour's dialogism with his hearers in my text , is not a meer rhetorical elegancy to adorn his testimony concerning john , but a clear and strong conviction of their folly in slighting and despising that which they sometime so highly pretended unto , and a wholesome admonition and direction how to recover their primitive affection to his doctrine and administration . vse i. of solemn and serious enquiry to us all in this general assembly , whether we have not in a great measure forgotten our errand into the wilderness . you have solemnly professed before god , angels and men , that the cause of your leaving your country , kindred and fathers houses , and transporting your selves with your wives , little ones and substance over the vast ocean into this waste and howling wilderness , was your liberty to walk in the faith of the gospel with all good conscience according to the order of the gospel , and your enjoyment of the pure worship of god according to his institution , without humane mixtures and impositions . now let us sadly consider whether our ancient and primitive affections to the lord jesus , his glorious gospel , his pure and spiritual worship and the order of his house , remain , abide and continue firm , constant , entire and inviolate . our saviour's reiteration of this question , what went ye out into the wilderness to see ? is no idle repetition , but a sad conviction of our dulness and backwardness to this great duty , and a clear demonstration of the weight and necessity thereof . it may be a grief to us to be put upon such an inquisition ; as it is said of peter , joh. 21. 17. peter was grieved , because he said unto him the third time , lovest thou me ? but the lord knoweth that a strict and rigid examination of our hearts in this point , is no more then necessary . wherefore let us call to remembrance the former dayes , and consider whether it was not then better with us , then it is now . in our first and best times the kingdome of heaven brake in upon us with a holy violence , and every man pressed into it . what mighty efficacy and power had the clear and faithful dispensation of the gospel upon your hearts ? how affectionately and zealously did you entertain the kingdome of god ? how careful were you , even all sorts , young and old , high and low , to take hold of the opportunities of your spiritual good and edification ? ordering your secular affairs ( which were wreathed and twisted together with great variety ) so as not to interfere with your general calling , but that you might attend upon the lord without distraction . how diligent and faithful in preparing your hearts for the reception of the word , laying apart all filthiness and superfluity of naughtiness , that you night receive with meekness the ingraffed word , which is able to save your souls ; and purging out all malice , guilt , hypocrisies , envies , and all evil speakings , and as new-born babes , desiring the sincere mi●k of the word , that ye might grow thereby ? how attentive in hearing the everlasting gospel , watching daily at the gates of wisdome , and waiting at the posts of her doors , that ye might finde eternal life , and obtain favour of the lord ? gleaning day by day in the field of gods ordinances , even among the sheaves , and gathering up handfuls , which the lord let fall of purpose for you , and at night going home and beating out what you had gleaned , by meditation , repetition , conference , and therewith feeding your selves and your families . how painful were you in recollecting , repeating and discoursing of what you heard , whetting the word of god upon the hearts of your children , servants and neighbours ? how fervent in prayer to almighty god for his divine blessing upon the seed sown , that it might take root and fructifie ? o what a reverent esteem had you in those dayes of christ's faithful ambassadors , that declared unto you the word of reconciliation ! how beautiful were the feet of them , that preached the gospel of peace , and brought the glad tidings of salvation ! you esteemed them highly in love for their works sake . their persons , names and comforts were precious in your eyes ; you counted your selves blessed in the enjoyment of a pious , learned and orthodox ministry : and though you are the bread of adversity and drank the water of affliction , yet you rejoyced in this , that your eyes saw your teachers , they were not removed into corners , and your ears heard a word behinde you , saying , this is the way , walk ye in it , when you turned to the right hand and when you turned to the left , isa 30. 20 , 21. what earnest and ardent desires had you in those dayes after communion with christ in the holy sacraments ? with desire you desired to partake of the seals of the covenant . you thought your evidences for heaven not sure not authentick , unless the broad-seals of the kingdome were annexed . what solicitude was there in those dayes to seek the lord after the right order ? what searching of the holy scriptures , what collations among your leaders , both in their private meetings and publick councils and synods , to finde out the order , which christ hath constituted and established in his house ? what fervent zeal was there then against sectaries and hereticks , and all manner of heterodoxies ? you could not bear them that were evil , but tried them that pretended to new light and revelations , and found them liars . what pious care was there of sister-churches , that those that wanted breasts , might be supplied , and that those that wanted peace , their dissentions might be healed ? what readiness was there in those dayes to call for the help of neighbour-elders and brethren , in case of any difference or division that could not be healed at home ? what reverence was there then of the sentence of a council , as being decisive and issuing the controversie ? according to that ancient proverbial saying , they shall surely ask counsel at abel , and so they ended the matter , 2 sam. 20. 18. what holy endeavours were there in those dayes to propagate religion to your children and posterity , training them up in the nurture and admonition of the lord , keeping them under the awe of government , restraining their enormities and extravagancies ; charging them to know the god of their fathers , and serve him with a perfect heart and willing minde ; and publickly asserting and maintaining their interest in the lord and in his holy covenant , and zealously opposing those that denied the same ? and then had the churches rest throughout the several colonies , and were edified : and walking in the fear of the lord , and in the comfort of the holy ghost , were multiplied . o how your faith grew exceedingly ! you proceeded from faith to faith , from a less to a greater degree and measure , growing up in him , who is our head , and receiving abundance of grace and of the gift of righteousness , that you might reign in life by jesus christ . o how your love and charity towards each other abounded ! o what comfort of love ! what bowels and mercies ! what affectionate care was there one of another ! what a holy sympathy in crosses and comforts , weeping with those that wept , and rejoycing with those that rejoyced ! but who is there left among you , that saw these churches in their first glory , and how do you see them now ? are they not in your eyes in comparison thereof , as nothing ? how is the gold become dim ! how is the most fine gold changed ! is not the temper , complexion and countenance of the churches strangely altered ? doth not a careless , remiss , flat , dry , cold , dead frame of spirit , grow in upon us secretly , strongly , prodigiously ? they that have ordinances , are as though they had none ; and they that hear the word , as though they heard it not ; and they that pray , as though they prayed not ; and they that receive sacraments , as though they received them not ; and they that are exercised in the holy things , using them by the by , as matters of custome and ceremony , so as not to hinder their eager prosecution of other things which their hearts are set upon . yea and in some particular congregations amongst us , is there not in stead of a sweet smell , a stink ? and in stead of a girdle , a rent ? and in stead of a stomacher , a girding with sackcloth ? and burning in stead of beauty ? yea the vineyard is all overgrown with thorns , and nettles cover the face thereof , and the stone wall thereof is broken down , prov. 24 31. yea , and that which is the most sad and certain sign of calamity approaching , iniquity aboundeth , and the love of many waxeth cold , mat. 24 12. pride , contention , worldiness , covetousness , luxury , drunkenness and uncleanness break in like a flood upon us , and good men grow cold in their love to god and to one another . if a man be cold in his bed , let them lay on the more clothes , that he may get heat : but we are like to david in his old age , they covered him with clothes , but he gat no heat , 2 sam. 1. 1. the lord heaps mercies , favours , blessings upon us , and loads us daily with his benefits , but all his love and bounty cannot heat and warm our hearts and affections . well , the furnace is able to heat and melt the coldest iron : but how oft hath the lord cast us into the hot furnace of affliction and tribulation , and we have been scorched and burnt , yet not melted , but hardened thereby , isa . 63. 17. how long hath god kept us in the furnace day after day , moneth after moneth , year after year ? but all our afflictions , crosses , trials have not been able to keep our hearts in a warm temper . now let me freely deliberate with you , what may be the causes and grounds of such decayes and languishings in our affections to , and estimation of that which we came into the wilderness to enjoy ? is it because there is no bread , neither is there any water , and our soul loatheth this light bread ? numb . 21. 5. our soul is dried away , and there is nothing at all , besides this manna , before our eyes , numb . 11. 6. what , is manna no bread ? is this angelical food , light bread , which cannot satisfie , but starves the soul ? doth our soul loath the bread of heaven ? the lord be merciful to us : the full soul loatheth the honey-comb , prov. 27. 7. what then is the cause of our decayes and languishings ? is it because the spirit of the lord is straitned and limited in the dispensers of the gospel , and hence our joyes and comforts are lessened and shortned ? o thou that art named the house of jacob , is the spirit of the lord straitned ? are those his doings ? do not my words do good to him that walketh uprightly ? mic. 2. 7. surely it is not for want of fulness in the spirit of god , that he withholds comforts and blessings from any ; neither doth he delight in threatnings and judgements , but his words both promise and perform that which is good and comfortable to them that walk uprightly . the spirit is able to enlarge it self unto the reviving and cheering of every man's heart ; and that should we experience , did not our iniquity put a barre . 2 cor. 6. 11 , 12. o ye corinthians , our mouth is open unto you , our heart is enlarged : ye are not straitned in us , but ye are straitned in your own bowels . the spirit of god dilateth and enlargeth the heart of the faithfull ministry for the good of the people ; but many times the people are straitned in their own bowels , and cannot receive such a large portion , as the lord hath provided for them . what then is the cause of our coolings , faintings and languishings ? the ground and principal cause is our vnbelief : we believe not the grace and power of god in christ . where is that lively exercise of faith , which ought to be , in our attendance upon the lord in his holy ordinances ? christ came to nazareth with his heart full of love and compassion , and his hands full of blessings to bestow upon his old acquaintance and neighbours , among whom he had been brought up , but their vnbelief restrained his tender mercies , and bound his omnipotent hands , that he could not do any great or illustrious miracle amongst them . mat. 13. 58. mark 6. 5 , 6. he could do there no mighty work — and he marvelled because of their unbelief . unbelief straitens the grace and power of christ , and hinders the communication of divine favours and special mercies . the word preached profits not , when it is not mixed with faith in them that hear it , heb. 4. 2. we may pray earnestly , but if we ask not in faith , how can we expect to receive any thing of the lord ? jam. 1. 6 , 7. but though unbelief be the principal , yet it is not the sole cause of our decayes and languishings : inordinate worldly cares , predominant lusts , and malignant passions and distempers stifle and choak the word , and quench our affections to the kingdome of god , luke 8. 14. the manna was gathered early in the morning , when the sun waxed hot , it melted , exod. 16. 21. it was a fearful judgement on dathan and abiram , that the earth opened its mouth and swallowed them up . how many professors of religion , are swallowed up alive by earthly affections ? such as escape the lime-pit of pharisaical hypocrisie , fall into the coal-pit of sadducean atheism and epicurism . pharisaism and sadduceism do almost divide the professing world between them . some split upon the rock of affected ostentation of singular piety and holiness , and others are drawn into the whirpool , and perish in the gulf of sensuality and luxury . if any question how seasonable such a discourse may be upon such a day , as this ; let him consider , hag. 2. 10 — 14. in the four and twentieth day of the ninth moneth , in the second year of darius , came the word of the lord by haggai the prophet , saying , thus saith the lord of hosts , ask now the priests concerning the law , saying , if one bear holy flesh in the skirt of his garment , and with his skirt do touch bread , or pottage , or wine , or oyl , or any meat , shall it be holy ? and the priests answered and said , no. then said haggai , if one that is unclean by a dead body , touch any of these , shall it be unclean ? and the priests answered and said , it shall be unclean . then answered haggai and said , so is this people , and so is this nation before me , saith the lord ; and so is every work of their hands , and that which they offer there is unclean . it was an high and great day , wherein the prophet spake these words , and an holy and honourable work , which the people were employed in . for this day they laid the foundation of the lords temple , ver . 18. nevertheless , the lord saw it necessary this very day to represent and declare unto them , the pollution and uncleanness both of their persons and of their holy services , that they might be deeply humbled before god , and carry on their present work more holily and purely . what was their uncleanness ? their eager pursuit of their private interests , took off their hearts and affections from the affairs of the house of god. it seems they pleased themselves with this , that the altar stood upon its bases , and sacrifices were daily offered thereon , and the building of the temple was onely deferred untill a fit opportunity were afforded , free from disturbance and opposition ; and having now gained such a season , they are ready to build the temple : but the lord convinceth them out of the law , that their former negligence was not expiated by their daily sacrifices , but the guilt thereof rendred both the nation and this holy and honourable work , which they were about , vile and unclean in the sight of god. and having thus shewn them their spiritual uncleanness , he encourageth them to go on with the work in hand , the building of the temple , promising them from this day to bless them , ver . 18. vse ii. of exhortation , to excite and stir us all up to attend and prosecute our errand into the wilderness . to what purpose came we into this place , and what expectation drew us hither ? surely , not the expectation of ludicrous levity . we came not hither to see a reed shaken with the wind . then let not us be reeds , light , empty , vain , hollow-hearted profess●rs , shaken with every wind of temptation : but solid , serious and sober christians , constant and stedfast in the profession and practice of the truth , trees of righteousness , the planting of the lord , that he may be glorified , holding fast the profession of our faith without wavering . alas , there is such variety and diversity of opinions and judgements , that we know not what to believe . were there not as various and different opinions touching the person of christ , even in the dayes of his flesh ? some said that he was john the baptist , some elias , others jeremias , or one of the old prophets . some said he was a gluttonous man , and a wine-bibber , a friend of publicans and sinners : others said he was a samaritan , and had a devil ; yet the disciples knew what to believe . whom say ye that i am ? thou art christ , the son of the living god , mat. 16. 15 , 16. the various heterodox opinions of the people , serve as a foil or tinctured leaf to set off the lustre and beauty of the orthodox and apostolical faith. this is truly commendable , when in such variety and diversity of apprehensions , you are not byassed by any sinister respects , but discern , embrace and profess the truth , as it is in christ jesus . but to what purpose came we into the wilderness , and what expectation drew us hither ? not the expectation of courtly pomp and delicacy . we came not hither to see men clothed like courtiers . the affectation of courtly pomp and gallantry , is very unsuitable in a wilderness . gorgeous attire is comely in princes courts , if it exceed not the limits of christian sobriety : but excess in kings houses , escapes not divine vengeance . zeph. 1. 8. — i will punish the princes and the kings children , and all such as are clothed with strange apparel . the pride and haughtiness of the ladies of zion in their superfluous ornaments and stately gestures , brought wrath upon themselves , upon their husbands , and upon their children , yea and upon the whole land , isa . 3. 16 — 26. how much more intolerable and abominable is excess of this kinde in a wilderness , where we are so far removed from the riches and honours of princes courts ? to what purpose then came we into the wilderness , and what expectation drew us hither ? was it not the expectation of the pure and faithful dispensation of the gospel and kingdome of god ? the times were such that we could not enjoy it in our own land : and therefore having obtained liberty and a gracious patent from our soveraign , we left our country , kindred and fathers houses , and came into these wilde woods and dese 〈…〉 s ; where the lord hath planted us , and made us dwell in a place of our own , that we might move no more , and that the children of wickedness might not afflict us any more , 2 sam. 7. 10. what is it that distinguisheth new-england from other colonies and plantations in america ? not our transportation over the atlantick ocean , but the ministry of gods faithful prophets , and the fruition of his holy ordinances . did not the lord bring the philistims from caphtor , and the assyrians from kir , as well as israel from the land of egypt ? amos 9. 7. but by a prophet the lord brought israel out of egypt , and by a prophet was he preserved , hos . 12. 13. what , is the price and esteem of gods prophets , and their faithful dispensations , now fallen in our hearts ? the hardships , difficulties and sufferings , which you have exposed your selves unto , that you might dwell in the house of the lord , and leave your little ones under the shadow of the wings of the god of israel , have not been few nor small . and shall we now withdraw our selves and our little ones from under those healing wings , and lose that full reward , which the lord hath in his heart and hand to bestow upon us ? d●d we not with mary choose this for our part , to sit at christs feet and hear his word ? and do we now repent of our choice , and prefer the honours , pleasures and profits of the world before it ? you did run well : who doth hinder you , that you should not obey the truth ? gal. 5. 7. hath the lord been wanting to us , or failed our expectation ? micah 6. 3. o my people , what have i done unto thee , and wherein have i wearied thee ? testifie against me . jer. 2. 5. what iniquity have your fathers found in me , that they are gone far from me ? and ver . 31. o generation , see ye the word of the lord : have i been a wilderness unto israel ? a land of darkness ? may not the lord say unto us , as pharaoh did to hadad , 1 king. 11. 22. what hast thou lacked with me , that behold , thou seekest to go to thine own country ? nay , what could have been done more , then what the lord hath done for us ? isa . 5. 4. how sadly hath the lord testified against us , because of our loss of our first love , and our remissness and negligence in his work ? why hath the lord smitten us with blasting and mildew now seven years together , superadding sometimes severe drought , sometimes great tempests , floods , and sweeping rains , that leave no food behinde them ? is it not because the lords house lyeth waste ? temple-work in our hearts , families , churches is shamefully neglected ? what should i make mention of signes in the heavens and in the earth , blazing-stars , earthquakes , dreadful thunders and lightnings , fearful burnings ? what meaneth the heat of his great anger , in calling home so many of his ambassadors ? in plucking such burning and shining lights out of the candlesticks ; the principal stakes out of our hedges ; the corner-stones out of our walls ? in removing such faithful shepherds from their flocks , and breaking down our defenced cities , iron pillars , and brazen-walls ? seemeth it a small thing unto us , that so many of gods prophets ( whose ministry we came into the wilderness to enjoy ) are taken from us in so short a time ? is it not a sign that god is making a way for his wrath , when he removes his chosen out of the gap ? doth he not threaten us with a famine of the word , the scattering of the flock , the breaking of the candlesticks , and the turning of the songs of the temple into howlings ? it is high time for us to remember whence we are fallen , and repent , and do our first works . wherefore let us lift up the hands that hang down , and strengthen the feeble knees , and make straight paths for our feet , lest that which is lame be turned out of the way , but let it rather be healed , heb. 12. 12 , 13. labour we to redress our faintings and swervings , and address our selves to the work of the lord. let us arise and build , and the lord will be with us , and from this day will he bless us . alas , we are feeble and impotent ; our hands are withered , and our strength dried up . remember the man that had a withered hand : christ faith unto him , stretch forth thy hand ; and he stretched it forth , and it was restored whole , like as the other , mat. 12. 13. how could he stretch forth his hand , when it was withered , the blood and spirits dried up , and the nerves and sinews shrunk up ? the almighty power of christ accompanying his command , enabled the man to stretch forth his withered hand , and in stretching it forth , restored it whole , like as the other . where the soveraignty of christ's command takes place in the conscience , there is effectual grace accompanying it to the healing of our spiritual feebleness and impotency , and the enabling of us to perform the duty incumbent on us . though we have no might , no strength , yet at christ's command , make an essay . where the word of a king is , there is power . but alas , our bruise is incurable and our wound grievous , there is none to repair the breach , there is no healing medicine . the lord jesus , the great physician of israel , hath undertaken the cure. i will restore health unto thee , and i will heal thee of thy wounds , saith the lord , jer. 30. 17. no case is to be accounted desperate or incurable , which christ takes in hand . if he undertake to heal jairus his daughter , he will have her death esteemed but a sleep , in reference to his power . she is not dead , but sleepeth , mat. 9. 24. when christ came to lazarus his grave , and bade them take away the stone , martha saith , lord , by this time he stinketh ; for he hath been dead four dayes : but christ answereth , said i not unto thee , that if thou wouldest believe , thou shouldest see the glory of god ? joh. 11. 40. let us give glory to god by believing his word , and we shall have real and experimental manifestations of his glory for our good and comfort . but alas , our hearts are sadly prejudiced against the means and instruments , by which we might expect that christ should cure and heal us . were not the hearts of john's disciples leavened with carnal emulation and prejudices against christ himself ? they would not own him to be the messias , nor believe their master's testimony concerning him : insomuch that the lord saw it necessary that john should decrease and be abased , that christ might encrease and be exalted : and therefore suffered herod to shut up john in prison , and keep him in durance about twelve moneths , and at length to cut off his head , that so these fondlings might be weaned from their nurse ; and when john was dead , his disciples resort to jesus , acquaint him with the calamity that befell them , and were perfectly reconciled to him , passing into his school , and becoming his disciples , mat. 14. 12. but alas , the times are difficult and perillous ; the wind is stormy , and the sea tempestuous ; the vessel heaves and sets , and tumbles up and down in the rough and boist●rous waters , and is in danger to be swallowed up . well , remember that the lord sitteth upon the flood , yea the lord sitteth king for ever , psal . 29. 10. his way is in the sea , and his path in the great waters , and his footsteps are not known , psal . 77. 19. he stilleth the noise of the seas , the noise of their waves , and the tumult of the people , psal . 65. 7. he saith to the raging sea , peace , be still : and the wind ceaseth , and there is a great calm , mark 4. 39. yea , he can enable his people to tread and walk upon the waters . to sail and swim in the waters , is an easie matter ; but to walk upon the waters , as upon a pavement , is an act of wonder . peter at christ's call came down out of the ship 〈◊〉 walked on the water to go to jesus , matth. 14. 29. and as long as his faith held , it upheld him from sinking ; when his faith failed , his body sunk : but he cried to the lord , and he stretched forth his hand and caught him , and said unto him , o thou of little faith , wherefore didst thou doubt ? but what shall we do for bread ? the encrease of the field and the labour of the husbandman fails . hear christ's answer to his disciples , when they were troubled , because there was but one loaf in the ship . o ye of little faith , why reason ye , because you have no bread ? perceive ye not yet , neither understand ? have ye your heart yet hardened ? having eyes , see ye not ? and having ears , hear ye not , and do ye not remember ? mark 8. 17 , 18. — mat. 16. 8 , 9. those which have had large and plentiful experience of the grace and power of christ in providing for their outward sustenance , and relieving of their necessities , when ordinary and usual means have failed , are worthy to be severely reprehended , if afterward they grow anxiously careful and solicitous , because of the defect of outward supplies . in the whole evangelicall history , i finde not that ever the lord jesus did so sharply rebuke his disciples for any thing , as for that fit and pang of worldly care and solicitude about bread. attend we our errand , upon which christ sent us into the wilderness , and he will provide bread for us . matth. 6. 33. seek ye first the kingdome of god , and his righteousness , and all these things shall be added unto you . but we have many adversaries , and they have their subtile machinations and contrivances , and how soon we may be surprized , we know not . our diligent attention to the ministry of the gospel , is a special means to check and restrain the rage and fury of adversaries . the people's assiduity in attendance upon christ's ministry , was the great obstacle that hindred the execution of the bloody counsels of the pharisees . luk. 19. 47 , 48. he taught daily in the temple , but the chief priests and the scribes , and the chief of the people , sought to destroy him , and could not finde what they might do : for all the people were very attentive to hear him . if the people cleave to the lord , to his prophets , and to his ordinances , it will strike such a fear into the hearts of enemies , that they will be at their wits ends , and not know what to do . however , in this way we have the promise of divine protection and preservation . revel . 3. 10. because thou hast kept the word of my patience , i also will keep thee from the hour of temptation , which shall come upon all the world , to try them that dwell upon the earth . let us with mary choose this for our portion , to sit at christ's feet and hear his word ; and whosoever complain against us , the lord jesus will plead for us , as he did for her , and say , they have chosen that good part , which shall not be taken away from them , luk. 10. 42. amen . finis . pag. 14. line 28. for ground reade grand . an historicall discoverie and relation of the english plantations, in nevv england containing their aventurous passages, their happie arivall and comfortable planting, manifesting the goodnesse of god in their preservations from many apparent dangers. with a relation of such religious and ciuill lawes, and customs as are in practise amongst the indians, with their natures and habits. as also a naration of the ayre, earth, water, fish, and fowles of that countrie. continued from the first beginning, in the yeare of our lord 1607. and so handling all passages of moment successiuely from time to time. briefe relation of the discovery and plantation of new england council for new england. 1627 approx. 60 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a08123 stc 18484 estc s119931 99855136 99855136 20609 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a08123) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 20609) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1147:6) an historicall discoverie and relation of the english plantations, in nevv england containing their aventurous passages, their happie arivall and comfortable planting, manifesting the goodnesse of god in their preservations from many apparent dangers. with a relation of such religious and ciuill lawes, and customs as are in practise amongst the indians, with their natures and habits. as also a naration of the ayre, earth, water, fish, and fowles of that countrie. continued from the first beginning, in the yeare of our lord 1607. and so handling all passages of moment successiuely from time to time. briefe relation of the discovery and plantation of new england council for new england. bradford, william, 1588-1657. relation or journall of the beginning and proceedings of the english plantation setled at plimoth in new england, by certaine english adventurers both merchants and others. selections. morton, george, d. 1624. [42] p. printed for iohn bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop at the 3 golden lyons in cornehill, neare the exchange, london : 1627. another issue, with cancel title page, of: a briefe relation of the discovery and plantation of new england. the editor's preface from the first quire b (reissued from stc 20074) reads: g. mourt (i.e. george morton). includes quire b from: bradford, william. a relation or journall of the beginning and proceedings of the english plantation setled at plimoth in new england, by certaine english adventurers both merchants and others (stc 20074) and quires b-e from: a briefe relation of the discovery and plantation of new england (stc 18483). signatures: [a]¹ b⁴ ² b-e⁴. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been 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and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng new england -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. massachusetts -history -new plymouth, 1620-1691 -early works to 1800. new england -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775 -early works to 1800. 2005-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 simon charles sampled and proofread 2005-08 simon charles text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an historicall discoverie and relation of the english plantations , in nevv england . containing their aventurous passages , their happie arivall and comfortable planting , manifesting the goodnesse of god in their preservations from many apparent dangers . with a relation of such religious and ciuill lawes , and customs as are in practise amongst the indians , with their natures and habits . as also a naration of the ayre , earth , water , fish , and fowles of that countrie . continued from the first beginning , in the yeare of our lord 1607. and so handling all passages of moment successiuely from time to time . london printed for iohn bellamie , and are to be sold at his shop at the 3 golden lyons in cornehill , neare the exchange , 1627. to the reader . courteous reader , be intreated to make a fauorable construction of my forwardnes , in publishing these inseuing discourses , the desire of carrying the gospell of christ , into those forraigne parts , amongst those people that as yet haue had no knowledge , nor tast of god , as also to procure vnto themselues and others a quiet and comfortable habytation : 〈◊〉 amongst other things the inducements ( vnto these vndertakers of the then hopefull , and now experimentally knowne good enterprice for plantation , in new england , to set afoote and prosecute the same & though it fared with them , as it is common to the most actions of this nature , that the first attemps proue diffecult , as the sequell more at large expresseth , yet it hath pleased god , cue beyond our expectation in so short a time , to giue hope of letting some of them see ( though some he hath taken out of this vale of teares ) some grounds of hope , of the accomplishment of both those endes by them , at first propounded . and as my selfe then much desired , and shortly hope to effect , if the lord will , the putting to of my shoulder in this hopefull business , and in the meane time , these relations comming to my hand from my both known & faithful friends , on whose writings i do much rely , i thought it not a misse to make them more generall , hoping of a cheerfull proceeding , both of aduenturers and planters , intreating that the example of the hon : virginia and bermudas companies , incountering with so many distasters , and that for diuers yeares together , with an vnwearied resolution , the good effects whereof are now eminent , may preuaile as a spurre of preparation also touching this no lesse hopefull country though yet an infant , the extent & cōmodities whereof are as yet not fully known , after time wil vnfould more : such as desire to take knowledge of things , may in forme themselues by this insuing treatise , and if they please also by such as haue bin there a first and second time , my barty prayer to god is that the euent of this and all other honorable and honest vndertakings , may be for the furtherance of the kingdome of christ , the inlarging of the bounds of our soueraigne lord king iames , & the good and profit of those , who either by purse , or person , or both , are agents in the same , so i take leaue and rest thy friend , g. movrt . certaine vsefvl advertisements sent in a letter written by a discreete friend vnto the planters in new england , at their first setting saile from southhampton , who earnestly desiresh the prosperitie of that their new plantation . louing and christian friends , i doe heartily and in the lord salute you all , as being they with whom i am present in my best affection , and most earnest longings after you , though i be constrained for a while to be bodily absent from you , i say constrained , god knowing how willingly and much rather then otherwise i would haue borne my part with you in this first brunt , were i not by strong necessitie held backe for the present . make account of me in the meane while , as of a man deuided in my selfe with great paine , and as ( naturall bonds set aside ) hauing my better part with you . and though i doubt not but in your godly wisedomes you both foresee and resolue vpon that which concerneth your present state and condition both seuerally and ioyntly , yet haue i thought but my dutie to adde some further spurre of prouocation vnto them who run already , if not because you need it , yet because i owe it in loue and dutie . and first , as we are daily to renew our repentance with our god , speciall for our sinnes knowne , and generall for our vnknowne trespasses ; so doth the lord call vs in a singular maner vpon occasions of such difficultie and danger as lieth vpon you , to a both more narrow search and carefull reformation of our wayes in his sight , lest he calling to remembrance our sinnes forgotten by vs or vnrepented of , take aduantage against vs , and in iudgement leaue vs for the same to be swallowed vp in one danger or other ; whereas on the contrary , sin being taken away by earnest repentance and the pardon thereof from the lord , sealed vp vnto a mans conscience by his spirit , great shall be his securitie and peace in all dangers , sweete his comforts in all distresses , with happie deliuerance from all euill , whether in life or in death . now next after this heauenly peace with god and our owne consciences , we are carefully to prouide for peace with all men what in vs lieth , especially with our associates , and for that end watchfulnes must be had , that we neither at all in our selues do giue , no nor easily take offence being giuen by others . woe be vnto the world for offences , for though it be necessary ( considering the malice of satan and mans corruption ) that offences come , yet woe vnto the man or woman either by whom the offence cometh , saith christ , math. 18. 7. and if offences in the vnseasonable vse of things in them selues indifferent , be more to be feared then death it selfe , as the apostle teacheth , 1. cor. 9. 15. how much more in things simply euill , in which neither honour of god nor loue of man is thought worthy to be regarded . neither yet is it sufficient that we keep our selues by the grace of god from giuing offence , except withall we be armed against the taking of them when they are giuen by others . for how vnperfect and lame is the worke of grace in that person , who wants charitie to couer a multitude of offences , as the scriptures speake . neither are you to be exhorted to this grace onely vpon the common grounds of christianitie , which are , that persons ready to take offence , either want charitie to couer offences , or wisedome duly to weigh humane frailtie ; or lastly are grosse , though close hypocrites , as christ our lord teacheth , math. 7. 1 , 2 , 3. as indeed in mine owne experience , few or none haue beene found which sooner giue offence , then such as easily take it ; neither haue they euer proued sound and profitable members in societies , which haue nourished in themselues that touchey humour . but besides these , there are diuers spetiall motiues prouoking you aboue others to great care and conscience this way : as first , you are many of you strangers , as to the persons , so to the infirmities one of another , and so stand in neede of more watchfulnesse this way , lest when such things fall out in men and women as you suspected not , you be inordinately affected with them ; which doth require at your hands much wisedome and charitie for the couering and preuenting of incident offences that way . and lastly your intended course of ciuill communitie wil minister continuall occasion of offence , and will be as fuell for that fire , except you diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance . and if taking of offence causlesly or easily at mens doings be so carefully to be auoided , how much more heed is to be taken that we take not offence at god himselfe , which yet we certainly do so oft as we do murmure at his prouidence in our crosses , or beare impatiently such afflictions as where with he pleaseth to visit vs. store we vp therefore patience against the euill day , without which we take offence at the lord himselfe in his holy and iust works . a fourth thing there is carefully to be prouided for , to wit , that with your common emploiments you ioyne common affections truly bent vpon the generall good , auoiding as a deadly plague of your both common and speciall comfort all retirednesse of minde for proper aduantage , and all singularly affected any maner of way ; let euery man represse in himselfe and the whole bodie in each person , as so many rebels against the common good , all priuate respects of mens selues , not sorting with the generall conueniencie . and as men are carefull not to haue a new house shaken with any violence before it be well settled and the parts firmly knit : so be you , i beseech you brethren , much more carefull , that the house of god which you are and are to be , be not shaken with vnnecessary nouelties or other oppositions at the first settling thereof . lastly , whereas you are to become a body politik , vsing amongst your selues ciuill gouernment , and are not furnished with any persons of speciall eminencie aboue the rest , to be chosen by you into office of gouernment : let your wisedome and godlinesse appeare , not onely in chusing such persons as do entirely loue , and will diligently promote the common good , but also in yeelding vnto them all due honour and obedience in their lawfull administrations ; not beholding in them the ordinarinesse of their persons , but gods ordinance for your good ; nor being like vnto the foolish multitude , who more honour the gay coate , then either the vertuous mind of the man , or glorious ordinance of the lord. but you know better things , and that the image of the lords power and authoritie which the magistrate beareth , is honorable , in how meane persons soeuer . and this dutie you both may the more willingly , and ought the more conscionably to performe , because you are at least for the present to haue onely them for your ordinary gouernours , which your selues shall make choise of for that worke . sundrie other things of importance i could put you in mind of , and of those before mentioned in more words , but i will not so far wrong your godly minds , as to thinke you heedlesse of these things , there being also diuers among you so well able to admonish both themselues and others of what concerneth them . these few things therefore , and the same in few words i do earnestly commend vnto your care and conscience , ioyning there with my daily incessant prayers vnto the lord , that he who hath made the heauens and the earth , the sea and all riuers of waters , and whose prouidence is ouer all his workes , especially ouer all his deare children for good , would so guide and guard you in your wayes , as inwardly by his spirit , so outwardly by the hand of his power , as that both you and we also , for and with you , may haue after matter of praising his name all the days of your and our liues . fare you well in him in whom you trust , and in whom i rest an vnfained well-willer of your happie successe in this hopefull voyage , i. r. a briefe relation of the discovery and plantation of new england . although it bee a course , farre from the minde of vs , that are vndertakers for the aduancement of the plantation of new-england , to seeke by any vaine ostentation to extoll our owne endeuours : yet we cannot but striue to vindicate our reputation from the iniurious aspersions that haue beene laid vpon it , by the malicious practises of some that would aduenture nothing in the beginning , but would now reape the benefit of our paines and charges , and yet not seeme beholding to vs ; and to that end they disualew what is past , and by sinister informations derogate what they can from the present course intended : the rather because the good orders appointed to bee put in execution there , are likely to restraine the licentious irregularitie of other places . and this hath induced vs to publish our proceedings , whereunto it hath pleased god to giue a blessing : as to any of indifferent iudgement may appeare by that which followeth . when this designe was first attempted , some of the present company were therein chiefly interessed ; who being carefull to haue the same accomplished , did send to the discouery of those northerne parts a braue gentleman , captaine henry challons , with two of the natiues of that territory , the one called maneday , the other assecomet . but his misfortunes did expose him to the power of certaine strangers , enemies to his proceedings , so that by them , his company were seized , the ships and goods confiscated , and that voyage wholly ouerthrowne . this losse , & vnfortunate beginning , did much abate the rising courage of the first aduenturers ; but immediately vpon his departure , it pleased the noble lord chiefe iustice , sir iohn popham knight , to send out another ship , wherein captain thomas haman went commander , & martine prinne of bristow master , with all necessarie supplies , for the seconding of captaine challons and his people ; who arriuing at the place appointed , and not finding that captaine there , after they had made some discouery , and found the coasts , hauens , and harbors answerable to our desires , they returned . vpon whose relation the lord chiefe iustice , and wee all waxed so confident of the businesse , that the yeere following euerie man of any worth , formerly interessed in it , was willing to ioyne in the charge for the sending ouer a competent number of people to lay the ground of a hopefull plantation . here upon captaine popham , captaine rawley gilbert , and others were sent away with two ships , and an hundred landmen , ordnance , and other prouisions necessarie for their sustentation and defence ; vntill other supply might bee sent . in the meane while , before they could returne , it pleased god to take from vs this worthy member , the lord chiefe iustice , whose sudden death did so astonish the hearts of the most part of the aduenturers , as some grew cold , and some did wholly abandon the businesse . yet sir francis popham his sonne , certaine of his priuate friends , and other of vs , omitted not the next yeare ( holding on our first resolution ) to ioyne in sending forth a new supply , which was accordingly performed . but the ships arriuing there , did not only bring vncomfortable newes of the death of the lord chiefe iustice , together with the death of sir iohn gilbert , the elder brother vnto captaine rawley gilbert , who at that time was president of that councell : but found that the old captaine popham was also dead ; who was the onely man ( indeed ) that died there that winter , wherein they indured the greater excremities ; for that , in the depth thereof , their lodgings and stores were burnt , and they thereby wondrously distressed . this calamitie and euill newes , together with the resolution that captaine gilbert was forced to take for his owne returne , ( in that hee was to succeed his brother , in the inheritance of his lands in england ) made the whole company to resolue vpon nothing but their returne with the ships ; and for that present to leaue the countrey againe , hauing in the time of their abode there ( notwithstanding the coldnesse of the season , and the small helpe they had ) built a prettie barke of their owne , which serued them to good purpose , as easing them in their returning . the arriuall of these people heere in england , was a wonderfull discouragement to all the first vndertakers , in so much as there was no more speech of setling any other plantation in those parts for a long time after : only sir francis popham hauing the ships and prouision , which remained of the company , and supplying what was necessary for his purpose , sent diuers times to the coasts for trade and fishing ; of whose losse or gaines himselfe is best able to giue account . our people abandoning the plantation in this sort as you haue heard ; the frenchmen immediately tooke the opportunitie to settle themselues within our limits ; which being heard of by those of virginia , that discreetly tooke to their consideration the inconueniences that might arise , by suffering them to harbour there , they dispatched sir samuel argall , with commission to displace them , which hee performed with much discretion , iudgement , valour , and dexteritie . for hauing seized their forts , which they had built at mount mansell , saint croix , and port reall , he carryed away their ordnance hee also surprised their ship , cattle , and other prouisions , which hee transported to the collonie in virginia , to their great benefit . and hereby he hath made a way for the present hopefull plantation to bee made in noua-scotia , which we heare his maiestie hath lately granted to sir william alexander knight , one of his maiesties most honourable councell of the kingdome of scotland , to bee held of the said crowne , and that not without some of our priuities , as by approbation vnder writing may and doth appeare . whereby it is manifest that wee are so farre from making a monopoly of all those lands belonging to that coast ( as hath beene scandalously by some obiected ) that we wish that many would vndertake the like . in this interim there were of vs who apprehenedd better hopes of good that might ensue by this attempt , being thereunto perswaded , both by the relations of our people that had indured the many difficulties whereunto such actions are subiected chiefly in the winter season ; and likewise by the informations giuen them by certaine of the natiues , that had beene kept a long time in their hands ; wherefore we resolued once more to trie the veritie thereof , and to see if possibly we might finde something that might induce a fresh resolution to prosecute a worke so pious and so honourable . and thereupon they dispatched captaine hotson , of the i le of wight , together with captaine herley , master iohn matthew , master sturton , with two saluages , the one called epenow , the other manawet , with commission and directions fit for them to obserue and follow , the better to bring to passe what was expected . but as in all humane affaires , there is nothing more certaine , then the vncertaintie thereof ; so fell it out in this ; for a little before such time as they arriued vpon the coast with the foresaid sauages , who were naturalls of those parts , it happened there had beene one hunt ( a worthlesse fellow of our nation ( set out by certaine merchants for loue of gaine ; who ( not content with the commoditie he had by the fish , and peaceable trade he found among the sauages ) after hee had made his dispatch , and was ready to set sayle , ( more sauage-like then they ) seized vpon the poore innocent creatures ; that in confidence of his honestie had put themselues into his hands . and stowing them vnder hatches , to the number of twnety foure , carried them into the straights , where hee sought to sell them for slaues , and sold as many as he could get money for . but when it was vnderstood from whence they were brought , the friers of those parts tooke the rest from them , and kept them to be instructed in the christian faith ; and so disappointed this vnworthy fellow of the hopes of gaine he conceiued to make by this new & diuellish project . this being knowne by our two saluages , formerly spoken of , they presently contracted such an hatred against our whole nation , as they immediatly studied how to be reuenged ; and contriued with their friends the best meanes to bring it to passe ; but manawet dying in a short time after the ships arriuall there , and the other obseruing the good order , and strong guard our people kept , studied only how to free himselfe out of our hands , and thereupon laid the plot very orderly , and indeed effected his purpose , although with so great hazard to himselfe and friends , that laboured his rescue , that captaine hobson and his whole company imagined he had beene slaine . and though in the recouery of his body they wounded the master of our ship , and diuers other of our company , yet was not their designe without the slaughter of some of their people , and the hurts of other , compassed , as appeared afterward . hereupon captaine hobson and his companie , conceiuing the end of their attempt to bee frustrace , resolued without more adoe to returne , and so those hopes , that charge and voyage was lost also , for they brought home nothing but the newes of their euill successe , of the vnfortunate cause thereof , and of a warre now new begunne betweene the inhabitants of those parts , and vs. a miserable comfort for so weake meanes as were now left , to pursue the conclusion of so tedious an enterprise . while this was a working , wee found the meanes to send out captaine iohn smith from plymouth , in a ship , together with master darmer and diuers others with him , to lay the foundation of a new plantation , and to try the fishing of that coast , and to seeke to settle a trade with the natiues : but such was his misfortune , as being scarce free of our owne coast , he had his masts shaken ouer boord by stormes and tempests , his ship wonderfully distressed , and in that extremity forced to come backe againe ; so as the season of the yeere being almost spent , we were of necessitie enforced to furnish him with another ship , and taking out the prouision of the first , dispatched him away againe , who comming to the height of the westerne islands , was chased by a french pirate , and by him made prisoner , although his ship in the night escaped away , and returned home with the losse of much of her prouision , and the ouerthrow of that voyage , to the ruine of that poore gentleman captaine smith , who was detained prisoner by them , and forced to suffer many extremities , before hee got free of his troubles . notwithstanding these disasters , it pleased god so to worke for our incouragement againe , as hee sent into our hands tasquantum , one of those saluages that formerly had beene betrayed by this vnworthy hunt before named , by whose meanes there was hope conceiued to worke a peace betweene vs , and his friends , they being the principall inhabitants of that coast , where the fire was kindled . but this saluage tasquantum , being at that time in the new-found land with captain mason , gouernour there for the vndertakers of that plantation : master darmer ( who was there also , and sometimes before imployed as we haue said by vs , together with captaine iohn smith ) found the meanes to giue vs intelligence of him , and his opinion of the good vse that might be made of his imployment , with the readinesse of captaine mason , to further any of our attempts that way , either with boats or other prouision necessary , and resoluing himselfe to goe from thence , aduised vs to send some to meet with him , at our vsuall place of fishing , to aid him in his indeuour , that they ioyning together , might be able to doe what he hoped would be verie acceptable vnto all well wishers of that businesse . vpon this newes , we dispatched the next season captaine rocraft , with a company for that purpose , in hope to haue met with captaine darmer ; but the care and discretion of captaine mason was such , finding captaine darmers resolution to goe beyond his meanes , that hee perswaded him first to goe for england , that prouiding himselfe there , as was requisite , he might proceed in time expedient , which counsell he obserued ( as fit it was ) although our expectation of his ioyning with captaine rocraft was thereby disappointed . yet so it happened , that captaine reoraft at his arriuall in those parts , met with a french barke that lay in a creeke a fishing , and trading , which he seized on , and sent home the master and company in the same ship which he went out in . with this barke and his owne company , hee meant to keepe the coast that winter quarter , being very well fitted both with salt , and other necessaries for his turne : but as this was an act of extremity ( the poore man being of our owne religion ) so succeeded it accordingly . for in a short time after , certaine of this captaines company , conspired together to cut his throat , and to make themselues masters of the whole spoile , and so to seeke a new fortune where they could best make it . this conspiracie being discouered to the captaine , hee let it goe on , till the time that it should haue beene put in execution , when hee caught them in there owne traine , and so apprehended them in the very instant that they were purposed to beginne their massacre . but after he had preuented the mischiefe , and seized vpon the malefactors , hee tooke to his consideration what was best to be done with them . and beeing loth by himselfe to dispatch them as they deserued , he resolued to put them ashore , thinking by their hazard that it was possible they might discouer something , that might aduance the publike ; and so giuing them some armes for their defense , and some victuall for their sustentation , vntill they knew better how to prouide for themselues , he left them at a place called sawaguatock , where they remained not long , but got from thence to menehighon , an island lying some three leagues in the sea , and fifteene leagues from that place , where they remained all that winter , with bad lodging , and worse fare , yet came all safe home saue one sickly man , which dyed there , the rest returned with the ship wee sent for rocrafts supply and prouision , to make a fishing voyage . after these fellowes were landed , the captaine finding himselfe but weakely man'd , and his ship to draw too much water to coast those places , that by his instructions he was assigned to discouer , hee resolued to goe for virginia where he had liued a long time before , and had ( as hee conceiued ) many friends , that would helpe him with some things that he had occasion to vse . arriuing there , he was not deceiued of his expectation ; for sir samuel argall being their gouernour , and one that respected him much for his owne sake , was the readier to helpe him , in regard of the good hee wished to the businesse wherein he was imployed . but all this could not preuaile , for after that sir samuell argall came from thence ( his departure being more suddaine then was expected ) it fell out that the new gouernour entred the harbour : and finding rocraft ready to bee gone , sent to him to command him to come aboord to speake with him , which he readily obeyed , assoone as he could fit his boat and men for that purpose . and so leauing his barke with her great anker a head , and taking with him the halfe of his company , hee was forced to stay aboard the new gouernours ship that night . in the meane while a storme arising , our barke wanting hands to doe their labour , droue a shoare , and there sunke . but yet the gouernour and captaine so laboured the next day , when they knew thereof , as that they freed her againe , but that occasion forced our captaine to stay so long in the countrey to fit himselfe anew , as in the interim a quarrell fell out betweene him and another of that place ; so as rocraft was slaine , and the barque sunke the second time , and finally disabled from yeelding vs any benefit to this present . but we not knowing this disaster , and captaine darmer arriuing with his saluage out of new-found-land , dispatched him away the next season , in a shippe we sent againe for the fishing businesse , and assigned him a company to ioyne with rocraft and his people . captaine darmer arriuing there , and not finding rocraft , was a little perplexed , and in doubt what to doe : yet hearing by those mutiners which he found there , that he was gone for virginia ; he was hopefull of his returne ; and liued in that expectation , till such time as he heard ( by a ship that came from thence to fish for the collony ) the confusion of his fortune , and the end of his misery in this world . then he determined to take the pinnace that the yeare before was assigned to rocraft for him to make the trade with , and with her to proceed on his designe , and so embarked himselfe , and his prouision and company in her . and leauing the fisher-men to their labour , he coasted the shore from thence , searching euery harbor , and compassing euery cape-land , till he arriued in virginia ; where he was in hope to meet with some of the prouision , or company of rocraft , to helpe to supply him of what he wanted ; as also to lay a decke vpon his pinnace , that before had not any , and now was taught by experience the necessitie of hauing that defect supplied . but those hopes failed him ( al being before that time ruined and dispersed ) so farre , as he saw it in vaine to hope for help by that means , and therfore attempted to make the best of what hee had of his owne . and going to set his men a worke , they all in a few dayes after their arriuall , fell sicke of a disease which hapned at that time in the country , so as now he was not onely forced to be without hope of their helping of him , but must labor himselfe all he could to attend and sustaine them ; but so god fauoured him , that they recouered , and in time conuenient he dispatched his businesse there , and put himselfe to sea againe , resoluing to accomplish in his iourney backe to new-england , what in his last discouery he had omitted . in his passage he met with certaine hollanders , who had a trade in hudsons riuer some yeares before that time , with whom he had conference about the state of that coast , and their proceedings with those people : whose answer gaue him good content . he betooke himselfe to the following of his businesse , discouering many goodly riuers , and exceeding pleasant , and fruitfull coasts , and islands , for the space of 80. leagues from east to west , for so that coast doth range along from hudsons riuer to cape iames. now after we had found by captaine rocrafts relation made the yeare before , the hopes he conceiued of the benefits that coast would afford , towards the vpholding of the charge for setling our plantation by reason of the commodities arising by fishing and furres , if a course might be taken for the mannaging of that businesse , as was fit for such a designe ; as well as for the aduancement of the publique good of our whole nation , and satisfaction of euery well disposed person , that had a will to be interessed therein . it was held to be most conuenient to strengthen our selues by a new grant to be obtained from his royall maiestie : the rather , finding that those of virginia had by two seuerall patents setled their bounds , and excluded all from intermedling with them that were not free of their company ; and had wholly altered the forme of their gouernment , from the first ground layed for the managing the affaires of both collonies , leauing vs as desperate , and our businesse as abandoned . these considerations ( as is said ) together with the necessitie of setling our affaires , bounds and limits , distinct from theirs , made vs resolue to petition his maiestie for the renewing of our grant. by which time the rumour of our hopes was so publiquely spread abroad , and the commodities of the fish , and trade so looked into , as it was desired , that all that coast might be made free , as well to those of virginia , as to vs to make their commoditie : how iust or vniust that motion was , we will not argue , seeing the businesse is ended . by this meanes , our preceedings were interrupted , and we questioned about it ; first , by the counsell of virginia , whom we thought to haue benefully satisfied therein , before we could haue way giuen vs for a new patent , 〈…〉 hauing beene heard by certaine of the lords of the councell ; and the businesse by them so ordered , 〈◊〉 we were directed to proceed and to haue our grant agreeable to the libertie of the virginia company , the frame of our gouernment excepted ; but this order not being liked of , it was againe heard & concluded . lastly , the parent being past the seale , it was stopt vpon new suggestions to the king , and by his maiestie referred to the councell to be setled , by whom the former orders were confirmed , the difference cleared , and we ordered to haue our patent deliuered vs. these disputes held vs almost two yeeres , so as all men were afraid to ioyne with vs , and we thereby left hopelesse of any thing more , than that which our owne fortunes would yeeld to aduance our proceedings , in which time so many accidents hapned vnto vs at home , and abroad , that wee were faine to giue order by the ships we sent a fishing , for the retiring of master darmer , and his people , vntill all things were cleared , and we better prouided of meanes to goe through with our designe : but this worthy gentleman confident of the good likely to ensue , and resolutely resoluing to pursue the ends he aymed at , could not be perswaded to looke backe , as yet ; and so refusing to accept our offer , began againe to prosecute his discouery , wherein he was betrayed by certaine new saluages , who sodainly set vpon him , giuing him foureteene or fifteene wounds , but by his valour , and dexteritie of spirit he freed himselfe out of their hands , yet was constrained to retire into virginia again the second time , for the cure of his wounds , where he fell sicke of the infirmities of that place , and thereof dyed : so ended this worthie gentleman his dayes , after he had remained in the discouery of that coast two yeares , giuing vs good content in all hee vndertooke ; and after he had made the peace between vs and the saluages , that so much abhorred our nation , for the wrongs done them by others , as you haue heard : but the fruit of his labour in that behalfe we as yet receiue to our great commoditie , who haue a peaceable plantation at this present among them , where our people both prosper , and liue in good liking , and assurednesse of their neighbours , that had beene formerly so much exasperated against vs , as will more at large appeare hereafter . but hauing passed all these stormes abroad , and vndergone so many home-bred oppositions , and freed our patent , which we were by order of state assigned to renew , for the amendment of some defects therein contained , we were assured of this ground more boldly to proceed on than before ; and therefore we tooke first to consideration how to raise the meanes to aduance the plantation . in the examination thereof , two wayes did offer themselues : the one was the voluntary contribution of the patentees ; the other , by an easie ransoming of the freedomes of those that had a will to partake onely of the present profits , arising by the trade , and fishing vpon the coast . the first was to proceed from those noble-men , and others that were patentees , and they agreed by order among themselues to disburse a hundred pounds a peece , for the aduancement of such necessary busines , as they had in hand . the second was to be accomplished by setling such liberties and orders in the westerne cities , and townes , as might induce euery reasonable man , in , and about them , affecting the publike good , or a regular proceeding in the businesse of trade , to embrace an vniformitie , and to ioyne in a communitie , or ioynt stocke together how reasonable , or vnreasonable those orders were , is hereafter to be seene , and iudged by euery well affected person , or any truly louing the publike good of our nation , whereunto is annexed the difference of trading by a ioynt stocke vnder gouernment and order ; and the promiscuous trading without order , and in a dis-joynted manner , as of late they haue done to the infinite preiudice of others already , as also to the losse of many of themselues , that contemptuously and greedily haue leapt into that course , as it were in despight of all authoritie , whose reward , in time , will follow . before these orders were to be tendered to those cities and townes , it was desired that there might be letters sent from their lordships , admonishing them of his maiesties royall grant , that prohibiteth any not free of that busines , to intermeddle within our limits , vpon paine of confiscation of ship and goods . these letters expressing withall the good affection of those that were interessed in the businesse , to entertaine any that should be willing to conforme themselues to such orders , as had in that behalfe beene established . but those letters how full of iustice soeuer they appeared , were as distastefull , as was the rumor of order vnto them : for by it euery particular man thought himselfe strait debarred of libertie to run his owne currant , in which he thought his freedome did onely consist ; and by debarring him thereof , his priuate ends were ouerthrowne , which was to endeuour to preuent his neighbour of the market he aimed at , or the harbour he resolued to goe vnto , or the present trade hee expected to haue by his priuate industrie , but as for the publique hee cared not , let that fare as it would . while these things were in dispute , and likely to haue taken a good foundation , the news of the parliament flew to all parts , & then the most factious of euery place , presently combined themselues to follow the businesse in parliament , where they presumed to proue the same to be a monopolie , and much tending to the preiudice of the common good . but that there should be a conformitie in trade , or a course taken to preuent the euills that were likely to ensue , or to appropriate possessions , or lands , after a generous manner , in remote parts of the world , to certaine publique persons , of the common-wealth , for the taking care , and spending their time and means how to aduance the enlargement of their countrey , the honour of their king , and glory of their god ; these were thought crimes worthy the taking notice of , and the principall actors in this kinde , must be first traduced in priuate , then publiquely called vpon in parliament , to answer such other scandalls as could by malice be inuented . but as this businesse was in it selfe iust , and righteous , so was it as earnestly desired , they might haue had the opportunitie to haue answered it before so vnpartiall iudges , and so reuerend persons ; if so it might haue been without offence to the authoritie of his royall maiestie , that had extended it selfe by vertue of his prerogatiue so farre off , and without the lawes of this realme , and to be put in execution without the publike expence , or charge of the common-wealth , or preiudice to any other former imployments of our nation , and indeed without offence to any that coueted not to put their sickle into the haruest of other men , or whose enuious & couetous humors stirred them not vp to shame themselues in the conclusion . these troubles thus vnfortunately falling out , haue notwithstanding hindered vs from the hopes we had this yeare , to giue some life extraordinarily to those affaires , & therefore we are forced of necessitie to refer the maine of our resolution , till a more conuenient opportunitie , and till we haue gotten our ships and prouision fit to serue our turnes both to giue the law along those coasts , and to performe such other seruice , as is thereby intended for the publike good of our aduenturers , and defence of our marchants , that shall frequent those places , according to such orders , as shall be found behouefull in that behalfe . the clime and condition of the country , and the present estate of our affaires there . you haue heard already the many disasters , calamities , misfortunes , oppositions , and hinderances we haue had , and receiued . howbeit many are omitted , in that we desire not to trouble the reader with more than enough ; or to affright the minds of weak spirits , that will beleeue there is no better successe to be looked for from such attempts : although it be true that the best designes do oftentimes cary with them the most impediments , whether it be that god will haue it so , to trie our constancie , or otherwise to make vs know , that it is he onely that worketh after his owne will , according to the time he hath assigned , and that there is nothing done but by him , as also that , that is onely best which hee will haue to be done , and that time most proper which he hath assigned for the same . but by these you may imagine ( seeing we haue none other helps than our owne fortunes to build vpon ) there can no great matters bee performed in these stormes and tempests . notwithstanding , you may know wee haue not beene more hindred one way , than blessed an other : for , as our patience , constancie , trauels and charge hath beene great , so hath it ( indeed ) manifoldly beene required : for , by gods fauour , and these gentlemens industrie ; we haue made a most ample discouerie of the most commodious country for the benefit of our nation , that euer hath beene found . for better satisfaction of the reader in this behalfe , we haue thought it fit , by the way , to acquaint him first with the nature of the place where wee haue setled our selues , whereby hee may see reason for what wee haue done , remembring him likewise , that in settling of plantations , there is principally to be considered : the aire , for the health of the inhabitants . the soile , for fertilitie fit for corne , and feeding of cattle wherewith to sustaine them the sea , for commoditie of trade and commerce , the better to enrich their publique and priuate state , as it shall grow to perfection , and to raise imployments , to furnish the course of those affaires . now for the quality of the aire , there is none of iudgement but knowes it proceedeth either from the generall disposition of the sphere , or from the particular constitution of the place . touching the disposition of the sphere , it is not onely seated in the temperate zone , but as it were in the center , or middle part thereof , for that the middle part of that country hath about three hundred and ten degrees of longitude ; and stands in the forty fourth and forty fifth degrees of the northerne latitude , that is , twenty degrees from the fiery tropicke , and as much from the freesing articke circle : vnder the same climate and course of the sunne that constantinople , and rome , the ladies of the world ; italy , and france , the gardens of europe , haue their situation , within the limits of the fifth and sixt climate , after the later computation ; hauing their longest day fifteene houres and some odde minutes . touching the constitution of the place ( which is about sixty two degrees by sea from our continent westerly ) the maritine parts thereof are somewhat colder , then the nature of the clime otherwise affordeth ; for that the beames of the sunne are weakned , partly by the vnstable reflection of the same vpon the sea , and partly by beeing laden with abundance of moisture it exhales out of the vast ocean , whereby the nature thereof is not so violently there expressed , as in the like parallel further into the maine is accustomed . nor is that sea coast so subiect to droughts or want of raine in seasonable times , as other parts are of like latitudes , and by that reason the sea coasts are at all times more cold then is the inland . and the easterne coast which receiueth the rising of the sunne , is likewise colder then are the westerne parts , towards the declining of the same , as our morning aires ( for example ) euen in the heat of summer are cold and quicke , when the day and euening are very sweltring . and this makes those parts more sutable to the nature of our people , who neither finde content in the colder climates , nor health in the hotter ; but ( as hearbs and plants ) affect their natiue temperature , and prosper kindly no where else . and indeed , the hot countreys yeeld sharper wits , but weaker bodies , and fewer children ; the colder , more slow of conceit , but stronger of body , and more abounding in procreation . so that , though the inuention of arts hath risen from the southerne nations , yet they haue still beene subiect to the inundations , and inuasions of the more northerly people , by reason of their multitudes , together with the strength of their body , and hardnesse of their constitutions . but this country , what by the generall and particular situation , is so temperate , as it seemeth to hold the golden meane , and indeed is most agreeable to the nature of our owne , which is made manifest by experience , the most infallible proofe of all assertions ; in so much as our people that are setled there , enioy their life and health much more happily , then in other places ; which can bee imputed to no other cause , then the temperature of the climate . now , as the clime is found to bee so temperate , so delicate , and healthfull , both by reason and experience ; such is the soile also , some parts thereof yeelding wonderfull increase , both of the corne , the natiues haue most vse of ; as also of our owne , of all sorts : with infinite variety of nourishing roots , and other herbes , and fruits , common among them , but rare with vs. besides , the coast doth abound with most conuenient hauens , and harbors , full of singular islands , fit for plantation ; replenished with plants and wood of all sorts ; as oake , cedars , spruce , firre , pyne , walnut , chestnut , elme , sassafras , plum-trees , and calamus aromaticus , &c. the people are tractable ( if they bee not abused ) to commerce and trade withall , and as yet haue good respect of vs. the seas are stored with all kindes of excellent fish , and in many places vpon the coast , fit to make salt in . the country aboundeth with diuersity of wild foule , as turkeys , partriges , swans , cranes , wilde geese of two sorts , wilde duckes of three sorts , many doues , especially when strawberies are ripe . there are seuerall sorts of deere in those parts , and some that bring forth two , three , and foure young at once , which is a manifest proofe of the fertility of the soile , or temper of the clime , or both together . there is also a certaine beast , that the natiues call a mosse , hee is as big bodied as an oxe , headed like a fallow deere , with a broad palme , which hee mues euery yeere , as doth the deere , and necke like a red deere , with a short mane , running downe along the raines of his backe , his haire long like an elke , but esteemed to be better then that for sadlers vse , he hath likewise a great bunch hanging down̄e vnder his throat , and is of the colour of our blacker sort of fallow deere , his legges are long , and his feet as bigge as the feet of our oxen , his taile is longer then the single of a deere , and reacheth almost downe to his huxens , his skinne maketh very good buffe , and his flesh is excellent good food , which the natiues vse to ierkin and keepe all the yeere to serue their turne , and so prooues very seruiceable for their vse . there haue beene many of them seene in a great island vpon the coast , called by our people mount mansell , whither the saluages goe at certaine seasons to hunt them ; the manner whereof is , by making of seuerall fires , and setting the countrey with people , to force them into the sea , to which they are naturally addicted , and then there are others that attend them in their botes with bowes and weapons of seuerall kindes , wherewith they slay and take at their pleasure . and there is hope that this kinde of beasts may bee made seruiceable for ordinary labour with art and industry . the knowne commodities of that country , are fish of seuerall sorts , rich furres , as beauers , otters , martins , blacke fox , sables , &c. there are likewise plenty of vines , of three kindes , and those pleasant to the taste , yet some better then other . there is hempe , flax , silkgrasse , seuerall veines of ironstone , commodities to make pitch , rosen , tarre ; deale boords of all sorts , sparres , masts , for ships of all burdens ; in a word , there comes no commodity out of france , germany , or the sound , but may be had there , with reasonable labour and industry . further , wee haue setled at this present , seuerall plantations along the coast , and haue granted patents to many more that are in preparation to bee gone with all conueniencie . those of our people that are there , haue both health and plenty , so as they acknowledge there is no want of any thing , but of industrious people , to reape the commodities that are there to be had , and they are indeed so much affected to the place , as they are loth to be drawne from thence , although they were directed to returne to giue satisfaction to those that sent them , but chose rather to performe that office by letters , together with their excuse , for breach of their duty in that behalfe . and thus you see there is no labour well imployed , but hath his reward at one time or other . these incouragements haue imboldned vs to proceed , to the ingaging of our selues , for the building of some ships of good burden , and extraordinary mould , to lie vpon the coast for the defense of merchants and fishermen , that are imployed there , as also to waft the fleets , as they goe to and from their markets : and we purpose from henceforth to build our shipping there , where wee find all commodities fit for that seruice , together with the most opportune places , that can bee desired . lastly , finding that wee haue so far forth preuailed , as to winde our selues into familiarity with the natiues , ( which are in no great number ) along the coast for two hundred leagues together , wee haue now dispatched some of our people of purpose , to diue into the bowels of the continent , there to search and finde out what port , or place , is most conuenient to settle our maine plantation in , where wee meane to make the residencie of our state and gouernment , as also to bee assured , what other commodities may be raised for the publique , and priuate benefit of those that are dealers in that businesse , and willing to bee interessed in any the lands there : whither is gone this yeere already , for vs to vary from it , and therefore we haue resolued to build our edifices vpon it , and to frame the same after the platforme already layd , and from whence wee take our denomination . so as we purpose to commit the managing of our whole affaires there in generall , vnto a gouernour , to be assisted by the aduice and counsel of so many of the patentees as shall be there resident , together with the officers of state , that is to say ; the treasurer for the managing of the treasure and reuenues belonging to that state. the martiall for matters of armes , and affaires of warres , be it defensiue or offensiue . the admirall for maritine businesse ciuill or criminall , and the forces belonging to the sea. the master of the ordnance for munition , artillery and other prouisions for publique store of armies by sea or land ; as also such other persons of iudgement and experience , as by the president and counsell established here , for the better gouerning of those affaires shall be thought fit . by this head , and these members , vnited together , the great affaires of the whole state is to be managed , according to their seuerall authorities , giuen them from their superiours , the president and councell established as aforesaid . and for that all men by nature are best pleased to be their owne caruers , and doe most willingly submit to those ordinances , or orders whereof themselues are authors : it is therefore resolued , that the generall lawes whereby that state is to be gouerned , shall be first framed and agreed vpon by the generall assembly of the states of those parts , both spirituall and temporall . for the better distinction whereof , and the more orderly proceeding , agreeable ( as is said ) to the present state of this our realme , two parts of the whole territorie is to be diuided betweene the patentees , into seuerall counties , to be by themselues or their friends planted , at their pleasure or best commoditie . the other third part is to be reserued for publique vses , to be belonging to the state , as their reuenew for defraying of publique charge . but as well this third part , as the two formerly spoken of , is to be diuided into counties , baronries , hundreds , and the like , from all which the deputies for euery county , and baronry , are to be sent in the name and behalfe of the subiects , vnder them to consult and agree vpon the lawes so to be framed , as also to reforme any notable abuses committed in former proceedings . yet these are not to be assembled , but by order from the president and councell heere , who are to giue life to the lawes so to be made , as those to whom of right it best belongs , according to his maiesties royall grant in that behalfe , as also that vnder god , and his sacred highnesse , they are the principall authors of that foundation . and thus much for the generall forme of our gouernment . in like manner are the counties to be gouerned by the chiefe head or deputy thereof with other officers vnder him . as his steward , comptroller , treasurer of his reuenews ; and so the baronries by their stewards , and other inferiour ministers , who are to haue assigned them the power of high and low iustice within themselues for determining of controuersies , with reseruation of appeale in some cases to the supreme courts . and further , these lords of counties may of themselues subdiuide their said county into mannors and lordships , as to them shall seeme best , giuing to the lords thereof power of keeping of courts , and l●●●… , as is heere vsed in england , for the determining of petty matters , arising betweene the lords , and the tenants , or any other . and there is no lesse care to be taken for the trade and publique commerce of merchants , whose gouernment ought to be within themselues , in respect of the seuerall occasions arising betweene them , the trades-men , and 〈…〉 mechanickes , with whom they haue most to doe : and who are generally the chiefe inhabitants of great citties , and townes , in all parts ; it is likewise prouided , that all the cities in that territory , and other inferiour townes where trades-men are in any numbers , shall be incorporate and made bodies politique , to gouerne their affaires and people as it shall be found most behouefull for the publique good of the same ; according vnto the greatnes or capacity of them , who shall be made likewise capable to send certaine their deputies , or burgesses to this publique assembly , as members thereof , and who shall haue voyces equall with any the rest . by this you see our maine drift is but to take care for the well ordering of the businesse , seeking by all meanes to auoyd ( what we may ) the intermedling with any mens monies , or disposing of any mens fortunes , saue onely our owne ; leauing to euery particular vndertaker the imployment of their aduentures , and the raising of their profits , out of their proper limits , and possessions , as shall seeme best to themselues , or their officers , or ministers , whom they imploy , and whom they may be bold to question , or displace , as to themselues shall seeme most fitting . and hereby all men may know , that as it is not in our wills to delude and deceiue any , so wee are carefull not to giue the least cause of suspicion of any euill in that kinde ; so much the rather for that wee daily see by experience , the abuses committed in like cases by inferiour ministers , to be a notable cause to dehort the good dispositions of many otherwise well affected to plantations , for that they obserue those that are so imployed to grow rich , and their aduentures to come to nothing . and wee further desire that all men should bee perswaded , wee couet not to engrosse any thing at all vnto ourselues , but that wee should bee exceeding glad to finde more of our nation , so free in disposition , as to partake with vs , as well in the profit , as in the future trauell , and charge thereof ; without looking backe to our expence , or labour already past , to the end that all our hands being vnited together , the worke may bee so much the sooner aduanced , well knowing and freely confessing , that it is sufficient to giue content to a multitude , and that of all sorts . for such as are truely pious , shall finde heere the opportunity to put in practise the workes of piety , both in building of churches , and raising of colledges for the breeding of youth , or maintenance of diuines and other learned men . if they be such as affect glory , and to continue their memory to future ages , they may haue heere the meanes to raise houses , parishes , yea townes , or prouinces , to their names and posterity . doe they aime at wealth ? heere is the way for their industry to satiate their appetites in that , if they be not vnsatiable . doe they long after pleasure ? here is as much to be had as may content any , not meerely voluptuous , or onely prodigall . doe they aspire to be commanders ? here is the place where they may haue command of their owne friends , or tenants , if they be of any worth , or meanes extraordinary wherewith to transport any numbers . if otherwise of experience and vertue , it is likely they may attaine places of gouernement for the publique state. so as you see there wants no occasions , or opportunity to inuite , or giue satisfaction to such as haue patience to attend the time . and indeed we shall be glad , that this , or any thing else may induce a free and noble resolution , in any well affected person , to endeuour the aduancement of these ends , together with vs , in that they shall finde them agreeable to honour , and honestie ; and if there bee any that can adde ought vnto our endeuours , by their aduice or otherwise , there is none that shall more readily embrace the same then wee ; whose intents are onely framed for the prosperity of the businesse , as is already said , and as we hope will all those be , that shall assent to ioyne with vs , both in the labor , profit , and honour , without respect to the weakenesse of the motiue , by which it hath beene heeretofore mooued , or any thing saue the worke it selfe . for by it you shall finde the honour of our god , our king , and nation , will bee aduanced , without effusion of christian bloud , or question of wrong to the present inhabitants . for that they themselues both desire it , & we intēd not to take ought , but what they that are there , are willing wee should bee seized of , both for the defence of them against their enemies , and their preseruation in peace among themselues , & propagation of the christian faith , which with wonderfull alacrity many of them seeme to giue care vnto , and for whose speedy conuersion wee intend to bee as carefull as of our owne happinesse ; and as diligent to build them houses , and to prouide them tutors for their breeding , and bringing vp of their children , of both sects , as to aduance any other businesse whatsoeuer , for that wee acknowledge our selues specially bound thereunto . and this being done , to referre the successe , to the author of heauen and earth , to whom be all honour and glory . finis . nevves from america; or, a new and experimentall discoverie of new england containing, a true relation of their war-like proceedings these two yeares last past, with a figure of the indian fort, or palizado. also a discovery of these places, that as yet have very few or no inhabitants which would yeeld speciall accommodation to such as will plant there, viz. queenapoik. agu-wom. hudsons river. long island. nahanticut. martins vinyard. pequet. naransett bay. elizabeth islands. puscat away. casko with about a hundred islands neere to casko. by captaine iohn underhill, a commander in the warres there. underhill, john, d. 1672. 1638 approx. 66 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14203 stc 24518 estc s111497 99846827 99846827 11819 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14203) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 11819) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1041:11) nevves from america; or, a new and experimentall discoverie of new england containing, a true relation of their war-like proceedings these two yeares last past, with a figure of the indian fort, or palizado. also a discovery of these places, that as yet have very few or no inhabitants which would yeeld speciall accommodation to such as will plant there, viz. queenapoik. agu-wom. hudsons river. long island. nahanticut. martins vinyard. pequet. naransett bay. elizabeth islands. puscat away. casko with about a hundred islands neere to casko. by captaine iohn underhill, a commander in the warres there. underhill, john, d. 1672. r. h., fl. 1638, engraver. [4], 44 p., folded plate : map printed by i. d[awson] for peter cole, and are to be sold at the signe of the glove in corne-hill neere the royall exchange, london : 1638. printer's name from stc. the words "also a discovery .. plant there," and "queenapoik .. neere to casko" are bracketed together on the title page. the first leaf is blank. the map has title "the figure of the indians' fort or palizado in new england .." and is signed "rh". running title reads: the proceedings these two yeares last past in new england. reproduction of a photostat of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng pequot war, 1636-1638 -early works to 1800. new england -description and travel -early works to 1800. 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2003-08 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nevves from america ; or , a new and experimentall discoverie of new england ; containing , a trve relation of their war-like proceedings these two yeares last past , with a figure of the indian fort , or palizado . also a discovery of these places , that as yet have very few or no inhabitants which would yeeld speciall accommodation to such as will plant there , viz. queenapoick . agu-wom . hudsons river . long island . nahanticut . martins vinyard . pequet . naransett bay. elizabeth islands . puscat away . casko with about a hundred islands neere to casko . by captaine iohn underhill , a commander in the warres there . london , printed by i.d. for peter cole , and are to be sold at the signe of the glove in corne-hill neere the royall exchange . 1638. 〈◊〉 of the indians fort or palizado in new england 〈…〉 of the destroying 〈◊〉 c●●tayne vnderhill 〈◊〉 ca●tayne mason . newes from america , or a late and experimentall discoverie of new england . i shall not spend time ( for my other occasions will not permit ) to write largely of every particular , but shall as briefly as i may performe these two things , first give a true narration , of the warre-like proceedings that hath been in new england these two years last past . secondly , i shall discover to the reader divers places in new england , that would afford speciall accommodations to such persons as will plant upon them , i had not time to doe either of these as they deserved , but wanting time to doe it as the nature of the thing required ; i shall according to my abilitie begin with a relation of our warre-like proceedings , and will inter-weave the speciall places fit for new plantations , with their description , as i shall find occasion in the following discourse , but i shall according to my promise begin with a true relation of the new england warres against the block ▪ ilanders , and that insolent and barbarous nation , called the pequeats , whom by the sword of the lord , and a few feeble instruments , souldiers not accustomed to warre , were drove out of their countrey , and slaine by the sword , to the number of fifteene hundred soules in the space of two moneths and lesse : so as their countrey is fully subdued and fallen into the hands of the english : and to the end that gods name might have the glory , and his people see his power , and magnifie his honour for his great goodnesse i have indevoured according to my weake ability , to set forth the full relation of the warre from the first rise to the end of the victory . the cause of our war against the block islanders , was for taking away the life of one master iohn oldham , who made it his common course trade amongst the indians ▪ he comming to block-island to drive trade with them , the islanders came into his boate and having got a full view of commodities which gave them good content , consulted how they might destroy him and his company , to the end they might cloth their bloody flesh with his lawful garments . the indians having laid the plo● into the boate they came to trade as they pretended watching their opportunities , knockt him in the head , & martyred him most barbarously , to the great griefe of his poore distressed servants , which by the providence of god were saved . this island lying in the rode way to the lord sey , and the lord brookes plantation , a certaine sea man called to iohn gallop master of the small navigation standing along to the mathethusis bay , and seeing a boate under saile close aboard the island , and perceiving the sailes to be unskilfully managed , bred in him a jealously , whether that the island indians had not bloodily taken the life of our countrie-men , and made themselves master of their goods : suspecting this , he bore up to them and approaching neere them was confirmed that his jealousie was just , seeing indians in the boate , and knowing her to be the vessel of master oldham , and not seeing him there gave fire upon them and slew some , others leaped over board ; besides two of the number which he preserved alive and brought to the bay . the blood of the innocent called for vengeance , god stirred up the heart of the honoured governour master henrie vane and the rest of the worthy magistrates to send forth a 100. well appointed souldiers under the conduct of captaine iohn hendicot , and in company with him that had command , captaine iohn vnderhill , captaine nathan turner , captaine william ienningson , besides other inferiour officers . i would not have the world wonder at the great number of commanders ●o so few men , but know that the indians fight ●arre differs from the christian practise , for they most commonly divide themselves into small bodies , so that we are forced to neglect our usuall way and to subdivide our divisions to answer theirs , and not thinking it any disparagement , to any captaine to go forth against an enemy with a squaldron of men taking the ground from the old & ancient practise when they chose captaines of hundreds and captaine of thousands , captaines of fifties and captaines of tens : we conceive a captaine signifieth the chiefe in way of command of any body committed to his charge for the time being whether of more or lesse , it makes no matter in power though in honour it doth . comming to an anckor before the island we espied an indian walking by the shore in a desolate manner as though he had received intelligence of our comming . which indian gave just ground to some to conclude that the body of the people had diserted the island . but some knowing them for the generality to be a warlike nation , a people that spend most of their time in the studie of warlike policy were not perswaded that they would upon so slender termes forsake the island , but rather suspected they might lye behind ●●anke , much like the forme of a baracado● my selfe with others rode with a shallop made towards the shore , having in the boat a dozen ●●med souldiers drawing neere to the place of landing , the number that rose from behind the barracado , were betweene 50. or 60. able fighting men , men as straite as arrowes , very tall , and of active bodyes , having their arrowes nockt , they drew neere to the water side , and let flie at the souldiers , as though they had meant to have made an end of us all in a moment ; they shot a young gentleman in the necke thorow a coller for stiffenesse , as if it had beene an oaken boord , and entered his flesh a good depth ; my selfe received an arrow through my coate sleeve , a second against my helmet on the forehead , so as if god in his providence had not moved the heart of my wife to perswade mee to carrie it along with me which i was unwilling to doe , i had beene slaine . give me leave to observe two things from hence first when the houre of death is not yet come , you see god useth weake meanes to keepe his purpose unviolated . secondly , let no man despise advise and counsell of his wife though shee be a woman ; it were strange to nature to thinke a man should be bound to fulfill the humour of a woman , what armes hee should carry , but you see god will have it so , that a woman should overcome a man : what with dalilahs flattery , and with her mourn●ull teares they must and will have their desire , when the hand of god goes a long in the matter ; and this is to accomplish his owne will , therefore let the clamour bee quencht i daily heare in my eares , that new england men usurpe over their wives , and keepe them in servile subjection : the countrey is wronged in this matter , as in many things else : let this president satisfie the doubtfull , for that comes from the example of a rude souldier : if they bee so curteous to their wives , as to take their advice in warlike matters , how much more kind is the tender affectionate husband to honour his wife as the weaker vessell ? yet mistake not , i say not that they are bound to call their wives in councell , though they are bound to take their private advice ( so farre as they see it make for their advantage and their good ▪ ) instance abraham . but to the matter , the arrowes flying thicke about us , wee made hast to the shore , but the suffe of the sea being great , hindered us , so as wee could scarce discharge a musket , but were forced to make hast to land ▪ drawing neere the shore through the strength of wind , and the hollownesse of the sea , wee durst not adventure to runne ashore , but were forced to wade up to the middle , but once having got up of our legges , wee gave ●i●e upon them , they finding our bullets to out reach their arrowes , they fled before us ; in the meane while colonell hindecot made to the shore , and some of this number also r●pulsed him at his landing , but hurt none ▪ wee thought they would stand it out with us , but they perceiving wee were in earnest , fled ; and left their wigwams or houses , and provision to the use of our souldiers : having set forth our sentinels , and laid out our pardues , wee betooke our selves to the guard , expecting hourely they would fall upon us ; but they observed the old rule , 't is good sleeping in a whole skin , and left us free from an alarum . the next day wee set upon our march , the indians being retired into swamps , so as wee could not find them , wee burnt and spoyled both houses and corne in great abundance : but they kept themselves in obscuritie : captaine turner stepping aside to a swampe , met with some few indians , and charged upon them , changing some few bullets for arrowes , himselfe received a shot upon the breast of his corslet , as if it had beene pushed with a pike , and if hee had not had it on , hee had lost his life . a prettie passage worthy observation , wee had an indian with us that was an interpreter , being in english cloathes , and a gunne in his hand , was spied by the ilanders , which called out to him , what are you an indian or an english-man : come hither , saith he , and i will tell you ; hee pulls up his cocke and let fly at one of them , and without question was the death of him : having spent that day in burning and spoyling the iland , wee tooke up the quarter for that night , about midnight my selfe went out with ten men about two miles from our quarter , and discovered the most eminent plantation , they had in the iland where was much corne , many wigwams , and great heapes of mats ; but fearing lest wee should make an alarum by setting fire on them ; wee left them as wee found them , and peaceably departed to our quarter : and the next morning with ●0 . men marched up to the same plantation , burnt their houses , cut downe their corne , destroyed some of their dogges in stead of men , which they left in their wigwams . passing on toward the water side to imbarque our souldiers , wee met with severall famous wigwams with great heapes of pleasant corne ready shaled , but not able to bring it away , wee did throw their mattes upon it , and set fire and burnt it : many well-wrought mattes our souldiers brought from thence , and severall delightfull baskets : wee being divided into two parts , the rest of the body met with no lesse , i suppose , then our selves did . the indians playing least in sight , wee spent our time , and could no more advantage our selves then wee had already done , and having slaine some fourteen , & maimed others , wee imbarqued our selves , and set saile for seasbrooke fort , where wee lay through distresse of weather foure dayes , then we departed . the pequeats having slaine one captaine norton , and captaine stone , with seven more of their company , order was given us to visit them , sayling along the nahanticot shore with five vessels , the indians spying of us came running in multitudes along the water side , crying , what cheere englishmen , what cheere , what doe you come for ? they not thinking we intended warre went on cheerefully untill they come to pequeat riuer . we thinking it the best way did forbeare to answer them ; first , that we might the better bee able to runne through the worke . secondly , that by delaying of them , we might drive them in securitie , to the end wee might have the more advantage of them : but they seeing wee would make no answer , kept on their course , and cryed , what english man , what cheere , what cheere , are you hoggerie , will you cram us ? that is , are you angry , will you kill us , and doe you come to fight . that night the nahanticot indians , and the pequeats , made fire on both sides of the river , fearing we would land in the night . they made most dolefull , and wofull cryes all the night , ( so that wee could scarce rest ) hollowing one to another , and giving the word from place to place , to gather their forces together , fearing the english were come to warre against them . the next morning they sent early aboard an ambassadour , a grave senior , a man of good understanding , portly , cariage grave , and majesticall in his expressions ; he demanded of us what the end of our comming was , to which we answered , that the governours of the bay sent us to demand the heads of those persons that had slaine captaine norton , and captaine stone , and the rest of their company , and that it was not the custome of the english to suffer murtherers to live , and therefore if they desired their owne peace and welfare , they will peaceably answer our expectation , and give us the heads of the murderers . they being a witty and ingenious nation , their ambassadour laboured to excuse the matter , and answered , we know not that any of ours have slaine any english : true it is , saith he , we have slaine such a number of men , but consider the ground of it ; not long before the comming of these english into the river , there was a certaine vessell that came to us in way of trade , we used them well , and traded with them , and tooke them to be such as would not wrong us in the least matter ; but our sachem or prince comming aboord , they laid a plot how they might destroy him , which plot discovereth it ●●lfe by the event , as followeth ▪ they keeping their boat aboord , and not desi●ous of our company , gave us leave to stand ●ollowing a●hore , that they might worke their mischievous plot ▪ but as wee stood they called to us , and demanded of us a bushell of wampam peke , which is their money , this they demanded for his ransome , this peale did ring terribly in our eares , to demand so much for the life of our prince , whom we thought was in the hands of honest men , and wee had never wronged them ; but we saw there was no remedy , their expectation must be granted , or else they would not send him ashore , which they promised they would doe , if wee would answer their desires ▪ wee sent them so much aboord according to demand , and they according to their promise sent him ashore , * but first slew him , this , much exasperated our spirits , and made us vow a revenge ; suddenly after came these captaines with a vessell into the river , and pretended to trade with us as the former did : wee did not discountenance them for the present , but tooke our opportunity and came aboord . the sachems sonne succeeding his father , was the man that came into the cabin of captaine stone , and captaine stone having drunke more then did him good , fell backwards on the bed asleepe , the sagamore tooke his opportunitie , and having a little hatchet under his garment , therewith knockt him in the head : some being upon the deck and others under , suspected some such thing , for the rest of the indians that were aboord , had order to proceed against the rest at one time , but the english spying trecherie , runne immediatly into the cooke roome , and with a fire-brand had thought to have blowne up the indians by setting fire to the powder : these devils instruments spying this plot of the english , leaped over-boord as the powder was a firing , and saved themselves , but all the english were blowne up , this was the manner of their bloody action : saith the ambassadour to us , could yee blame us for revenging so cruell a murder ? for we distinguish not betweene the dutch and english , but tooke them to be one nation , and therefore we doe not conceive that we wronged you , for they slew our king ; and thinking these captaines to be of the same nation and people , as those that slew him , made us set upon this course of revenge . our answer was , they were able to distinguish betweene dutch and english , having had sufficient experience of both nations , and therefore seeing you have sl●ine the king of englands subjects , we come to demand an account of their blood , for we our selves are lyable to account for them : the answer of the ambassadour was , we know no difference betweene 〈◊〉 dutch and the english , they are both strangers to us , we tooke them to bee all one , therefore we crave pardon , wee have not wilfully wronged the english. this excuse will not serve our turnes , fo● wee haue suffici●nt ●●stim●nie that you know the english from ●●e dutch we must have the heads of those persons that have slaine ou●s , or else wee will fight with you : he answered ; understanding the ground of your comming , i will intreat you to give me libertie to goe ashore , and i shall informe the body of the people what your intent and resolution is ▪ and if you will stay aboord , i will bring you a sudden answer . we did grant him liberty to get ashore , and our selves followed suddenly after before the warre was proclaimed : hee seeing us land our forces , came with a message to intreat us to come no neerer , but stand in a valley , which had betweene us and them an ascent , that took our sight from them ; but they might see us to hurt us , to our prejudice : thus from the first beginning to the end of the action , they carried themselves very subtilly ; but wee not willing to bee at their direction marched up to the ascent , having set our men in battally ; he came and told us he had inquired for the sachem , that we might come to a parlie : but neither of both of the princes were at home , they were gone to long iland . our reply was , we must not be put off thus , we know the sachem is in the plantation , and therefore bring him to us , that we may speake with him , or else we will beat up the drumme , and march through the countrey , and spoyle your corne : his answer , if you will but stay a little while ▪ i will ●●eppe to the plantation and 〈◊〉 for them ▪ wee gave them leave to 〈◊〉 their owne course ; and used as much patience as ever men might , considering the grosse abuse they offered us , holding us above an houre in vaine hopes : they sent an indian to tell us that mommenoteck was found , and would appeare before us suddenly , this brought us to a new stand the space of an houre more . there came a third indian perswading us to have a little further patience , and he would not tarry , for he had assembled the body of the pequeats together , to know who the parties were that had slaine these english men ▪ but seeing that they did in this interim convey away their wives and children , and bury their chiefest goods , and perceived at length they would flye from us , but we were patient , and bore with them , in expectation to have the greater blow upon them the last messenger brought us this intelligence from the sa●h●●● , that if wee would but lay downe our armes , and approch about thirtie paces from them , and meet the heathen 〈◊〉 , he would cause his men to doe the like ▪ and then we shall come to a parlie . but wee seeing their drift was to get ou● armes , we rather chose to beat up the drum and bid them battell , marching into a champion field we displayed our colours , but none would come neere us , but standing remotely off did laugh a● us for our patience , wee suddenly let 〈◊〉 o●r ma●ch , and gave fi●e t● 〈◊〉 many as we could come neere , firing their wigwams , spoyling their corne , and many other necessaries that they had buried in the ground we raked up , which the souldiers had for bootie . thus we spent the day burning and spoyling the countrey , towards night imbarqued our selves the next morning , landing on the nahanticot shore , where we were served in like nature , no indians would come neere us , but runne from us , as the deere from the dogges ; but having burnt and spoyled what we could light on , wee imbarqued our men , and set sayle for the bay , having ended this exploit came off , having one man wounded in the legge ; but certaine numbers of theirs slaine , and many wounded ; this was the substance of the first yeares service : now followeth the service performed in the second yeare . this insolent nation , seeing wee had used much lenitie towards them , and themselves not able to make good use of our patience , set upon a course of greater insolencie then before , and slew all they found in their way : they came neere seabrooke fort , and made many proud challenges , and dared them out to fight . the lieutenant went out with tenne armed men , and starting three indians they changed some few shotte for arrowes ; pursuing them an hundred more started out of the ambushments , and almost surrounded him and his company , and some they slew , others they maimed , and forced them to retreat to their fort , so that it was a speciall providence of god that they were not all slaine : some of their armes they got from them , others put on the english clothes , and came to the fort jeering of them , and calling , come and fetch your english mens clothes againe ; come out and fight if you dare ▪ you dare not fight , you are all one like women , we have one amongst us that if he could kill but one of you more , he would be equall with god , and as the english mans god is , so would hee be ; this blasphemous speech troubled the hearts of the souldiers , but they knew not how to remedy it in respect of their weaknesse . the conetticot plantation understanding the insolencie of the enemie to bee so great , sent downe a certaine number of souldiers under the conduct of captaine iohn mason for to strengthen the fort. the enemy lying hovering about the fort , continually tooke notice of the supplies that were come , and forbore drawing neere it as before : and letters were immediatly sent to the bay , to that right worshipfull gentleman , master henry vane , for a speedy supply to strengthen the fort. for assuredly without supply suddenly came ●n reason all would be lost , and fall into the hands of the enemy ; this was the trouble and perplexity that lay upon the spirits of the poore garrisons . upon serious consideration the governour and councell sent forth my selfe with 20. armed souldiers to supply the necessitie of those distressed persons , and to take the government of that place for the space of three moneths : reliefe being come , captaine iohn mason with the rest of his company returned to the plantation againe : we sometimes fell out with a matter of twentie souldiers to see whether we could discover the enemy or no ; they seeing us ( lying in ambush ) gave us leave to passe by them , considering we were too hot for them to meddle with us ; our men being compleatly armed , with corslets , muskets , bandileeres , rests , and swords ( as they themselves related afterward ) did much daunt them ; thus we spent a matter of six weekes before we could have any thing to doe with them , perswading our selves that all things had beene well . but they seeing there was no advantage more to be had against the fort , they enterprized a new action , and fell upon water towne , now called wethersfield with two hundred indians ; before they came to attempt the place , they put into a certaine river , an obscure small river running into the maine , where they incamped , and refreshed themselves , and fitted themselves for their service , and by breake of day attempted their enterprise , and slew nine men , women and children , having finished their action , they suddenly returned againe , bringing with them two maids captives , having put poles in their conoos , as we put masts in our boats , and upon them hung our english mens and womens shirts and smocks , in stead of sayles , and in way of bravado came along in sight of us as we stood upon seybrooke fort , and seeing them passe along in such a triumphant manner , wee much fearing they had enterprised some desperate action upon the english , wee gave fire with a peece of ordnance , and shotte among their conooes . and though they were a mile from us , yet the bullet grazed not above twentie yards over the conooe , where the poore maids were ; it was a speciall providence of god it did not hit them , for then should we have beene deprived of the sweet observation of gods providence in their deliverance : we were not able to make out after them , being destitute of meanes , boats , and the like : before wee proceed any further to a full relation of the insolent proceeding of this barbarous nation , give me leave to touch upon the severall accommodations that belong to this seybrooke fort. this fort lyes upon a river called conetticot at the mouth of it , a place of a very good soyle , good meadow , divers sorts of good wood , timber , varietie of fish of severall kindes , fowle in abundance , geese , duckes , brankes , teales , deere , roe buck , squirrels , which are as good as our english rabets ; pittie it is so famous a place should bee so little regarded , it lyes to the northwest of that famous place , called queenapiok , which rather exceed the former in goodnesse , it hath a faire river fit for harbouring of ships , and abounds with rich and goodly medowes , this lyes thirtie miles from the upper plantations , which are planted on the river connetticot : twelve miles above this plantation is scituated a place called aguawam , no way inferiour to the forenamed places ; this countrey , and those parts doe generally yeeld a fertile soyle , and good meadow all the rivers along : the river conetticot is navigable for pinaces 60. miles ▪ it hath a strong fresh streame that descends out of the hills , the tyde flowes not above halfe way up the river : the strength of the freshite that comes downe the river is so strong , that it stoppeth the force of the tyde . the truth is , i want time to set forth the excellencie of the whole countrey ; but if you would know the garden of new england , then must you glance your eye upon hodsons river , a place exceeding all yet named , the river affords fish in abundance , as sturgeon , salmon , and many delicate varieties of fish that naturally lyes in the river , the onely place for beaver that we have in those parts . long iland is place worth the naming , and generally affords most of the aforesaid accommodations . nahanticot , martins vineyard , pequeat , narraganset bay , elizabeth ilands , all these places are yet unhabited , and generally afford good accommodation , as a good soyle according as wee have expressed , they are little inferiour to the former places . the narraganset bay is a place for shipping so spacious , as it will containe ten thousand sayle of ships . capcod , new plimouth , dukes bury , and all those parts , well accommodated for the receiving of people , and yet few are there planted , considering the spaciousnesse of the place ; the bay it selfe although report goes it is full , and can hardly entertaine any more , yet there are but few townes , but are able to receive more then they have already , and to accommodate them in a comfortable measure . the northerne plantations , and easterne , as puscataway would not bee neglected , they are desirable places , and lye in the heart of fishing . puscataway is a river navigable for a ship of a hundred tunne some six leagues up : with boats and pinaces you may goe a great way further ; it is the onely key of the countrey for safety ; with twelve peeces of ordnance will keepe out all the enemies in the world : the mouth of the river is narrow , lyes full upon the southeast sea ; so as there is no ankoring without , except 〈◊〉 hazard ship and men ▪ it is accommodated with a good soyle , abundance of good timber , meadowes are not wanting to the place ; pitty it is it hath beene so long neglected . augumeaticus is a place of good accommodation , it lyes five miles from puscataway river , where sir ferdinand● go●ge hath a house : it is a place worthy to bee inhabited , a soyle that beares good corne , all sorts of g●aine , ●lax , hemp , the countrey generally will afford : there was growne in puscataway the last yeare , and in the bay as good english graine as can grow in any part of the world . casko hath a famous bay accommodated with a hundred ilands , and is fit for plantation , and hath a river belonging to it , which doth afford fish in abundance , fowle also in great measure : so full of fowle it is , that strangers may be supplyed with varietie of fowle in an houre or two after their arrivall ▪ which knew not how to be relieved before ; because the place in generall is so famous , and well knowne to all the world , and chiefly to on . english nation ( the most noblest of this common-wealth ) i therefore forbeare many particulars which yet might be expressed : 〈◊〉 in regard of many aspersions hath beene cast upon all the countrey , that it is a hard and difficult place for to subsist in ; and that ●●e soyle is barren , and beares little that is good , and that it can hardly receive more people then those that are there , i will presume to make a second digression from the former matter , to the end i might incourage such as desire to plant there . there are certaine plantations dedum concord in the mathethusis bay , that are newly erected that doe afford large accommodation , and will containe abundance of people ; but i cease to spend time in matters of this nature , since my discourse tends to warlike story , but i crave pardon for my digression . i told you before , that when the pequeats heard and saw seabrooke fort was supplied , they forbore to visit us : but the old serpent according to his first malice stirred them up against the church of christ , and in such a furious manner , as our people were so farre disturbed , and affrighted with their boldnesse that they scarce durst rest in their beds : threatning persons and cattell to take them , as indeed they did : so insolent were these wicked imps growne , that like the divell their commander , they runne up and downe as roaring lyons , compassing all corners of the countrey for a prey , seeking whom they might devoure : it being death to them for to rest without some wicked imployment or other , they still plotted how they might wickedly attempt some bloody enterprise upon our poore native countrey-men . one master tillie master of a vessell , being brought to an ankor in conetticot river , went ashore , not suspecting the bloody-mindednesse of those persons , who fell upon him , and a man with him , whom they wickedly and barbarously slew ; and by relation brought him home , tied him to a stake , flead his skin off , put hot imbers betweene the flesh and the skinne , cut off his fingers and toes , and made hatbands of them , thus barbarous was their cruelty : would not this have moved the hearts of men to hazard blood , and life , and all they had , to overcome such a wicked insolent nation ? but letters comming into the bay , that this attempt was made upon wethersfield in conetticot river , and that they had slaine nine men , women and children , and taken two maids captives , the councell gave order to send supply . in the meane while the conetticot plantations sent downe 100. armed souldiers , under the conduct of captaine iohn mason , and leiutenant seily , with other inferiour officers , who by commission were bound for to come to randivou at seabrooke fort , and there to consult with those that had command there to enterprize some stratagem upon these bloody indians . the conetticot company having with them threescore mohiggeners , whom the pequeats had drove out of their lawfull possessions ; these indians were earnest to joyne with the english , or at least to bee under their conduct , that they might revenge themselves of those bloody enemies of theirs , the english perceiving their earnest desire that way , gave them liberty to follow the company , but not to joyne in confederation with them , the indians promising to be faithfull , and to doe them what service lay in their power : but having imbarqued their men , and comming downe the river , there arose great jealousie in the hearts of those that had chiefe oversight of the company , fearing that the indians in time of greatest tryall might revolt , and turne their backs against those they professed to be their friends , and joyne with the pequeats : this perplexed the hearts of many very much , because they had had no experience of their fidelity : but captaine mason having sent downe a shallop to seybrooke fort , and sent the indians over land to meet , and randivou at seabrooke fort , themselves came downe in a great massie vessell , which was slow in comming , and very long detained by crosse winds , the indians comming to seabrooke , were desirous to fall out on the lords day , to see whether they could find any pequeats neere the fort ; perswading themselves that the place was not destitute of some of their enemies : but it being the lords day , order was given to the contrary , and wished them to forbeare untill the next day , giving them liberty , they fell out early in the morning , and brought home five pequeats heads , one prisoner , and mortally wounded the seventh : this mightily incouraged the hearts of all , and wee tooke this as a pledge of their further fidelity : my selfe taking boat rode up to meet the rest of the forces , lying a boord the vessell with my boat , the minister , one master stone , that was sent to instruct the company , was then in prayer solemnly before god , in the midst of the souldiers , and this passage worthy observation i set downe , because the providence of god might be taken notice of , and his name glorified , that is so ready for to honour his owne ordinance : the hearts of all in generall being much perplexed , fearing the infidelity of these indians having not heard what an exploit they had wrought : it pleased god to put into the heart of master stone this passage in prayer , while my selfe lay under the vessell and heard it , himselfe not knowing that god had sent him a messenger to tell him his prayer was granted : o lord god , if it be thy blessed will vouchsafe so much favour to thy poore distressed servants , as to manifest one pledge of thy love that may confirme us of the fidelity of these indians towards us , that now pretend friendship and service to us , that our hearts may be incouraged the more in this worke of thine : immediately my selfe stepping up , told him that god had answered his desire , and that i had brought him this newes , that those indians had brought in ●●ve pequeats heads , one pri●on●r , and wounded one mo●●ally , which did much incourage the h●arts of all , and replenished them exceedingly , and gave them all occasion to rejoyce and bee thankfull to god : a little before wee set forth , came a certaine shippe from the dutch plantation ; casting an ankor under the command of our ordnance , we desired the master to come ashore , the master and marchant willing to answer our expectation , came forth , and sitting with us awhile unexpectedly revealed their intent , that th●y were bound for pequeat river to trade ; our selves knowing the accustome of warre , that it was not the practise in a case of this nature , to suffer others to goe and trade with them our enemies , with such commo●●●ies as might be prejudiciall unto us , and ad●antag●●us to them , as kettles , or the like , which make them arrow-heads ; wee gave command to them not to stirre , alledging that 〈…〉 w●re intended daily to fall upon them ▪ this being unkindly taken , it bred 〈…〉 betweene their severall commande●●● but god was pleased out of his 〈…〉 things in such a sweet moderate may 〈◊〉 turned to his glory and his peoples good t●ese men seeing they could not have 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 upon their desi●ne : gave us a 〈…〉 their hands that if we would give them liberty to depart , they would endeavour to the utmost of their abilitie to release those two captive maids , and this should be the chiefe scope and drift of their designe : having these promises , depending upon their faithfulnesse , we gave them libertie : they set sayle and went to pequeat river , and sent to shore the master of the vessell to sasacoose their prince , for to crave liberty to trade , and what would they trade for , but the english maides , which he much disliked ; suddenly withdrawing himselfe he returned backe to the vessell , and by way of policie allured seven indians into the barke , some of them being their prime men : having them aboord , acquainted them with their intent , and told them without they might have the two captives delivered safely aboord , they must keepe them as prisoners , and pledges , and therefore must resolve not to goe ashore , untill such time they had treated with the sagamore : one of the dutch called to them on the shore , and told them they must bring the two captive maides , if they would have the seven indians , and therefore briefely if you will bring them , tell us ▪ if not we set sayle , and will turne all your indians over-boord in the maine ocean , so soone as ever we come out ; they taking this to be a jest , slighted what was said unto them : they weying ankor set sayle , and drew neere the mouth of the river ; the pequeats then discerned they were in earnest , and earnestly desired them to returne and come to an anko● , and they would answer their expectation : so they brought the two maides , and deliver●d them safely aboord , and they returned to them the seven indians , then they set sayle and came to seabrooke fort ; bringing them to seabrooke fort , request was made to have them ashore ; but in regard of the dutch governours desire , who had heard that there was two english maides taken captives of the pequeats , and thinking his owne vessell to bee there a trading with them , hee had managed out a pinace purposely to give strict order and command to the former vessell to get these captives what charge soever they were at ; nay , though they did hazard their peace with them , and to gratifie him with the first sight of them after their deliverance : so they earnestly intreated us that they might not bee brought ashore so as to stay there , or to bee sent home untill they had followed the governours order , which willingly was granted to them , though it were 30. leagues from us , yet were they safely returned againe , and brought home to their friends : now for the examination of the two maids after they arrived at seabrooke fort , the eldest of them was about sixteene yeares of age , demanding of her how they had used her , she told us that they did solicite her to uncleannesse , but her heart being much broken and afflicted under that bondage she was cast in , had brought to her consideration these thoughts , how shall i commit this great evill and sinne against my god ? their hearts were much taken up with the consideration of gods just displeasure to them , that had lived under so prudent meanes of grace as they did , and had beene so ungratefull toward god , and slighted that meanes , so that gods hand was justly upon them for their remisnesse in all their wayes ; thus was their hearts taken up with these thoughts , the indians carried them from place to place , and shewed them their forts , and curious wigwams , and houses , and incouraged them to be merry , but the poore soules , as israel , could not frame themselves to any delight or mirth under so strange a king , they hanging their harpes upon the willow trees , gave their mindes to sorrow , hope was their chiefest food , and teares their constant drinke : behind the rocks , and under the trees , the eldest spent her breath in supplication to her god , and though the eldest was but young , yet must i confesse the sweet affection to god for his great kindnesse , and fatherly love she daily received from the lord , which sweetned all her sorrowes , and gave her constant hope , that god would not , nor could not forget her poore distressed soule and body , because , saith she , his loving kindnesse appeareth to mee in an unspeakable manner ; and though sometimes , saith shee , i cryed out david-like ; i shall one day perish by the hands of saul , i shall one day dye by the hands of these barbarous indians , and specially if our people should come forth to warre against them , then is there no hope of deliverance , then must i perish , then will they cut me off in malice ; but suddenly the poore soule was ready to quarrell with it selfe ; why should i distrust god ? doe not i daily see the love of god unspeakably to my poore distressed soule ? and he hath said he will never leave mee , nor forsake mee , therefore i will not feare what man can doe unto me , knowing god to be above man , and man can doe nothing without gods permission . these were the words that fell from her mouth whē she was examined in seabrook fort● i having command of seabrooke fort she spake these things upon examination in my hearing . christian reader , give mee leave to appeale to the hearts of all true affectioned christians ▪ whether this bee not the usuall course of gods dealing to his poore captivated children , the prisoners of hope , to distill a great measure of sweet comfort and consolation into their soules in the time of trouble , so that the soule is more affected with the sense of gods fatherly love , then with the griefe of its captivity ▪ sure i am , that sanctified afflictions , crosses , or any outward troubles appeare so profitable , that gods deare saints are forced to cry out , thy loving kindnesse is better then life , then all the lively pleasures and profits of the world : better a prison sometimes and a christ , then liberty without him : better in a fierie furnace with the presence of christ , then in a kingly palace without him : better in the lyons denne , in the midst of all the roaring lyons and with christ , then in a doune bed with wife and children without christ. the speech of david is memorable , that sweet affectionate prince and souldier , how sweet is thy word to my taste ; yea , sweeter then the honey , and the honey combe ; hee spake it by experience , he had the sweet relish of gods comforting presence , and the daily communion he had with the lord , in the midst of all his distresses , tryals , and temptations that fell upon him . and so the lord deales to this day ; the greater the captivities bee of his servants , the contentions amongst his churches , the cleerer gods presence is amongst his to pick and cull them out of the fire , and to manifest himselfe to their soules ; and beare them up as peter above the water that they sinke not . but now my deare and respected friends and fellow souldiers in the lord , are not you apt to say , if this be the fruit of afflictions ▪ i would i had some of those , that i might injoy these sweet breathings of christ in my soule , as those that are in afflictions ; but beware of those thoughts , or else experience will teach all to recall , or to unwith those thoughts , for it is against the course of scripture to wish for evill , that good might come of it , wee cannot expect the presence of christ in that which is contrary to him , ( a man laying himselfe open to trouble ) but wee are rather to follow christs example , father not my will , but thy will bee done , in earth as it is in heaven ; and when thou art brought thus , prostrate before the lord like an obedient child , ready to suffer what hee will impose on thee ; then if hee thinke good to trie us , wee may exclude no tryall , no captivitie though burdensome or tedious to nature , for they will appeare sweet and sanctified in the issue , if they bee of the lords laying on : specially when the lord is pleased to impose trouble on his in way of tryall ( as hee said to israel of old ; i did it to prove you , and to see what was in your hearts ) whether a soule would not doe as the foolish young man in the gospel , cling more closer to his honour , or profit , or ease , or peace , or liberty , then to the lord iesus christ : and therefore the lord is pleased to exercise his people with trouble and afflictions , that hee might appeare to them in mercy , and reveale more cleerely his free grace unto their soules . therefore consider deare brethren , and erre not , neither to the right hand , nor to the left and bee not as ephraim , like an untamed heifer that would not stoope unto the yoke : but stoope to gods afflictions if hee please to impose them , and feare them not when they are from god. and know that christ cannot be had without a crosse ; they are inseparable ▪ you cannot have christ in his ordinances , but you must have his crosse . did ever any christian reade , that in the purest churches that ever were , that christians were freed from the crosse ? was not the crosse carried after christ ? and andrew must follow christ , but not without a crosse ; he must take it and beare it , and that upon his shoulders , implying , it was not a light crosse , but weighty : oh let not christians shew themselves to bee so forgetfull , as i feare many are , of the old way of christ : case is come into the world , and men would have christ and ease , but it will not be in this world ; is the servant better then the master ? no , he is not , neither shall he be . but you may demand what is meant by this crosse , wee meet with many crosses in the world , losses at home and abroad , in church and common wealth : what crosse doth christ meane ? was it a crosse to bee destitute of a house to put his head in ? or was it his crosse , that hee was not so deliciously sed as other men ? or to bee so meane , wan●ing honour as others had ? o● was it that his habit was not answerable to the course of the world , or to bee destitute of silver and gold , as it is the lot of many of gods saints to this day : this was not the crosse of christ , you shall not heare him complaine of his estate , that it is too meane , or his lodging too bad , or his garments too plaine ; these were not the troubles of christ , these are companions to the crosse . but the chiefe crosse that christ had , was that the word of his father could not take place in the hearts of those to whom it was sent , and suffering for the truth of his father , that was christs crosse ; and that is the crosse too , that christians must expect , and that in the purest churches : and therefore why doe you stand and admire at new england , that there should bee contentions there , and differences there , and that for the truth of christ ? doe you not remember that the crosse followed the church ? hath it not beene already said that christs crosse followed him , and andrew must carry it : and that paul and barnabas will contend together for the truths sake ? and doth not the apostle say , contend for the truth ( though not in a violent way ? ) doth not christ say , i came not to bring peace but a sword ? and why should men wonder at us , seeing that troubles and contentions have followed the purest churches since the beginning of the world to this day ? wherefore should wee not looke backe to the scriptures , and deny our owne reason , and let that bee our guide and platforme , and then shall wee not so much admire , when wee know it is the portion of gods church to have troubles and contentions ? and when we know also it is god that brings them , and that for good to his church ; hath not god ever brought light out of darknesse , good out of evill ? did not the breath of gods spirit sweetly breathe in the soules of these poore captives which we now related ? and doe we not ever find the greater the afflictions and troubles of gods people bee , the more eminent is his grace in the soules of his servants ? you that intend to goe to new england , feare not a little trouble . more men would goe to sea , if they were sure to meet with no stormes : but hee is the most couragious souldier , that sees the battell pitcht , the drummes beate an alarum , and trumpets sound a charge , and yet is not afraid to joyne in the battell : shew not your selves cowards , but proceed on in your intentions , and abuse not the lenitie of our noble prince , and the sweet libertie hee hath from time to time given to passe and repasse according to our desired wills : wherefore doe yee stoppe , are you afraid ? may not the lord doe this to prove your hearts , to see whether you durst follow him in afflictions or not ? what is become of faith ? i will not feare that man can doe unto me , saith david , no nor what troubles can doe , but will trust in the lord , who is my god. let the ends and aimes of a man bee good , and hee may proceed with courage : the bush may bee in the fire , but so long as god appeares to moses out of the bush there is no great danger , more good then hurt will come out of it ▪ christ knowes how to honour himselfe , and to doe his people good , though it bee by contrary meanes , which reason will not fathome . looke but to faith , and that will make us see plainly , that though afflictions for the present are grievous , as doubtlesse it was with these two captive maides , yet sweet and comfortable is the issue with all gods saints , as it was with them . but to goe on . having imbarqued ●our souldiers , wee weighed ankor at seabrooke fort , and set sayle for the narraganset bay , deluding the pequeats thereby , for they expected us to fall into pequeat river ; but crossing their expectation , bred in them a securitie : wee landed our men in the narraganset bay , and marched over land above two dayes journey before wee came to pequeat ; quartering the last nights march within two miles of the place , wee set forth about one of the clocke in the morning , having sufficient intelligence that they knew nothing of our comming . drawing neere to the fort yeelded up our selves to god , and intreated his assistance in so waightie an enterprize . we set on our march to surround the * fort , captaine iohn mason , approching to the west end , where it had an entrance to passe into it , my selfe marching to the south side , surrounding the fort , placing the indians , for wee had about three hundred of them without , side of our souldiers in a ring battalia , giving a volley of shotte upon the fort , so remarkable it appeared to us , as wee could not but admire at the providence of god in it , that souldiers so unexpert in the use of their armes , should give so compleat a volley , as though the finger of god had touched both match and flint : which volley being given at breake of day , and themselves fast asleepe for the most part , bred in them such a terrour , that they brake forth into a most dolefull cry , so as if god had not fitted the hearts of men for the service , it would have bred in them a commiseration towards them : but every man being bereaved of pitty fell upon the worke without compassion , considering the bloud they had shed of our native countrey-men , and how barbarously they had dealt with them , and slaine first and last about thirty persons . having given fire , wee approached neere to the entrance which they had stopped full , with armes of trees , or brakes : my selfe approching to the entrance found the worke too heavie fo● mee , to draw out all those which were strongly forced in . we gave order to one master hedge , and some other souldiers to pull out those brakes , having this done , and laid them betweene me and the entrance , and without order themselves , proceeded first on the south end of the fort : but remarkable it was to many or us ; men that runne before they are sent , most commonly have an ill reward . worthy reader , let mee intreate you to have a more charitable opinion of me ( though unworthy to be better thought of ) then is reported in the other booke : you may remember there is a passage unjustly laid upon mee , that when wee should come to the entrance , i should put forth this question : shall wee enter ? others should answer againe ; what came we hither for else ? it is well knowne to many , it was never my practise in time of my command , when we are in garrison , much to consult with a private souldier , or to aske his advise in point of warre , much lesse in a matter of so great ● moment as that was , which experience had often caught mee , was not a time to put forth such a question , and therefore pardon him that hath given the wrong information , having our swords in our right hand , our carbins or muskets in our left hand , we approched the fort ▪ master hedge being shot thorow both armes , and more wounded ; though it bee not commendable for a man to make mention at any thing that might tend to his owne honour ; yet because i would have the providence of god observed , and his name magnified , as well for my selfe as others , i dare not omit , but let the world know , that deliverance was given to us that command , as well as to private souldiers . captaine mason and my 〈◊〉 entring into the wigwams , hee was shot , and received many arrowes against his head-peece , god preserved him from any wounds ; my selfe received a shotte in the lef● hippe , through a sufficient buffe 〈◊〉 that if i had not beene supplyed with such a 〈◊〉 the arrow would have pierced through me ; another i received betweene necke and shoulders , hanging in the linnen of my head-peece , others of our souldiers were shot some through the shoulders , some in the face , some in the head , some in the legs : captaine mason and my selfe losing each of us a man , and had neere twentie wounded : most couragiously these pequeats behaved themselves : but seeing the fort was to hotte for us , wee devised a way how wee might save our selves and prejudice them , captaine mason entring into a wigwam , brought out a fire-brand , after hee had wounded many in the house , then hee set fire on the west-side where he entred , my selfe set fire on the south end with a traine of powder , the fires of both meeting in the center of the fort blazed most terribly , and burnt all in the space of halfe an houre ; many couragious fellowes were unwilling to come out , and fought most desperately through the palisadoes , so as they were scorched and burnt with the very flame , and were deprived of their armes , in regard the fire burnt their very bowstrings , and so perished valiantly : mercy they did deserve for their valour , could we have had opportunitie to have bestowed it ; many were burnt in the fort , both men , women , and children , others forced out , and came in troopes to the indians , twentie , and thirtie at a time , which our souldiers received and entertained with the point of the sword ; downe fell men , women , and children , those that scaped us , fell into the hands of the indians , that were in the reere of us ; it is reported by themselves , that there were about foure hundred soules in this fort , and not above five of them escaped out of our hands . great and dolefull was the bloudy sight to the view of young souldiers that never had beene in warre , to see so many soules lie gasping on the ground so thicke in some places , that you could hardly passe along . it may bee demanded , why should you be so furious ( as some have said ) should not christians have more mercy and compassion ? but i would referre you to davids warre , when a people is growne to such a height of bloud , and sinne against god and man , and all confederates in the action , there hee hath no respect to persons , but harrowes them , and sawes them , and puts them to the sword , and the most terriblest death that may bee : sometimes the scripture declareth women and children must perish with their parents ; some-time the case alters : but we will not dispute it now . we had sufficient light from the word of god for our proceedings . having ended this service , wee drew our forces together to battallia , being ordered , the pequeats came upon us with their prime men , and let flye at us , my selfe fell on scarce with twelve or fourteene men to encounter with them ; but they finding our bullets to outreach their arrowes , forced themselves often to retreate : when we saw wee could have no advantage against them in the open field , wee requested our indians for to entertaine fight with them , our end was that we might see the nature of the indian warre : which they granted us and fell out ; the pequeats , narragansets , and mohigeners changing a few arrowes together after such a manner , as i dare boldly affirme , they might fight seven yeares and not ●ill seven men : they came not neere one another ▪ but shot remote , and not point blanke , as wee often doe with our bullets , but at rovers , and then they gaze up in the skie to see where the arrow falls , and not untill it is fallen doe they shoot againe , this fight is more for pastime , then to conquer and subdue enemies . but spending a little time this way , wee were forced to cast our eyes upon our poore maimed souldiers , many of them lying upon the ground , wanting food and such nourishable things as might refresh them in this faint estate : but we were not supplyed with any such things whereby wee might relieve them , but only were constrained to looke up to god , and to intreate him for mercy towards them : most were thirsty but could find no water ; the provision wee had for food was very little ; many distractions seized upon us at the present , a chirurgion wee wanted , our chirurgion not accustomed to warre , durst not hazard himselfe where we ventured our lives , but like a fresh-water souldier kept aboord , and by this meanes our poore maimed souldiers were brought to a great straite and faintnesse , some of them swounding away for want of speedy helpe , but yet god was pleased to preserve the lives of them , though not without great miserie , and paine to themselves for the present . distractions multiplying , strength and courage began to f●ile with many . our indians that had stood close to us hitherto , were fallen into consultation , and were resolved for to leave us in a land wee knew not which way to get out : suddenly after their resolution , fiftie of the narraganset indians fell off from the rest returning home . the pequeats spying them pursued after them : then came the narrag●●●ets to captaine mason , and my selfe , crying , oh helpe us now , or out men will bee all slaine we answered , how dare you crave a●de of us , when you are leaving of us in this distressed condition , not knowing which way to march out of the countrey : but yet you shall see it is not the nature of english men to deale like heathens , to requite evill for evill , but wee will succour you my selfe falling on with thirtie men , in the space of an houre rescued their men , and in our recreate to the body , slew and wounded above a hundred peq●eats , all fighting men that charged us both in reere and flankes . having overtaken the body , we were resolved to match to a certaine ne●●e or land that lay by the sea-side , where wee intended to quar●e● that night , because we knew not how to get our maimed men to pequeat river . as yet we saw not our pinaces sayle along , but ●eared the lord had crost them , which also the master of the barque much feared . wee gave them order to set sayle on the narraganset bay , about midnight , as wee were to fall upon the fort in the morning , so that they might meet us in pequeat river in the after-noone ; but the wind being crosse bred in them a great perplexitie what would become of us , knowing that wee were 〈◊〉 orderly provided , both with munition and pro●●●●●● but they being in a distracted condition lifted 〈◊〉 hearts to god for helpe : about twelve of 〈◊〉 ●ocket he wind turned about and became faire , it brought them along in sight of us , and about tenne a clocke in the morning carried them into pequeat ri●es , comming to an ankor at the place appointed , the wind turned as full against them as ever it could blow ▪ 〈◊〉 remarkable this providence of god was i leave 〈◊〉 christian eye to judge ; our ●ndians came to us , 〈◊〉 much rejoyced at our victories , and greatly admired the manner of english mens fight : but cried ●ach it , mach it ; that is , it is naught , it is naught , because it is too furious , and slaies too many men . having received their desires , they freely promised , and gave up themselves to march along with us , where ever we would goe . god having eased us from that oppression that lay upon us , thinking wee should have beene left in great misery for want of our vessels , we diverted our thoughts from going to that neck of land ; and faced about , marching to the river where our vessels lay at ankor . one remarkable passage . the pequeats playing upon our flankes ; one sergeant davis , a pretty couragious souldier , spying something black upon the toppe of a rock , stepped forth from the body with a carbine of three foot long , and at a venture gave fire , supposing it to bee an indians head , turning him over with his heeles upward ; the indians observed this , and greatly admired that a man should shoot so directly . the pequeats were much daunted at the shot , and forbore approching so neere upon us . being come to the pequeat river we met with captaine patrick , who under his command had 40. able souldiers , who was ready to begin a second attempt : but many of our men being maimed and much wearied , we forbore that night and imbarqued our selves , my selfe setting sayle for seabrooke fort. captaine mason , and captaine patrick marching over land , burned and spoyled the countrey betweene the pequeat and conetticot river , where we received them . the pequeats having received so terrible a blow , and being much affrighted with the destruction of so many , the next day fell into consultation , assembling their most ablest men together propounded these three things , first whether they would set upon a sudden revenge upon the narragansets , or attempt an enterprize upon the english , or flye ; they were in great dispute one amongst another , sasachu : their chiefe commander was all for bloud , the rest for flight , alledging these arguments , wee are a people bereaved of courage , our hearts are sadded with the death of so many of our deare friends ; wee see upon what advantage the english lye , what sudden & deadly blowes they strike ? what advantage they have of their peeces to us which are not able to reach them with our arrows at distance ? they are supplied with every thing necessary , they are flote and heartened in their victory ; to what end shall wee stand it out with them ? we are not able , therfore let us rather save some then lose all ; this prevailed . suddenly after they spoyled all those goods they could not carry with them , broke up their tents and wigwams , and betook themselves to flight . sasachus flying toward conetticot plantation , quartered by the river side , there he met with a shallop sent downe to seabrooke fort , which had in it 3. men , they let ●ly upon them , shot many arrows into them . couragious were the english , and died in their ●●nds , but with a great deale of valour . the forces which were prepared in the bay were ready for to set forth my selfe being taken on but for 3. moneths , and the souldiers willing to returne to the bay , we imbaroued our selves , & set to sayle ; in our journey we met 〈◊〉 certaine pinaces , in them a 100. able and wel appointed souldiers under the conduct of one captaine ●●ou●hton , and other inferiour officers ; and in company with them one m. iohn wilson , who was sent to in●●●uct the company ; these falling into pequeat river , met with many of the distressed indians , some they 〈◊〉 , others they tooke prisoners . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a14203-e380 the indians send to the english an ambassador . * this wa● no wayes true of the eng●ish , but a devised excuse . 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 ▪ thei● 〈…〉 . the examination of the captive maides after their returne , though the younger was very young and said little . * a sermon preached at plimmoth in nevv-england december 9. 1621 in an assemblie of his maiesties faithfull subiects, there inhabiting. vvherein is shevved the danger of selfe-loue, and the sweetnesse of true friendship. together vvith a preface, shewing the state of the country, and condition of the sauages. written in the yeare 1621. cushman, robert, 1579?-1625. 1622 approx. 73 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a19729 stc 6149 estc s121782 99856947 99856947 22594 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19729) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 22594) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1347:21) a sermon preached at plimmoth in nevv-england december 9. 1621 in an assemblie of his maiesties faithfull subiects, there inhabiting. vvherein is shevved the danger of selfe-loue, and the sweetnesse of true friendship. together vvith a preface, shewing the state of the country, and condition of the sauages. written in the yeare 1621. cushman, robert, 1579?-1625. [8], 19, [1] p. printed by i[ohn] d[awson] for iohn bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop at the two grey-hounds in corne-hill, neere the royall exchange, london : 1622. by robert cushman. printer's name from stc. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of 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coded from proquest page images 2007-08 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2007-08 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preached at plimmoth in nevv-england december 9. 1621. in an assemblie of his maiesties faithfull subiects , there inhabiting . vvherein is shevved the danger of selfe-loue , and the sweetnesse of true friendship . together vvith a preface , shewing the state of the country , and condition of the savages . rom . 12. 10. be affectioned to loue one another with brotherly loue . written in the yeare 1621. london printed by i. d. for iohn bellamie , and are to be sold at his shop at the two greyhounds in corne-hill , neere the royall exchange . 1622. to his loving friends , the adventvrers for nevv-england ; together with all well-willers , and well-wishers thereunto , grace and peace , &c. new england , so call'd , not onely ( to auoyd nouelties ) because captaine smith hath so entituled it in his description , but because of the resemblance that is in it , of england the natiue soile of english-men ; it being much what the same for heate and colde in summer and winter , it being champion ground , but not high mountaines , somwhat like the soile in kent and essex ; full of dales , and meddow ground , full of ryuers and sweete springs , as england is . but principally , so farre as we can yet find , it is an iland , and neere about the quantitie of england , being cut off from the maine land of america , as england is from the maine of europe , by a great arme of the sea , which entreth in fortie degrees , and runneth vp north west and by west , and goeth out either into the south sea , or else into the bay of canado . the certaintie whereof , and secrets of which , we haue not yet so found as that as eye-witnesses we can make narration thereof , but if god giue time and meanes , we shall ere long , discouer both the extent of that riuer , together with the secrets thereof ; and also try what territories , habitations , or commodities , may be found , either in it , or about it . it pertaineth not to my purpose to speake any thing , either in prayse , or disprayse of the country , so it is by gods prouidence , that a few of vs are there planted to our content , and haue with great charge and difficultie attained quiet and competent dwellings there . and thus much i will say for the satisfaction of such as haue any thought of going thither to inhabit ; that for men which haue a large heart , & looke after great riches , ease , pleasure , dainties , and iollitie in this world ( except they will liue by other mens sweat , or haue great riches ) i would not aduise them to come there , for as yet the country will afford no such matters : but if there be any , who are content to lay out their estates , spend their time , labours , and endeuours , for the benefit of them that shall come after , and in desire to further the gospell among those poore heathens , quietly contenting themselues with such hardship and difficulties , as by gods prouidence shall fall vpon them , being yet yong , and in their strength , such men i would aduise and encourage to goe , for their ends cannot faile them . and if it should please god to punish his people in the christian countries of europe , ( for their coldnesse , carnality , wanton abuse of the gospel , contention , &c. ) either by turkish slauery , or by popish tyrannie , which god forbid , yet if the time be come , or shall come ( as who knoweth ) when sathan shall be let loose , to cast out his flouds against them , here is a way opened for such as haue wings to flie into this wildernesse ; and as by the dispersion of the iewish church thorow persecution , the lord brought in the fulnesse of the gentiles , so who knoweth , whether now by tyrannie , and affliction , which he suffereth to come vpon them , he will not by little and little chase them , even amongst the heathens , that so a light may rise vp in the darke , and the kingdome of heauen be taken from them which now haue it , and giuen to a people that shall bring forth the fruit of it . this i leaue to the iudgement of the godly wise , being neither prophet nor sonne of a prophet , but considering gods dealing of olde , and seeing the name of christian to be very great , but the true nature thereof almost quite lost in all degrees & sects , i cannot thinke but that there is some iudgement not farre off , and that god will shortly , euen of stones , rayse vp children vnto abraham . and who so rightly considereth , what manner of entrance , abiding , and proceedings , we haue had amongst these poore heathens since we came hither , will easily thinke , that god hath some great worke to doe towards them . they were wont to be the most cruellest and trecherousest people in all these parts , euen like lyons , but to vs they haue beene like lambes , so kinde , so submissiue , and trustie , as a man may truely say many christians are not so kinde , nor sincere . they are very much wasted of late , by reason of a great mortalitie that fell amongst them three yeares since , which together with their owne ciuill dissensions and blouddie warres , hath so wasted them , as i thinke the twentith person is scarce left aliue , and those that are left , haue their courage much abated , and their countenance is deiected , and they seeme as a people affrighted . and though when we came first into the countrie , we were few , and many of vs were sicke , and many dyed by reason of the colde and wet , it being the depth of winter , and we hauing no houses , nor shelter , yet when there was not sixe able persons amongst vs , and that they came daily to vs by hundreths , with their sachems , or kings , and might in one houre haue made a dispatch of vs yet such a feare was vpon them , as that they neuer offred vs the least iniury in word or deede . and by reason of one tisquanto , that liues amongst vs , that can speake english , we haue daily commerce with their kings , & can know what is done or intended towards vs amongst the savages ; also we can acquaint them with our courses and purposes , both humane and religious . and the greatest commander of the countrie call'd massasoit , commeth often to visite vs , though hee liue fiftie myles from vs , and often sends vs presents , he hauing with many other of their gouernours promised , yea , subscribed obedience to our soueraigne lord king iames , and for his cause to spend both strength and life . and we for our parts , thorow gods grace , haue with that equitie , justice , and compassion , carried our selues towards them , as that they haue receiued much fauour , helpe , and ayde from vs , but neuer the least iniury , or wrong by vs. wee found the place where we liue emptie , the people being all dead & gone away , and none liuing neere by 8. or 10. myles ; and and though in the time of some hardship wee found ( trauelling abroad ) some 8. bushels of corne hid vp in a caue , and knew no owners of it , yet afterward hearing of the owners of it , we gaue them ( in their estimation ) double the value of it . our care also hath beene to maintaine peace amongst them , and haue alwayes set our selues against such of them as vsed any rebellion , or trecherie against their gouernours , and not onely threatned such , but in some sort payd them their due deserts ; and when any of them are in want , as often they are in the winter , when their corne is done , wee supply them to our power , and haue them in our houses eating and drinking , and warming themselues , which thing ( though it be something a trouble to vs ) ye because they should see and take knowledge of our labours , orders , and diligence , both for this life and a better , we are content to beare it , and we find in many of them , especially , of the younger sort , such a tractable disposition , both to religion and humanitie , as that if we had meanes to apparell them , & wholly to retaine them with vs ( as their desire is ) they would doubtlesse in time proue seruiceable to god and man , and if euer god send vs meanes we will bring vp hundreths of their children , both to labour and learning . but leauing to speake of them till a further occasion be offered ; if any shall maruell at the publishing of this treatise in england , seeing there is no want of good bookes , but rather want of men to vse good bookes , let them know , that the especiall end is , that wee may keepe those motiues in memory for our selues , & those that shall come after , to be a remedie against selfe-loue the bane of all societies . and that also we might testifie to our christian country-men , who iudge diuersly of vs , that though we be in a heathen country , yet the grace of christ is not quenched in vs , but we still hold , and teach the same points of faith , mortification , and sanctification , which we haue heard and learned in a most ample and large maner in our owne country . if any shall thinke it too rude and vnlearned for this curious age , let them know , that to paint out the gospell in plaine and flat english , amongst a company of plaine english-men ( as we are ) is the best and most profitablest teaching ; and we will study plainnesse , not curiositie , neither in things humaine , nor heauenly . if any error , or vnsoundnesse be in it , ( as who knoweth ) impute it to that frayle man which endited it , which professeth to know nothing as he ought to know it . i haue not set downe my name , partly because i seeke no name , and principally , because i would haue nothing esteemed by names , for i see a number of euils to arise thorow names , when the persons are either famous , or infamous , and god and man is often iniured ; if any good or profit arise to thee in the receiuing of it , giue god the prayse , and esteeme me as a sonne of adam , subiect to all such frailties as other men are . and you my louing friends the aduenturers to this plantation ; as your care hath beene , first to settle religion here , before either profit or popularitie , so i pray you , goe on , to doe it much more , and be carefull to send godly men , though they want some of that worldly policie which this world hath in her owne generation , and so though you loose , the lord shall gayne . i reioyce greatly in your free and readie mindes to your powers , yea , and beyond your powers to further this worke , that you thus honour god with your riches , and i trust you shall be repayed againe double & treble in this world , yea , and the memory of this action shall neuer die , but aboue all adding vnto this ( as i trust you doe ) like freenesse in all other gods seruices , both at home and abroad , you shall finde a reward with god , ten thousand fold surpassing all that you can doe or thinke , be not therefore discouraged , for no labour is lost , nor money spent , which is bestowed for god , your ends were good , your successe is good , and your profit is comming , euen in this life , and in the life to come much more ; and what shall i say now , a word to men of vnderstanding sufficeth , pardon i pray you my boldnesse , reade ouer the ensuing treatise , and judge wisely of the poore weakling , and the lord , the god of sea and land , stretch out his arme of protection ouer you and vs , and ouer all our lawfull and good enterprises , either this , or any other way . plimmoth in new-england . december 12. 1621. a sermon preached at plimmoth , in new-england . 1. cor. 10. 24. let no man seeke his owne , but euery man anothers wealth . the occasion of these words of the apostle paul , was because of the abuses which were in the church of corinth . which abuses arose cheifly thorow swelling pride , selfe-loue and conceitednes , for although this church were planted by paul , and watred by apollo , and much increased by the lord ; yet the sower of tares was not wanting to stirre vp euill workers and fleshly minded hypocrites , vnder a shew of godlines , and with angellike holinesse in appearance to creepe in amongst them to disturbe their peace , trie their soundnesse , and proue their constancie . and this the apostle complaines of very often : as first , in their carnall deuisions , chap. 1. then in their extolling their eloquent teachers , and despising paul , chap. 4. then in their offensiue going to law , before the heathen iudges chap. 6. then in eating things offered to idols , to the destroying of the tender consciences of their brethren , chap. 8. then in their insatiable loue-feastes , in the time and place of their church meetings , the rich which could together feede to fulnes , despising and contemning the poore , that had not to lay it on as they had , chap 11. finally in both the epistles , hee very often nippeth them for their pride , and selfe-loue , straitnesse and censorioushes , so that in the last chapter hee willeth them againe and againe to proue , trie and examine themselues , to see whether christ were in them or not , for howsoeuer many of them seemed as thousands doe at this day , to soare aloft , and goe with full sayle to heauen : yet as men that row in boats , set their faces earnestly one way , when yet their whole body goeth apace another way : so there are many which set such a face vppon religion , and haue their mouthes full of great swelling words : as if they would euen blow open the doores of heaven , despising all humble minded and broken hearted people , as weake , simple , sottish &c. when yet notwithstanding , these blusterers , which seeme to goe so fast , and leaue all others behind them , if like these glosing corinthians they carry affectedly their owne glory with them , and seeme thus to stand for the glory of god , what doe they else but ioyne flesh to spirit , seruing not god for nought , but for wages , and so seruing their bellies , whose end will be damnation , except a speedi● and sound remedie be thought of , which remedie is euen that which our sauiour teacheth the rich young gallant , and which paul heere prescribeth , in willing them not to seeke their owne , but euerie man anothers wealth , which physicke is as terrible to carnall professors , as abstinence from drinke is to a man that hath the dropsie : and it is a sure note , that a man is sicke of this disease of selfe-loue , if this be grieuous to him , as appeareth in the man whom christ bid sell that hee had , and hee went away very sorrowfull , yet surely this veine must bee pricked , and this humor let out , els it will spoyle all , it will infect both soule and body , yea and the contagion of it is such ( as wee shall see anone ) as will euen hazard the welfare of that societie , where selfe seekers and selfe louers are . as god then did direct this apostle to lay downe this briefe direction as a remedy for that euill in corinth , so you may thinke it is by gods speciall providence , that i am now to speake vnto you from this text : and say in your hearts surely some thing is amisse this way : let vs know it and amend it . the parts of this text are two . 1. a dehortation , 2. an exhortation . the dehortation . let no man seeke his owne . the exhortation but euery man anothers wealth . in handling of which , i will first , open the wordes . secondly , gather the doctrine . thirdly , illustrate the doctrine by scriptures , experience and reasons . fourthly , apply the same , to euery one his portion . the proper drift of the apostle heere is not to taxe the corinthians , for seeking their owne euill endes in euill actions , but for aiming at themselues , and their owne benefits in actions lawfull , and that appeareth in the former verse , where he sayth . all things are lawfull &c. viz. all such thinges as now wee speake of , to eate any of gods creatures , offered to idols or not , to feast and bee merrie together , to shew loue and kindnesse to this or that person , &c. but when by such meanes wee seeke our selues , and haue not a charitable louing and reuerent regard of others , then they are vnexpedient , vnprofitable , yea vnlawfull , and must bee forborne , and hee that hath not learned to denie himselfe euen the very vse of lawfull things , when it tendeth to the contempt , reproch , greife offence , and shame of his other brethren and associats , hath learned nothing aright , but is apparantly a man that seekes himselfe , and against whom the apostle heere dealeth most properly . the maner of the speech may seeme as counsell left at libertie : as mat. 27. 49. and in our ordinary speech , wee thinke they be but weake charges , which are thus deliuered , let a man doe this , or let him doe that . but wee must learne the apostles modestie , and know that whatsoeuer the termes seeme to imply , yet euen this and other the like in this epistle , are most absolute charges : as let a man esteeme of vs , as the ministers of christ , that is , a man ought so to esteeme of vs. let a man examine himselfe , that is , as if he sayd a man must examine himselfe , let your women keepe silence in the churches . that is , they ought so to doe . the meaning then summarily is , as if hee sayd , the bane of all these mischeifes which arise amongst you is , that men are to cleauing to themselues , and their owne matters , and disregarde and contemne all others : and therefore i charge you , let this selfe-seeking be left off , and turne the streame another way , namely , seeke the good of your brethren , please them , honor them , r●uerence them , for otherwise it will neuer goe well amongst you . but doth not the apostle else wheresay ? that hee , which careth not for his owne , is worse then an infidell . true but by ( owne ) there , he meaneth properly , a mans kindred , and heere by ( owne ) hee meaneth properly a mans selfe . secondly , hee there especially taxeth such as were negligent in their labours and callings , and so made themselues vnable to giue releife and entertainement to such poore widowes and orphans as were of their owne flesh and bloud . thirdly , be it so that some man should euen neglect his owne selfe , his owne wife , children , friends , &c. and giue that hee had to strangers , that were but some rare vice , in some one vnnaturall man , and if this vice stay a thousand , selfe-loue slayeth ten thousand . and this the wisedome of god did well forsee , and hath set no caueats in the scriptures either to taxe men , or forewarne them from louing others , neither sayth god any wher , let no man seeke the good of another , but let no man seeke his owne , and euerie where in the scriptures he hath set watch words against selfe-good , selfe-profit , selfe-seeking , &c. and thus the sence beeing cleared , i come to the doctrine . all men are to to apt and readie to seeke themselues to much , and to preferre their owne matters and causes beyond the due and lawfull measure , euen to excesse and offence against god , yea danger of their owne soules , and this is true not onely in wicked men which are giuen ouer of god to vile lusts , as absolon in getting fauour in his fathers court : ieroboam , in setling his kingdome fast in samaria , ahab in vehement seeking nab●ths vineyard , but men , otherwise godly , haue through frailtie beene foyled heerein , and many thousands which haue a shew of godlinesse , are louers of themselues : dauid was about to seeke himselfe when he was going to kill naball ; asa in putting hanani in prison ; iosiah when hee would goe warre with necho , against the counsell of god and reason ; peter when hee dissembled about the ceremonies of the law , yea and paul complaines of all his followers ( timothie excepted that they sought their owne to inordinately . and why else are these caueats in the scriptures , but to warne the godly that they bee not tainted herewith ? as looke not euery man on his owne things , but on the things of another : loue seeketh not her owne things . be not desirous of vaine glory . &c. yea and doth not experience teach , that euen amongst professors of religion , almost all the loue and fauour that is shewed vnto others is with a secret ayme at themselues , they will take paines to doe a man good , prouided that he will take twise so much for them they will giue a penny so as it may aduantage them a pound , labor hard so as all the profite may come to themselues , else they are hartlesse and feeble . the vaine and corrupt heart of man cannot better be resembled then by a belly-god , host , or inkeeper , which welcommeth his guests with smilings , and salutations , and a thousand welcomes , and reioyceth greatly to haue their companie to dice , card , eate , drinke , and bee merrie , but should not the box be paid , the pot be filling , and the money telling , all this while the epicures ioy would soone be turned into sorrow , and his smiles turned into frownes , and the doore set open , and their absence craued : euen so men blow the bellowes hard , when they haue an iron of their owne a heating , worke hard whilest their owne house is in building , dig hard whilest their owne garden is in planting , but is it so as the profit must goe wholy or partly to others , their handes waxe feeble , their hearts waxe faint , they grow churlish and giue crosse answers like naball , they are sowre , discontent , and nothing will please them . and where is that man to be found , that will sparse abroad , and cast his bread vpon the waters , that will lend looking for nothing againe , that will doe all duties to others freely and cheerefully in conscience of god , and loue vnto men without his close and secret ends , or ayming at himself ? such a man , out of doubt , is a blacke swanne , a white crowe almost , and yet such shall stand before god with boldnesse at the last day , when others which haue sought themselues , though for loue of themselues they haue sought heauen , yea and through selfe loue perswaded themselues they shoulde finde it , yet wanting loue vnto others , they will be found as sounding brasse , and as a tinkling cimbale , and whilst they haue neglected others , and not cared how others liue , so as themselues may fare well , they will be found amongst them , that the lord will say vnto , i know you not , depart ye cursed into euerlasting fi●e . but that i may not walke in generalities , the particular wayes by which men seeke their owne are these , first such as are couetous , seeke their owne by seeking riches , wealth , money , as foelix pretending loue vnto paul , sent for him often , but it was in hope of mony , many there are who say , who will shew vs any good , and pretend religion , as some of the iewes did the keeping of the sabboth , which yet cryed out when will the sabboth bee done , that wee may sell corne and gaine , if a man can tell them how to get gold out of a flint , and siluer out of the adamant , no paines shal be spared , no time shall bee neglected , for gold is their hope , and the wedge of gold is their confidence , their hearts are set vpon the pelfe of this world , and for loue of it , all thinges are let slipp , euen all duties to god or men , they care not how basely they serue , how wretchedly they neglect all others , so as they may get wealth : pinch who will ? and wring who will , all times are alike with them , and they runne for the bribe like gehazie , and this is the first way that men seeke their owne . now the contrary is seene in nehemiah , who when the people were hard put to it , and the land raw , he tooke not the dueties which were due to him being a magistrate , he bought no land , nor grewe not rich , for it was no time : but he maintained at his table many of his brethren the iewes , and so spent euen his owne proper goods . and paul sought not mans gold nor siluer , but though hee had authoritie , yet he tooke not bread of the churches , but laboured with his hands : and why ? it was no time to take , some churches were poore and stood in want , as thessalonica , others were in danger to be preyed vpon by couetous belly-gods , as corinth : and therefore hee saw it no fit time now to take any thing of them . and indeede heere is the difference betweene a couetous worldling , and an honest thriftie christian , it is lawfull sometimes for men to gather wealth , and grow rich , euen as there was a time for ioseph to store vp corne , but a godly and sincere christian will see when this time is , and will not hord vp when he seeth others of his brethren and associates to want , but then is a time , if hee haue any thing to fetch it out and disperse it , but the couetous gather good , he like achan couets all that he seeth , and neglects no time , but gathers still and holds all fast , and if it were to saue the life of his brother , his baggs must not be minished , nor his chestes lighted , nor his field set to sale , gather as much as he can , but its death to diminish the least part of it . the second way by which men seeke their owne , is when they seeke ease , or pleasure , as the scribes and pharisies , who would not touch the burthen with one of their fingers ; so , there is a generation , which thinke to haue more in this world then adams felicitie in innocencie , being borne ( as they thinke ) to take their pleasures , and their ease , let the roofe of the house drop thorow , they stirre not ; let the field be ouer-growne with weeds , they care not , they must not soile their hand , nor wet their foote , it s enough for them to say , goe you , not let vs goe , though neuer so much need ; such idle droanes are intollerable in a setled common-wealth , much more in a common-wealth which is but as it were in the bud ; of what earth i pray thee art thou made , of any better then other of the sonnes of adam ? and canst thou see other of thy brethren toile their hearts out , and thou sit idle at home , or takest thy pleasure abroad ? remember the example of vriah , who would not take his ease , nor his pleasure , though the king required him , and why ? because his brethren , his associates , better men then himselfe ( as he esteemed them ) were vnder hard labours and conditions , lay in the fields in tents , caues , &c. the third way is when men seeke their owne bellies , as some did in the apostles times , which went about with new doctrines and deuices , knowing that the people had itching eares , and would easily entertaine , and willingly feede such nouelists , which brought in dissensions , schismes , and contentions , and such were rocks , or pillars in their loue-feasts , as iude speaketh , they were shaddowes in gods seruice , but when feasting came , then they were substances , then they were in their element . and certainely there are some men which shape euen their religion , humaine state , and all , euen as the belly cheare is best , and that they must haue , els all heart and life is gone , let all conscience , care of others goe , let lazarus starue at the gate , let iosephs affliction be increased , they must haue their dishes , their dainties , or no content . the contrary was seene in nehemiah , who would not take his large portion alotted to the gouernour , because he knew it went short with others of his brethren ; and vriah would not receiue the kings present and goe banquet with his wife , because he knew the whole hoast his brethren were faine to snap short in the fields . and the difference betweene a temperate good man , and a belly-god is this : a good man will not eate his morsels alone , especially if he haue better then other , but if by gods prouidence , he haue gotten some meate which is better then ordinary , and better then his other brethrens , he can haue no rest in himselfe , except he make other partaker with him . but a belly-god will slop all in his owne throat , yea , though his neighbour come in and behold him eate , yet his griple gut shameth not to swallow all . and this may be done sometimes , as well in meane fare as in greater dainties , for all countries afford not alike . the fourth way by which men seeke their owne , is by seeking outward honour , fame , and respect with men , as king saul when he had lost all respect and fauour with god , then thought to giue content to his heart by being honoured before the elders of the people ; and it is wonderfull to see how some men are desirous of vaine glory , and how earnestly they seeke prayse , fauour , and respect with men , and can haue no quiet longer then their worldly fauour lasteth , and that they will haue what dishonour soeuer come to god , or disgrace vnto men , yea , they will disgrace , reproch , and disdaine others , to gaine honour and aduancement to themselues , yea , they will make bold with the scriptures and word of god , to wrest and wring , and slight it ouer for their credits sake . and let a man marke some mens talke , stories , discourses , &c. and he shall see their whole drift is to extoll and set out themselues , and get praise and commendations of men . now the contrary was seene in paul , he sayth , he needed no letters of commendations . and againe , he is not affected with mens prayse ; and here is indeed the difference betweene an humble minded christian , and a proud selfe-louer ; an humble man often hath prayse , as dauid , hezekiah , and iosiah , but he seekes it not , he desires it not , he is content to goe without it , he loues not the prayse of men , for he knowes it is but froth and vanitie : but a proud selfe-louer , he seekes it still , get it or not get it , and if he get it he is fully satisfied , if he get it not he hangs the head like a bull-rush , and hath no comfort . the fift way by which men seeke their owne , is by seeking to haue their wils , as the wrong doers in corinth , who thought it not enough to doe wrong and harme to their brethren , but to haue their wills enough of them , drew them before the heathen magistrates . and truely , some men are so prince-like , or rather papall , that their very will and word is become a law , and if they haue said it , it must be so , els there is no rest nor quietnesse to be had , let neuer so many reasons be brought to the contrary , it s but fighting with the winde . they are like the obstinate iewes , who , when against gods law & reason , they had asked a king , though samuel shewed them that it would turne in the end to their owne smart , yet still held the conclusion , and sayd , nay , but we will haue a king. thus men are caught by their owne words , and insnared by the straitnes of their owne hearts , and it is death to them not to haue their wils , and howsoeuer sometimes ( like iezabell ) they are cut short of their purposes , yet selfe-willed men will strout and swell like absolon , saying neither good nor bad , but hope for the day , and threaten like prophane esall : now the contrary is seene in dauid , though a prince , a captaine , a warriour , who hauing sayd , yea , sworne , that he would kill naball , and all his family that day , yet vpon reasonable counsell giuen , and that but by a weake woman , he changed his minde , altered his purpose , and returned , without striking one stroake , an example rare , and worthy imitation ; and when men are sicke of will , let them thinke of dauid , it was his grace and honour to goe backe from his word and practise , when reason came ; so was it herods disgrace and shame to hold his word and will against reason and conscience . but some man happily will say vnto me , it is true , that men seeke their owne by all these wayes , but what should be the reason and cause of this ? that men seeke so earnestly themselues , in seeking riches , honour , ease , belly-cheare , will , &c. something there is that carrieth them . true , and the reasons and causes are specially these three ; first , pride and high conceitednes , when men ouer-value themselues : and this made absolon to seeke his fathers kingdome , because he thought himselfe worthy of it . : this made haman so sore vexed , because mordecai bowed not to him , because he highly valued himselfe . and surely , that which a man valueth at much , he giueth much respect to , and so it is a sure signe that a man loues himselfe most when he giueth most to himselfe , and some intollerable proud persons euen thinke all the world is for them , and all their purposes and endeuours shew what a large conceit they haue of themselues . secondly , want of due consideration and valuation of other mens endowments , abilities , and deserts , when men passe those things by , though they haue both seene , heard , and felt them , as pharaohs butler forgat iosephs eminency when he was restored to his place , so men vse to write their owne good actions in brasse , but other mens in ashes , neuer remembring nor considering the paynes , labour , good properties , &c. which others haue , and so they haue no loue to them , but onely to themselues ; as if god had made all other men vnreasonable beasts , and them onely reasonable men . thirdly , want of a heauenly conuersation , and spirituall eye to behold the glory , greatnesse , and maiestie , and goodnesse of god , as the queene of sheba thought highly of her own glory , wisedome , and happinesse , till she saw salomons wisedome and glory , and then she cryed out , not of the happinesse of her owne seruants , but of his seruants that stood before him ; and verily , if men were conuersant courtiers in heauen , they would cry out with paul , oh the deepnesse of the riches , wisedome , and knowledge of god , &c. and would be ashamed of their owne sinfulnesse , nakednesse , and misery ; for , as country men which neuer saw the state of cities , nor the glory of courts , admire euen their owne countrey orders : and as the sauages here which are clad in skinnes , and creepe in woods and holes , thinke their owne brutish and inhumane life the best , which if they saw and did rightly apprehend the benefit of comely humanity , the sweetnes of religion , and the seruice of god , they would euen shamefully hide themselues from the eye of all noble christians . euen so , if men in serious contemplation , by the eye of faith , would behold the glory of god , and what great riches , beautie , fulnesse , perfection , power , dignitie , and greatnesse is in god , they would leaue admiring of themselues , and seeking of themselues , and would say with dauid , what am i ? and what is my fathers house ? that thou shouldest thus blesse me ? yea , what is man ? or the sonne of man that thou so regardest him ? but it is time that we now come to apply these things more particularly to our selues , and see what vse is to be made of them . is it so that god seeth a proannes in all the sonnes of adam , to seeke themselues too much , and hath giuen them warnings and watch words thereof , as we haue heard , and doth experience confirme it ? then hence are reproued a number of men , who thinke they can neuer shew loue enough to themselues , nor seeke their own enough , but thinke all cost , charges , cheerishing , prayse , honour , &c. too little for them , and no man needeth say to them , as peter did to christ , fauour thy selfe , but if they doe a little for another man , they account it a great matter , though it be but a morsell of bread , or a single penny ; but no varieties of dainties is too good for them , no silke , purple , cloth , or stuffe is too good to cloth them , the poore mans idlenesse and ill husbandry is oft throwne in his dish , but their owne carnall delights and fleshly wantonnesse is neuer thought vpon : and why ? because they thinke euen god and man owes all to them , but they owe nothing to none . why , thou foolish and besotted man , hath not the holy ghost read it in the face of euery sonne of adam , that he is too apt to seeke his owne , and art thou wiser then god , to thinke thou neuer seekest thine owne enough ? or dreamest thou that thou art made of other , and better mettall then other men are ? surely , i know no way to escape , hauing of corruption to thy father , and the worme to thy sister and brother . and if god had any where in all the scriptures sayd , loue thy selfe , make much of thy selfe , prouide for one , &c. there were some reason for thee to take vp the nigards prouerbs , euery man for himselfe , and god for vs all ; charitie beginneth at home , &c. but god neuer taught thee these things ; no , they are sathans positions : doth god euer commend a man for carnall loue of himselfe ? nay , he brands it , and disgraceth it , as selfe-loue ; taking thought for the flesh ; louing of pleasure , &c. it is a point of good naturall policie , for a man to care and prouide for himselfe . then the most fooles haue most naturall policie , for see you not the greatest droanes and nouices , either in church , or common-wealth , to be the greatest scratchers , and scrapers , and gatherers of riches ? are they not also , for the most part , best fed and clad ? and liue they not most easily ? what shall i say ? euen hoggs , doggs , and bruit beasts know their own ease , and can seeke that which is good for themselues ; and what doth this shifting , progging , and fat feeding which some vse , more resemble any thing then the fashion of hoggs ? and so let it be what naturall policie it will. if god see this disease of selfe-loue so dangerous in vs , then it standeth vs all in hand to suspect our selues , and so to seeke out the roote of this disease , that it may be cured . if a learned physitian , shall see by our countenance and eye , that we haue some dangerous disease growing on vs , our hearts will smite vs , and we will bethinke our selues , where the most griefe lieth , and how it should come , whether with cold , heate , surfeit , ouer-flowing of bloud , or thorow griefe , melancholy , or any such way , and euery man will bestirre himselfe to get rid of it , and will preuent all wayes that feed the disease , and cherish all courses that would destroy it . now , how much more ought we to bestirre our selues , for this matter of selfe-loue , since god himselfe hath cast all our waters , and felt all our pulses , and pronounced vs all dangerously sicke of this disease ? beleeue it , god cannot lie , nor be deceiued ; he that made the heart , doth not he know it ? let euery mans heart smite him , and let him fall to examination of himselfe , and see first , whether he loue not riches and worldly wealth too much , whether his heart be not too iocand at the comming of it in , and too heauie at the going of it out , for if you find it so , there is great danger ; if thou canst not buy as if thou possessedst not , and vse this world as thou vsedst it not , thou art sicke and haddest need to looke to it . so , if thou louest thine ease and pleasure , see whether thou canst be content to receiue at gods hands euill as well as good ; whether thou haue learned as well to abound as to want , as well to endure hard labour , as to liue at ease ; and art as willing to goe to the house of mourning as to the house of mirth ; for , els , out of doubt , thou louest thy carnall pleasure and ease too much . againe , see whether thine heart cannot be as merry , and thy mind as ioyfull , and thy countenance as cheerefull , with course fare , with poulse , with bread and water ( if god offer thee no better , nor the times afford other ) as if thou hadst great dainties : so also whether thou canst be content as well with the scornes of men , when thou hast done well , as with their prayses , so if thou canst with comfort and good conscience say , i passe little for mans iudgement , whether thou canst doe thy duety that god requireth , and despise the shame , referring thy selfe vnto god , for if thou be dishartned , discouraged , and weakened in any duety because of mens disprayses , it s a signe thou louest thy selfe too much . so for the will , if thou canst be content to giue way euen from that which thou hast sayd shal be , yea vowed shal be , when better reason commeth , and hast that reuerence of other men , as that when it standeth but vpon a matter of will , thou art as willing their wils shall stand as thine , and art not sad , churlish , or discontent , but cheerefull in thine heart , though thy will be crossed , it is a good signe , but if not , thou art sicke of a selfe will , and must purge it out . i the rather presse these things , because i see many men both wise and religious , which yet are so tainted with this pestilent selfe-loue , as that it is in them euen as a dead slie to the apothecaries ointment , spoyling the ●fficacie of all their graces , making their liues vncomfortable to themselues , and vnprofitable to others , being neither fit for church nor common wealth , but haue euen their very soules in hazard thereby , and therefore who can say too much against it ? it is reported , that there are many men gone to that other plantation in virginia , which , whilest they liued in england , seemed very religious , zealous , and conscionable ; and haue now lost euen the sap of grace , and edge to all goodnesse ; and are become meere worldlings : this testimonie i beleeue to be partly true , and amongst many causes of it , this selfe-loue is not the least ; it is indeede a matter of some commendations for a man to remoue himselfe out of a thronged place into a wide wildernesse ; to take in hand so long and dangerous a iourney , to be an instrument to carry the gospell and humanitie among the bruitish heathen ; but there may be many goodly shewes and gloses and yet a pad in the strawe , men may make a great appearance of respect vnto god , and yet but dissemble with him , hauing their owne lusts carying them : and , out of doubt , men that haue taken in hand hither to come , out of discōtentment , in regard of their estates in england ; and ayming at great matters heere , affecting it to be gentlemen , landed men , or hoping for office , place , dignitie , or fleshly liberty ; let the shew be what it will , he substance is nought , and that bird of selfe-loue which was hatched at home , if it be not looked to , will eate out the life of all grace and goodnesse : and though men haue escaped the danger of the sea , and that cruell mortalitie , which swept away so many of our louing friends and brethren ; yet except they purge out this selfe-loue , a worse mischeife is prepared for them : and who knoweth whether god in mercy haue deliuered those iust men which heere departed , from the euils to come ; and from vnreasonable men , in whom there neither was , nor is , any comfort but greife , sorrow , affliction , and miserie , till they cast out this spaune of selfe-loue . but i haue dwelt too long vpon this first part ; i come now to the second , which concernes an exhortation , as i shewed you , in the diuision . but euery man anothers wealth . in direct opposition , he should say , let euery man seeke anothers , but the first part being compared with the latter , and ( seeke ) being taken out of the former and put to the latter , and ( wealth ) taken out or rather implied , in the former , the whole sentence is thus resolued , let no man seeke his owne wealth , but let euery man seeke anothers wealth . and the word here tr●nslated wealth , is the same with that in rom. 13. 4. and may not be taken onely for riches , as english-men commonly vnderstand it , but for all kind of benefits , fauours , comforts , either for soule or body ; and so here againe , as before , you must vnderstand an affirmatiue commandement , as the negatiue was before : and least any should say , if i may not seeke my owne good , i may doe nothing ; yes , sayth paul , i le tell thee , thou shalt seeke the good of another , whereas now all thy seeking helps but one , by this meanes thou shalt helpe many : and this is further enforced by these two circumstances , ( no man ) may seeke his owne , be he rich , learned , wise , &c. but euery man must seeke the good of another . the point of instruction is taken from the very letter and phrase , viz. a man must seeke the good , the wealth , the profit of others , i say , he must seeke it , he must seeke the comfort , profit , and benefit of his neighbour , brother , associate , &c. his owne good he need not seeke , it will offer it selfe to him euery houre , but the good of others must be sought , a man must not stay from doing good to others till he is sought vnto , pulled and haled ( as it were ) like the vniust iudge , for euery benefit that is first craued , commeth too late . and thus the auncient patriarkes did practise , when the trauayler and way-faring man came by , they did not tarry till they came and asked reliefe and refreshing , but sat at the gates to watch for such , and looked in the streets to find them , yea , set open their doores that they might freely and boldly enter in . and howsoeuer , some may thinke this too large a practise , since , now the world is so full of people , yet i see not but the more people there is , the larger charitie ought to be . but be it so as a man may neglect , in some sort the generall world , yet those to whom he is bound , either in naturall , ciuill , or religious bands , them he must seeke how to doe them good : a notable example you haue in dauid , who , because there was twixt him & ionathan a band and couenant , therefore he enquired , whether there was any left of the house of saul , to whom he might shew mercy for ionathans sake ; so , this people of corinth , to whom paul writeth , they were in a spirituall league and couenant in the gospell , and so were a body ; now for one member in the body to seeke himselfe , and neglect all other , were , as if a man should cloth one arme or one leg of his body with gold and purple , and let all the rest of the members goe naked . now brethren , i pray you , remember your selues , and know , that you are not in a retired monasticall course , but haue giuen your names and promises one to another , and couenanted here to cleaue together in the seruice of god , and the king ; what then must you doe ? may you liue as retired hermites ? and looke after no body ? nay , you must seeke still the wealth of one another ; and enquire as dauid , how liueth such a man ? how is he clad ? how is he fed ? he is my brother , my associate ; we ventered our liues together here , and had a hard brunt of it , and we are in league together , is his labour harder then mine ? surely , i will ease him ; hath he no bed to lie on ? why , i haue two , i le lend him one ; hath he no apparel ? why , i haue two suits , i le giue him one of them ; eates he course fare , bread and water , and i haue better ? why , surely we will part stakes : he is as good a man as i , and we are bound each to other , so that his w●nts must be my wants , his sorrowes my sorrowes , his sicknes my sicknes , and his welfare my welfare , for i am as he is . and such a sweet sympathie were excellent , comfortable , yea , heauenly , and is the onely maker and conseruer of churches and common-wealths , and where this is wanting , ruine comes on quickly , as it did here in corinth . but besides these motiues , there are other reasons to prouoke vs not onely to doe good one to another ; but euen to seeke and search how to doe it . as first , to maintaine modestie in all our associates , that of hungrie wanters they become not bold beggers and impudent crauers , for as one sayth of women , that , when they haue lost their shamefastnes , they haue lost halfe their honestie , so may it truely be sayd of a man , that when he hath lost his modestie , and puts on a begging face , he hath lost his maiestie , and the image of that noble creature , and man should not begge and craue of man but onely of god ; true it is , that as christ was faine to craue water of the samaritan woman , so men are forced to aske sometimes rather then starue , but indeede in all societies it should be offered them , men often complaine of mens boldnes in asking , but how commeth this to passe , but because the world hath beene so full of selfe-louers , as no man would offer their money , meate , garmentes , though they saw men hungrie , harborlesse , poore , and naked in the streetes ; and what is it that makes men brazen faced , bold , bruitish , tumultuous , mutinous , but because they are pinched with want , and see others of their companions ( which it may be haue lesse deserued ) to liue in prosperitie and pleasure ? it wonderfully encourageth men in their dueties , when they see the burthen equally borne ; but when some withdraw themselues and retire to their owne particular ease , pleasure , or profit ; what heart can men haue to goe on in their businesse ? when men are come together , to lift some weighty peece of tymber or vessell ; if one stand still and doe not lift , shall not the rest be weakned and dishartned ? will not a few idle droanes spoyle the whole stocke of laborious bees : so one idle belly , one murmurer , one complainer , one selfe-louer will weaken and disharten a whole colonie . great matters haue beene brought to passe , where men haue cheerefully as with one heart , hand , and shoulder , gone about it both in warres , buildings , and plantations , but where euery man seekes himselfe , all commeth to nothing . the present necessitie requireth it , as it did in the dayes of the iewes , returning from captiuitie , and as it was here in corinth . the countrey is yet raw , the land vntilled , the cities not builded , the cattell not setled , we are compassed about with a helplesse and idle people , the natiues of the countrey , which cannot in any comely or comfortable manner helpe themselues , much lesse vs. wee also haue beene very chargeable to many of our louing friends , which helped vs hither , and now againe supplyed vs , so that before we thinke of gathering riches , we must euen in conscience thinke of requiting their charge , loue , and labour , and cursed be that profit and gaine which aymeth not at this . besides , how many of our deare friends , did here die at our first entrance , many of them no doubt for want of good lodging , shelter , and comfortable things , and many more may goe after them quickly , if care be not taken . is this then a time for men to begin to seeke themselues ? paul sayth , that men in the last dayes shall be louers of themselues , but it is here yet but the first dayes , and ( as it were ) the dawning of this new world , it is now therefore no time for men to looke to get riches , braue clothes , daintie fare , but to looke to present necessities ; it is now no time to pamper the flesh , liue at ease , snatch , catch , scrape , and pill , and hoord vp , but rather to open the doores , the chests , and vessels , and say , brother , neighbour , friend , what want yee , any thing that i haue ? make bold with it , it is yours to command , to doe you good , to comfort and cheerish you , and glad i am that i haue it for you . and euen the example of god himselfe , whom we should follow in all things within our power and capacitie , may teach vs this lesson , for ( with reuerence to his maiestie be it spoken ) he might haue kept all grace , goodnesse , and glory to himselfe , but he hath communicated it to vs , euen as farre as we are capable of it in this life , and will communicate his glory in all fulnesse with his elect in that life to come ; euen so his sonne christ iesus left his glory eclipsed for a time , and abased himselfe to a poore and distressed life in this world , that he might , by it , bring vs to happinesse in the world to come . if god then haue delighted in this doing good and relieuing frayle and miserable man , so farre inferior to himselfe , what delight ought man to haue to relieue and comfort man , which is equall to himselfe ? euen as we deale with others , our selues and others shall be dealt withall , carest thou not how others fare , how they toile , are grieued , sicke , pinched , cold , harborlesle , so as thou be in health , liuest at ease , warme in thy nest , farest well ? the dayes will come when thou shalt labour and none shall pittie thee , be poore and none relieue thee , be sicke , and lie and die and none visit thee , yea , and thy children shall lie and statue in the streets , and none shall relieue them , for it is the mercifull that shall obtaine mercy ; and the memory of the iust shall be blessed euen in his seede ; and a mercifull and louing man when he dies , though he leaue his children small and desolate , yet euery one is mercifully stirred vp for the fathers sake to shew compassion , but the vnkindnesse , currishnesse , and selfe-loue of a father , is thorow gods iust iudgement recompenced vpon the children with neglect and crueltie . lastly , that we may draw to an end ; a mercilesse man , and a man without naturall affection or loue , is reckoned among such as are giuen ouer of god to a reprobate minde , and ( as it were ) transformed into a beast-like humor ; for , what is a man if he be not sociable , kinde , affable , free hearted , liberall ; he is a beast in the shape of a man ; or rather an infernall spirit , walking amongst men which makes the world a hell what in him lieth ; for , it is euen a hell to liue where there are many such men : such the scripture calleth nabals , which signifieth fooles and decayed men , which haue lost both the sap of grace and nature ; and such merciles men are called goats , and shall be set at christs left hand at the last day ; oh therefore seeke the wealth one of another . but some will say , it is true , and it were well , if men would so doe , but we see euery man is so for himselfe , as that if i should not doe so , i should doe full ill , for if i haue it not of my owne , i may snap short sometimes , for i see no body sheweth me any kindnesse , nor giueth me any thing ; if i haue gold and siluer , that goeth for payment , and if i want it , i may lie in the streete , therefore i were best keepe that i haue , and not be so liberall as you would haue me , except i saw others would be so towards me . this obiection seemeth but equall and reasonable , as did the answere of naball to dauids men , but it is most foolish and carnall , as his also was ; for , if we should measure our courses by most mens practises , a man should neuer doe any godly dutie ; for , doe not the most , yea , almost all , goe the broad way that leadeth to death and damnation ? who then will follow a multitude ? it is the word of god , and the examples of the best men that we must follow . and what if others will doe nothing for thee , but are vnkinde , and vnmercifull to thee ? knowest thou not that they which will be the children of god must be kinde to the vnkinde , louing to their enemies , and blesse those that curse them ? if all men were kinde to thee , it were but publicans right eousnesse to be kinde to them ; if all men be euill , wilt thou be so too ? when dauid cryed out ; helpe lord , for not a godly man is left . did he himselfe turne vngodly also ? nay , he was rather the more strict : so , if loue and charitie be departed out of this world , be thou one of them that shall first bring it in againe . and let this be the first rule , which i will with two others conclude for this time . neuer measure thy course by the most , but by the best , yea , and principally by gods word ; looke not what others doe to thee , but consider what thou art to doe to them ; seeke to please god , not thy selfe : did they in mathew 25. 44. plead , that others did nothing for them ? no such matter , no such plea will stand before god , his word is plaine to the contrary , therefore , though all the world should neglect thee , disregard thee , and contemne thee , yet remember thou hast not to doe with men , but with the highest god , and so thou must doe thy dutie to them notwithstanding . and let there be no prodigall person to come forth and say , giue me the portion of lands and goods that appert●ineth to me , and let me shift for my selfe ; it is you too soone to put men to their shi●ts ; israel was seauen yoares in canaan , before the land was deuided vnto tribes , much longer , before it was deuided vnto families : and why wouldest thou haue thy particular portion , but because thou thinkest to liue better then thy neighbour , and scornest to liue so meanely as he ? but who , i pray thee , brought this particularizing first into the world ? did not sathan , who was not content to keepe that equall state with his fellowes , but would set his throne aboue the starres ? did not he also entise man to despise his generall felicitie and happinesse , and goe trie particular knowledge of good and euill ? and nothing in this world doth more resemble heauenly happinesse , then for men to liue as one , being of one heart , and one soule ; neither any thing more resembles hellish horror , then for euery man to shift for himselfe ; for if it be a good minde and practise , thus to affect particulars , mine and thine , then it should be best also for god to prouide one heauen for thee , and another for thy neighbour . but some will say , if all men would doe their endeuour as i doe , i could be content with this generalitie , but many are idle and sloathful , and eate vp others labours , and therefore it is best to part , and then euery man may doe his pleasure . first , this , indeed , is the common plea of such as will endure no inconueniences , and so for the hardnesse of mens hearts , god and man doth often giue way to that which is not best , nor perpetuall , but indeede if wee take this course , to change ordinances and practises , because of inconueniences , wee shall haue , euery day , new lawes . secondly , if others be idle , and thou diligent , thy fellowship , prouocation , and example may well helpe to cure that maladie in them , being together , but being asunder , shall they not be more idle , and shall not gentrie and beggerie be quickly the glorious ensignes of your common-wealth ? thirdly , construe things in the best part , be not too hastie to say , men are idle and slouthfull , all men haue not strength , skill , facultie , spirit , and courage to worke alike ; it is thy glory and credit , that canst doe so well , and his shame and reproach , that can doe no better ; and are not these sufficient rewards to you both ? fourthly , if any be idle apparantly , you haue a law and gouernours to execute the same , and to follow that rule of the apostle , to keepe backe their bread , and let them not eate , goe not therefore whisperingly , to charge men with idlenesse ; but goe to the gouernour and proue them idle ; and thou shalt see them haue their deserts . and as you are a body together , so hang not together by skins and gymocks , but labour to be ioynted together and knit by flesh and synewes ; away with enuie at the good of others , and reioyce in his good , and sorrow for his euill , let his ioy bee thy ioy , and his sorrow thy sorrow : let his sicknesse be thy sicknesse : his hunger thy hunger : his pouertie thy pouertie : and if you professe friendship , be friends in aduersities : for then a friend is knowne , and tryed , and not before . lay away all thought of former thinges and forget them , and thinke vpon the things that are , looke not gapingly one vpon other , pleading your goodnesse , your birth , your life you haue liued , your meanes you had and might haue had , heere you are by gods prouidence , vnder difficulties , be thankfull to god , it is no worse , and take it in good part that which is , and lift not vp your selues because of former priuiledges , when iob was brought to the dunghill , he sate downe vpon it . and when the almightie had beene bitter to naomie , shee would bee called marah , consider therefore what you are now , and where you are , say not i could haue liued thus and thus ; but say , thus and thus i must liue : for god , and naturall necessitie requireth , if your difficulties be great , you had neede to cleaue the faster together , and comfort and cheere vp one another , laboring to make each others burden lighter , there is no griefe so tedious as a churlish companion , and nothing makes sorrowes easie more then cheerefull associates : beareye therefore one anothers burthen , and be not a burthen one to another , auoide all factions , frowardnes , singularitie , and withdrawings , and cleaue fast to the lord , and one to another continually ; so shall you bee a notable preside it to these poore heathens , whose eyes are vpon you , and who very bruitishly and cruelly doe dayly eate and consume one another , through their emulations , warres , and contentions ; bee you therefore ashamed of it , and winne them to peace both with your selues , and one another , by your peaceable examples , which will preach louder to them , then if you could crie in their barbarous language : so also shall you bee an encouragement to many of your christian friendes in your natiue countrey , to come to you , when they heare of your peace , loue , and kindnesse that is amongst you : but aboue all , it shall goe well with your soules , when that god of peace and vnity shall come to visite you with death , as hee hath done many of your associates , you being found of him , not in murmurings , discontent and iarres , but in brotherly loue , and peace , may bee translated from this wandring wildernesse , vnto that ioyfull and heauenly canaan . ( ⸪ ) finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a19729-e160 reu. 12. 14. 15 act. 11. 20. 21. luk. 2. 32. math. 21. 43. amos 7. 14. 2 king. 17. 23. math. 3. 5. they offer vs to dwell where we will. 1 cor. 2. 4. chap. 8. 2. luk. 16. 8. pro. 3. 9. psal . 42. 1. notes for div a19729-e600 the text. the connexion . math. 13. 25. iude 4. 1 cor. 11. 13. 2 cor. 6. 13. 2 cor. 13. 5. similie . iude 16. 2 cor. 10. 10. ver. 18. iob 1. 9. rom. 16. 18. math. 19. 21. ver. 22. act. 10. 33. diuision . order of handling . the apostles drift . exposition . chap. 4. 1. 1 cor. 11. 28. 1 cor. 14. 34. obiect . 1 tim. 5. 8. resp . doct. 1. amplific . 1 sam. 15. 2. 3. 4 2 king. 12. 26. and 21. 2. 1 sam 25. 13. 2 chron. 16. 10. and 35. 22. isaiah 39. 2. gal. 2. 11. 12. phil. 2. 21. philip. 2. 4. 1. cor. 13. 6. gal. 5. 26. illustration experimentall . simile . psal . 112. 9. eccle. 11. 1. luk. 6. 35. 2 cor. 11. 7. 1 cor. 13. 1. mat. 25. 41. 42. particular amplific . act. 24. 26. psal . 4. 7. amos 8. 5. iob 31. 24. 2 king. 5. 21. neh. 5. 14. 15. 16. act. 20. 2 thes . 3. 9. ver. 8. 2 cor. 11. 12. gen. 41. 49. iosh . 7. 21. luke 11. 46. gen. 2. 15. eccle. 10. 18. pro. 24. 30. 31. 2 sam. 11. 11. rom. 16. 26. iude 12. neh. 5. 14. iob 31. 17. 1 sam. 15. 30. gal. 5. 26. 2 cor. 3. 2. 2 cor. 10. 12. 1 sam. 18. 〈…〉 2 king. 18. 3. 1 cor. 6. 8. 1 sam. 8. 19. 1 king. 19. 2. 2 sam. 13. 22. gen. 27. 41. 1 sam. 25. 34. math. 14. 8. 9. quest . resp . reason 1. 2 sam. 15. 4. hest . 3. 5. reason 2. gen. 40. 23. reason 3. 1 king. 10. 7. 8 rom. 11. 33. similies . 2 sam. 7. 18. psal . 8. 3. vse 1. mat. 16. 22. rom. 13. 14. 2 tim. 3. 4. obiect . resp . psal . 73. 5. 7. vse 2. simile . 1 cor. 7. 30. 31. iob 2. 10. phil. 4. 10. edele 7. 6. dan. 1. 15. 1 cor. 4. 3. heb. 12. 2. 1 sam. 25. 34. 1 king. 21. 4. eccle. 10. 1. a faire warning . psal . 78. 5. 7. isa . 57. 1. text. expli . doct. 2. luk. 18. 5. gen. 19. 1. 2. iudg. 19. 20. 21. iob 31. 32. 2 sam. 9. 1. 1 cor. 12. 27. reasons . 1. iohn 4. 5. 2 reason . 3 reason . neh. 5. 1 sam. 30. 26. 31. 2 tim. 3. 2. 4 reason . ephes . 5. 1. ioh. 1. 16. psal . 113. 6. 7. 2 tim. 4. 5. ioh. 17. 22. and 15. 13. 5 reason . iudg. 1. 6. 7. mat. 7. 2. mat. 5. 7. prou. 10. 2 sam. 21. 7. 8. 9. 6 reason . rom. 1. 30. psal . 14. 1. math. 25. 33. obiect . resp . luk. 13. 23. 24. mat. 5. 44. 47. psal . 12. 1. rom. 12. 20. 1 rule . 2 rule . luk. 15. 12. esay 14. 12. 13 iude 6. gen. 3. 5. psal . 133. 1. act. 4. 32. obiect . resp . math. 19. 8. 1 sam. 8. 5. 2 thes . 3. 9. rom. 1. 29. 1 sam. 30. 10. 24. act. 19. 38. 2 thes . 3. 10. deut. 19. 15. 1 sam. 18. 9. rom. 12. 19. pro. 17. 17. 3 rule . gen. 42. 1. iob 2. 8. ruth 1. 20. 1 sam. 1. 6. 7. gal. 6. 2. 2 sam. 15. 33. heb. 10 29. gen. 13. 7. colos . 4. 5. heb. 13. 2. 2 pet. 3. 14. heb. 4. 9. a description of the province of new albion and a direction for adventurers with small stock to get two for one, and good land freely, and for gentlemen, and all servants, labourers, and artificers to live plentifully : and a former description re-printed of the healthiest, pleasantest, and richest plantation of new albion in north virginia, proved by thirteen witnesses : together with a letter from master robert evelin, that lived there many years, shewing the particularities, and excellency thereof : with a briefe of the charge of victuall, and necessaries, to transport and buy stock for each planter, or labourer, there to get his master 50 l. per annum, or more in twelve trades, and at 10 l. charges onely a man. plantagenet, beauchamp. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a54990 of text r10729 in the english short title catalog (wing p2378). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 93 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a54990 wing p2378 estc r10729 13114223 ocm 13114223 97730 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54990) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97730) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 749:8) a description of the province of new albion and a direction for adventurers with small stock to get two for one, and good land freely, and for gentlemen, and all servants, labourers, and artificers to live plentifully : and a former description re-printed of the healthiest, pleasantest, and richest plantation of new albion in north virginia, proved by thirteen witnesses : together with a letter from master robert evelin, that lived there many years, shewing the particularities, and excellency thereof : with a briefe of the charge of victuall, and necessaries, to transport and buy stock for each planter, or labourer, there to get his master 50 l. per annum, or more in twelve trades, and at 10 l. charges onely a man. plantagenet, beauchamp. evelyn, robert, 17th cent. 32 p. : ill. s.n.], [london : 1648. "epistle to lord edmund [plowden] lord proprietor, earl palatine, governour of new albion and to all other the adventurers of new albion," dated dec. 5, 1648 and signed: beauchamp plantagenet, 3-8 p. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng new england -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. new jersey -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. a54990 r10729 (wing p2378). civilwar no a description of the province of new albion. and a direction for adventurers with small stock to get two for one, and good land freely: and plantagenet, beauchamp 1648 16503 34 0 0 0 1 0 27 c the rate of 27 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a description of the province of new albion . and a direction for adventurers with small stock to get two for one , and good land freely : and for gentlemen , and all servants , labourers , and artificers to live plentifully . and a former description re-printed of the healthiest , pleasantest , and richest plantation of new albion in north virginia , proved by thirteen witnesses . together with a letter from master robert evelin , that lived there many years , shewing the particularities , and excellency thereof . with a briefe of the charge of victuall , and necessaries , to transport and buy stock for each planter , or labourer , there to get his master 50 l. per annum , or more in twelve trades , and at 10 l. charges onely a man . printed in the year 1648. the order , medall , and riban of the albion knights , of the conversion of 23 kings , their support . non arma nec indi feroces non immensi tremor oceani docebo iniqvos vias tvas et impii ad te convertentvr edmvndvs comes palatinvs et gvber n albion sic svos virtvs beat ploydens arms . true virtue mounted aloft on honour high , in a serene conscience as clear as skie . albions arms . all power on life and death , the sword and crown , on gospels truth shines honour and renown . this epistle and preface shews catoes best rules for a plantation . to the right honourable and mighty lord edmund by divine providence lord proprieter , earl palatine , governour and captain generall of the province of new albion , and to the right honourable the lord vicount monson of castlemain , the lord sherard baron of letrim : and to all other the vicounts , barons , baronets , knights , gentlemen , merchants , adventurers , and planters of the hopefull company of new albion , in all 44 undertakers and subscribers , bound by indenture to bring and settle 3000 able trained men in our said severall plantations in the said province . beauchamp plantagenet of belvil in new albion esquire , one of the company , wisheth all health , happinesse , and heavenly blessings . may it please your good lordships and fellow adventurers , having been blasted with the whirlwind of this late , unnaturall and civill english war , seeing the storm more likely to encrease then to calm , i recollected my former journall and manuall notes of my travails by land and sea forty years since in italy , france , germany , poland , and belgia , and finding omne solum forti patria , ut piscibus aequor ; i perused all the books of any english colonies , and by often conferences of the traders and resident planters , of the present state , condition , numbers , enemies , bad neighbours , aire , health government , fortification and saftety , religion , quietnesse , profit , and returns , shipping for supplie and vent of the growing commodities ; i conferred with my fellow patients , 7 knights and gentlemen , my kindred and neighbours , and reporting the true state of all our colonies ; and whiles thus musing i stood at a maze unresolved , the storm grew far more tempestuous with thunder and lightning , black and terrible gusts , and spouts , that made the rivers rise , and my friends to hide : for the roaring cannon beat down their wals and houses , the musqueteers , dragoons ▪ and pistold horsemen swept all cattell and their goods afore them ; the pikemen in their inclosures and retreats , left them no beds , pots or pans ; their silver plate was turned into earthen dishes : new names , and terms , like an unknown language , and like to strange people unheard of in all the globe as far as our antipodes , called cavalleers , presbyters , independents , roundheads , and malignants , like the gothes , huns , and vandalls , and alans , that invaded and conquered italy , spaine , and france ; and like the saxons , jutes , and angles , that conquered britanny . these having plundered , and put upon us new laws and ordinances , called contribution , excise , quartering , and sequestrations , my friends were now and rightly by gods providence made light , and not troubled or incumbred with much stuffe to travel with , nor farms , tenements , or copyholds , and for our sins our pride abated , our hearts humbled : our afflictions made us pray heartily , and call to god to direct us to infuse contrition and true sorrow , and purpose of amendment to follow his calling . wee found this storm and heavy judgement had likewise afflicted scotland , ireland , man , jarsey , and garasey isles . then perusing my old evidences , i found my auncestor sir richard plantagenes had chawton , blendworth , clanfield , and catrington in hampshire . but in those civil-wars in henry the sixth time , much like these or that of the guelfs and gibellines in italy , all was lost . i resolved to be a newter in this quarrell , not to kill english men and christians , but with christ to fly into egypt , and like the apostle paul to fly out of one city into another , and get out of the fire : at last my seven knights and gentlemen imployed me the oldest and boldest traveller to see all english plantations , by warrant to buy land in the healthiest and best for us eight , and for a hundred servants , and twenty of our old tenants and families . but in my private instructions , i was on a full and deliberate counsell directed to follow old catoes rules in seating of the romane colonies , begun to be seated to save charge of garrisons in new conquests . first , to seat in a healthy pure aire : else after all the hazzard , charge and building past , their people die , and their posterity extinguish , and their children inherit ficknes & weaknesse . secondly , to sit down in a fresh navigable river for trade and supply , where there was stone neer to build , and not to build on wood subject to firing of enemies , negligence of servants , or treachery of slaves and apprentices ; for this reason i on my view of virginia , disliked virginia , most of it being seated scatteringly in wooden clove board houses , where many by fire were undone , and by two massacres in an instant fired , without any forts there , or retreats of safety in time of danger , and seated amongst saltmarches and creeks , where thrice worse then essex , and tenet , and kent for agues and diseases , brackish water to drink and use ; and a flat country , and standing waters in woods bred a double corrupt air , so the elements corrupted , no wonder as the old virginians affirm , the sicknesse there the first thirty years to have killed 100000 men . and then generally five of six imported died , and now in iune , iuly and august chiefly , one in nine die imported , absent a year and returning : though much land more now is cleared and victuall and cattell mendeth the diet . thirdly , catoes and the third romane rule was to seat in rich land so that the richnesse of the place and neernesse of husbandry may continue the colony with plenty and safety : this also virginia for the most part wanteth , they living in salts , and most of their lands after two crops is a light hot earth , which kils barley with the hot ground and sun in may . thus instructed i viewed barbadoes and saint christophers , bermudoes , new england , and virginia , and maryland ; saint christophers i finde worne out , two parts full of french aliens subject to blast it , and winds blowing away cotten , wanting victuals , and no store of land ; barbadoes hath some rich men , having sugar mils , indico , ginger , suckets of oranges and lemmons , and bad tobacco ; but their usuall bread is of cassada roots , whose juice is poyson , so the negligence of a servant or slave in the right making of it may cost the whole family a poysoning ; the servants usuall food is some pease , potatoes , roots , and those boyled make their drink called mobby and plantana roots ; some rich have poultry , and hogs , and cows tied up to trees , for there are few raunges and inclosures . these two last yeares the plague as i am informed killed 10000 brave people , and there are many hundred rebell negro flaves in the woods ; here was no store of land for our 120 men and their families , here wants the english mans grasse , and so the english mans beef , mutton , milk , butter and cheese , and they want rivers to turn their sugar mils , so that new england sendeth horses , and virginia oxen , to turn them at excessive rates , and their keeping is there chargeable , and at barbadoes they buy much beef and meal , and pease , and fish from new england , and other places , yet this isle is full of gallant people , very civill and well governed , and now no fear of the spaniard being so populous . then i touched at bermudoes , an isle twenty miles long , and two miles over ; and in some places more guarded with rocks and isles , difficult in accesse , full of figs , oranges , lemmons , pomcitrons , potatoes , and plantans , mays wheat for bread , excellent fish , tobacco and pease ; healthy it is and quiet in government ; but this isle being but a pretty prison , was not for my companies use . thence i sailed to new england , where i found three months snow , hard winter , but lean land , in generall all along the sea coast well peopled towns , the people very thristy , industrious , and temperate ; their fish carried to bilbao , and saint sebastans , their pipe-staves to the isles and spain , and the corn of the floated river of connectacute is transported , and the beaver trade is their best subsistence . still hoping for a richer and more temperat soile , i went to virginia , passing 310 miles along the shoars and isles of new albion , by manhatas isle , by long isle , cape may , and the two capes of deleware bay , by the lesser and southermost , being by our sea-mens observations just in 38 degrees , and 40 minutes , and so by chingotto , and fe●z isles in maryland to virginia , to newports news , where receiving kind entertainment at captain matthews , at master fantleroys , and free quarter in all places , finding the indian war ended , first by the valour , courage , and hot charge of captain marshall , and valiant stilwel , and finished by the personall and resolute march and victory of sir william berkley governour , there taking the old king ope chankino prisoner , i wandred all over , finding no place for the reasons aforesaid fit for our company : i went to chicacoen , the north part of virginia on pawtomeck river , dividing it and maryland , which i found healthier and better then virginia , but then it was in war both with the sasquehannocks , & all the eastern bay indians , and a civill war between some revolters protestants , assisted by 50 plundered virginians , by whom m. leonard calvert governour under his brother the lord baltamore , was taken prisoner and expelled : and the isle of kent taken from him also by captain clayborn of virginia ; yet i viewed kent isle , too wet , and plashy , having bad water , but there and at chicacoen , and at accomack in virginia , and chiefly in new england , they related of the excellent temper , and pure aire , fertility of soile , of hils that sheltered off the north-west windes , and blasts , vallies of grapes , rich mines , and millions of elkes , stags , deer , turkeys , fowl , fish , cotten , rare fruits , timber , and fair plains , & clear fields , which other plantations want , this excelling all others : & finding it lay just midway between virginia , too hot and aguish in the blasted plains on one side , and the cold new england on the other , and in the same elevation of naples , the garden of europe , after one hunting voiage and view 60 miles on one side of albion , and 310 miles on the other side , and long isle , finding the countries better and pleasanter then related , i made my addresses to the lord governour of albion , and having obtained under the province seal my grant of my manor of belvill containing 10000 acres , on a navigable river , having in it and neer , alablaster , terras for plaister of paris , building and slatstone , store of timber , clear fields , meads and woods , and no indians neer , and vines , i resolved to return to holland , and to transport my friends , where most happily the second time meeting his lordship , and perusing by his noble favour , all his lordships cards , and seamens draughts , 17 journall books of discoveries , voiages , huntings , tradings , and severall depositions under seal of the great bever , and fur trade , rich mines , and many secrets and rarities . in fourteen days having with the two former books printed of albion 1637 , and 1642. made a full abstract and collection , agreeing with my own view & in the depositions , and m. evelins , and other the traders of virginia & new england , i thought it most necessary for the good of all the company , and many voluntiers in holland , distressed in england , and noble knights , gentlemen , that with a little stock may gain fair and rich possessions , and live in peace and quiet , to print and publish this my labour under all your lordships protections , most humbly craving your lordships gentle acceptance . and because it conduceth much for a general & a leader , to be known of his commanders and soldiers , his abilities , and vertues , and excellent parts drawing more men of honour and valour to follow him ; it contenting much men of honour and dignity to be led and commanded by a better and more honourable , and more sufficient then themselves , and not their inferiour : the meaner and poorer sort expecting all encouragement , justice and protection , and all the company , the adventures , and strangers to us all , may more freely and chearfully goe on , and set out their men , and expect the more and better returns & contentment , under his government , in whom pietic , religion , honor , justice , learning , valor , judgement , temperance , and policie shines ; hope without offence or imputation of flattery , to affirm his virtues more then the gems of the coronet of this our earl palatine , doe adorn his noble parts . since to me conscientiamea mille restes , i have had the honour to be admitted as his familiar , have marched , lodged , and cabbined together , amongst the indians & in holland , have seen so many of his manuscript books , and most excellent rules and observations of law , justice , policy , i found his conversation as sweet and winning , as grave and sober , adorned with much learning , enriched with sixe languages , most grounded and experienced in forain matters of state policy , and government , trade and sea voiages , by 4 yeares travell in germany , france , italy and belgium , by 5 years living an officer in ireland , and this last 7 years in america , his studie and suits at home and abroad enabling his impartiall and infallible judgement of judicature , and certainly his perfect knowledge of his 23 indian kings , under the command of this our lord royall , as of his good and bad neighbours , their power , wealth and weaknesse , english aliens and indians appears by his notes and books , where none of their treacheries , plots , conspiracies , haltings and villanies , their antagonists , their numbers and abilities , the advantage of our armes and fights , and stratagerns are as greek phalanges and they as romane manuples and enemies to side with ; and how to quiet and regain , kill , or surprise them , is not expressed . what port , bay and soundings , creek , river , rock , quarries of stone , slat , iron mines , gum-dragoon , lead , gold , and silver , alablaster , terras bolarmack , red soap earth , terra-lemnia , diers ware , hearbs and plants , and their use , ocar , rudle , cinnaber for quicksilver , and vermilion , is not in particular , cards by compasse , and scale in books , with the trials and witnesses recorded . what land and sea profit , fishing , place for salt , potas dies , fruits hearbs and plants , clear fields , great plains , fine and thick grasse , marshes , necks of land , rich , black , moulded countries for tobacco , flaxe , rice , choice trees , and timber for shipping , and pipestaves , masts , yards , pitch , tar , sheltred places for grapes and fruits ; cotten in cotten river , invincible places by nature , others by a little charge and fort to be made impregnable , is not in this huge and waste province , being 1000 mile compasse delineated ; and what law or policy , and summary justice , courts of law , equity , appeals , awards , or references , fit to compose differences , reconcile debates , to unite hearts , to settle the factious and seditious in any other english colonies or countries , and fit for our justice , is not explained . therefore my good lords and adventurers , since i speak of knowledge by view , and certain reports of wise and knowing men , i shall joy and congratulate with you all , in so able , sufficient , and honourable a governour , happily to rule , to defend , and doe us justice ; a tried and seasoned man , and excellent pilot in all this land and seas , not afeard in person as a true captain generall by land and sea , to leade and settle us by boat , horse or foot , as able and willing as any of the meanest ; and therfore i think at first it most materiall to expresse the law , statutes , and judgements , and acts of parliament of counts , and count palatines , and county palatines , and of our province and county palatine , liberties , and the ancient family 1200 year from the saxons in england , of our earl palatine , his pedegree and alliance . and since according as other palatines , as he of chester and duresme , made their barons and knights , as therein many are yet living , you my lord have begun to honour first your own children , i tender my best respects unto your lps sonne and heir apparant francis lord ployden , baron of mount royall , d. governour , and to thomas lord ployden , baron of roymont , high admirall : and to the lady winefrid baronesse of vvedale , the pattern of mildnesse and modesty ; and to the lady barbara , baronesse of ritchneck , the mirrour of wit and beauty , and to the lady katherine baronesse of princeport , that pretty babe of grace , whose fair hands i kisse , hoping on your lordships invitation c. c. t. and your two baronets l. and m. to get them as they promised to goe with us . i hope to get your knights and 200 planters on this side ready . and thus with tender of my service to your lordships , and all the company , i rest your humblest servant , beauchamp plantagenet . middleboro this 5 of decemb. 1648. the contents of the severall chapters . chap. 1. of counts or earls created , and county palatines , and of our province and county palatine , liberties , and the ancient family 1200 years of our earle palatine from the saxons in england , his pedegree and alliance . ch. 2. his majesty , and his auncestors just title , and actuall possession of these countries , of some aliens and pirats in landing and disinheriting the english crown , and of bad english and fugitives to them adhering ; the just cause and excuse to expel them . ch. 3. the description of master robert evelin and 13 witnesses , printed 7 years since , and now re-printed . ch. 4. the more large and exact description and declaration of many things these last seven years , the bounds of all to it adjoyning of virginia , maryland , new england ; and answer to objections of bounds . the number of the present inhabitants , and their cattell in this province , 1000 miles compasse ; the number of indians . ch. 5. what cargason is necessary to transport for the lord of a manor , or to trade or truck with the indians . ch. 6. our present staple commodities , how oft a man transported and stockt to make of his 100 acres 50 or 70 per annum . chap. i. for the first creation of earls in the saxons time , and since by the norman kings in england , i refer you to that learned antiquary master selden his book , who writeth at large in his book of titles and honours , as well of this as of forain nations . but there you shall finde records cited , and earls made both by privy signet and privy seal , without the great seal . and they were not then meerly titulary , and nominall , without interest , power and judicature , as now they are commonly all , except the earle of arundell , who still is a locall feodall earl , by possession of the castle , and of some rapes or liberties ; for the lord lumley not long since for some yeares being possessed thereof , was for such time earle of arundell , and that earledome is confirmed , and so adjudged with his honour and precedency , by the house of peers entred both in the parliament , and court of honour rols : and the royall grant was , do tibi comitatum & tertiam partem profitucrum , unde comes est . and he made the sheriffe , or his vicount , or deputy : and the county court was his , and it was an honour and office , both with the county and assignable , the assignee enjoying the county , honour and office , as in master seldens booke is cited in their patents , and was not so many large words for his title and peerage as is now used . but in the reports 9 iacobi of sir iohn davis in the case of the county palatine , and in the fourth part of the institutes of sir edward coke , of jurisdiction of courts , of the three county palatines , yet in england you may see acts of parliament , judgements and full matter , shewing , that there were comites palatini of the first and higher ranke , which had in their territories absolute command in martiall , civill and criminall matters , with all royalties and regalities which the second order of titulary or nominall earls had not , both in the saxons and normans time , long before the title of duke , marquesse , or vicount were here granted . secondly , comes palatinus was comes palatii , being a chief councell and companion to the emperour or king , comes curarum par extans curis , solo diademate dispar . that in chester , durham , lancaster and pembroke , were made earl palatines , and county palatines : and in ireland in lemster , earl strongbows sir hugh de lacy in meth , to sir hugh de lacy the younger in vister . that william marshall marying earl strongbows daughter , had by her five daughters : so as the province of lemster descending to them , it was divided into five counties , to each of them one county palatine . that bracton the ancientest of lawyers , averres earl palatines have regall power in all things saving liegance to the king ; hugh lupus by the conquerour was made earl palatine of the county of chester , as free to the sword , as the king to the crown , and the palatine of chester made barons , the baron of haulton , the baron of malbanck , the baron malpas , the baron of kinderton , and in lancaster , the baron of walton in durham , the baron of hilton , and in meth , magnates and barons ; baron de streene , baron de nuven , baron de baltrim , baron de la narrow , baron de rheban in kildare ; the baron idrone in caterlogh , the baron of burn-church in kilkenny , baron of nevill in wexford , baron of loughmo in tiperary , baron misset , and baron savage in vlster . that these earles palatines had parliaments , made tenures in capite , and grand serjancy , and the tenants sued out licence of alienations , and all writs and pleas , officers , chancelours , judges , and that none of the kings officers could enter there , or that the kings writs , neither at law or chancery , did lie or run there , and that the county palatine was thereby absolutely severed from the crowne . that the county palatine of lancaster was created by that of chester : and to chester was annexed his conquered small county of flint in wales , and made besides the four above , foure other barons : vernon of saybrook , hammond de massi baron of durham , and the barons of hawardin and stockport , and in other antiquities , cornwall baron of burford in shropshire . that any manors or lands lying out of the county palatine if held thereof , and the pleas of the inhabitants there arising shall bee tried within the county palatine . thomas and hugh count palatines both , and both bishops pleaded and returned to the kings writs : i am a lord royall here , the kings writs doe not run here . the eldest sisters son by descent after her mother was earl palatine of pembroke ; and the law , reports , and abridgements , shew they made knights , and as knights were to be impleaded ; divers statutes shew durham and the earle palatines , mints , durham pence yet extant . the earl palatines had in their counties iura regalia , as the king had in his palace , &c. in the lord lovels case , the name or title of a baron is no name of dignity or addition , 8 h. 6. 10. but earl is parcell of his name , and of the substance of his name , and if it be left out of the writ , the writ shall abate , 39 e. 3. 35. the case of gilbert vmfrevill earl of angus ; and 14 e. 3. brief 278. the case of hugh de audley earle of gloucester ; yet note master burlacy , for not calling the lord mohun lord , but mohun , was committed to prison ; and note in a star-chamber bill , the lord verulam , his widow marrying sir iohn vnderhill , was called and charged as my lady vnderhill ▪ the late wife of vicount verulam , and not being called vicountesse , the bill was cast out , and a fine for dishonour imposed . now there be four other lord proprietors that have palatine jurisdiction granted , and provinces in the west-india isles , florida and maryland , and as free as the bishop of durham had , but none have a speciall creation of an earle palatine , but ours of new albion : nor have they the words with such additions , titles , dignities , and priviledges , as either durham or any other had , nor any speciall grant to coin money ; in that of maryland speciall resort or soveraign dominion , which is a court of appeal , as in the case of king e. the third , and his son e. in aquitany , with free fishing , and wood for houses , and to set up fishing stages , is reserved ; else all the lord proprietors have all the like royalties and regalities , and all these 11 h. 6. in a long roll particularly expressed , are confirmed by parliament to the bishop of durham , and so thereby to all the lord proprietors . and all of them have a speciall clause to give to the well deserving inhabitants in those provinces , titles , honour and dignities , so as they be not the same used in england . now though some question is made whether the other four lord proprietors can make barons or any knights in their provinces , because such honours and titles of barons and knights , are used here ; but there is no question or doubt in the province of new albion , our lord being an earle palatine 16 years standing , as free as chester and pembroke ; or lacy , of strongbow in ireland , by that second power according to the judged cases in law and in parliament , may make provinciall , locall and fewdall barons , as the 19 above named , and make knight batchelours , though here used , & to have precedency , as others have had heretofore , though his intended order of knights of the conversion of albion is more proper . and for our earle palatines honour and peerage in ireland , and to make his proxy in his absence in that house of peers there ▪ with all suh honor and titles , & precedency to him , his countesse , and children , in all places ▪ as an irish earl , the speciall decree and clauses in the charter doth fully warrant it . all the civilians , pleaders in the court of honour , and two serjeants of the coife at law , nine in number , have certified it , and enrolled on record , and is exemplified under the seal ; the baronets of nova scotia being president for the like case . and note both the king of france , and this our king , have made barons and knights , hollanders , that have precedency there before other the subjects there . but to answer an objection of some not truly informed and mistaken , conceiving that our earle palatine might in his countrey onely and no where else , have his honour , title and precedency . i answer , that our soveraign lord king charles ▪ as emperour of england , under his privy signet , signed with his royall hand , so granted and created him , which alone had been sufficient , as others have been made , in master seldens book , records and presidents mentioned ; but being farther with speciall clauses and decree , and speciall creation , so made and particularly granted , that both by tenure and dependency , and that this province shall be of the liegance of ireland , and all there born to be free denizens thereof , and under his majesties great seal , there is no doubt or question thereof ; for he is no alien earl made by an alien king , as copply by the french king , duke dudley , and count arundell by the emperour , but by our own king the fountain of honour ; for an earl by his charter carrieth his honour with him in all places , and that is his true name as above is adjudged , and is not to be sued or sue , is adjudged , without it ; and so the nine learned civilians and serjeants have certified ; and nova scotia is so annexed to scotland , adam de valentia , and marshall , earle palatines of pembroke by conquest in the kingdome or principality of wales , then out of england , was a peer to the english parliament , and so the three irish conquerours palatines recited ; and how absurd a conceit it is that our earl palatine in albion , and he of pembroke in wales , and the rest having all regalities and powers , lordship , honour and titles , and power to give honours and make barons coming out of their countries into england , should here bee un-lorded and debased unto esquires without lordship , honour or precedency . and note all these , and earl fitz allen in his locall earldome of arundel by writ being called to parliament , is not there by an earl ; for to be called by writ , is onely to be a lord or baron , and so the earle of arundels title and precedency was adjudged him after long debate by parliament . to conclude , the earl palatines of chester and pembroke , and montgomery , or de belesmo in shropshire , were the greatest princes ▪ of england ; and by their conquests , and so in ireland ▪ by their hazard and conquests that kingdome and wales is gotten to this crown : and so the now lord five proprietors that now conquer on indians , and convert pagans , and civilize them , and bring them to the obedience of our soveraign , and at their own charges have made an entrance and sure way with the other colonies of america to make our soveraign an emperour of america , having now neer two hundred thousand to defend his empire ; and therefore deserve all honour and encouragement ; amongst which our earl palatine having adventured in person seven years , with so much hazard and charges , is chiefly to be advanced and honoured according to his worth . now for the pedegree and ancient family of our earl palatine of 1200 years descent , being in england and borders of wales : i finde onely a letter in the name changed , in each age , and conquest or change of nation ; for in henry of huntingdon , and william of malmsbury , his chronicles of all the saxon princes , that here arrived , and seated , and conquered the britains ; this family descending of a daughter , came with those princes into britany ; and i find that in lower saxony neer hamboro , and holstein a member of the empire , and in all maps there is still in that harsh language ployen a wall'd city by a lake , and plowen a walled castle of count plowen , a count of the sacred empire , in grimstons and other histories mentioned ; now the welch make and turn the vowel u into i or y , as from brutus to britons , so plowden to ployden ▪ as all maps write it . in deeds , and the bishop of herefords records i find anno domini 904. an exchange pro decem manlis vocat ploydanes place super quas episcopus aedificaturus est castrum , called bishops castle , in which town the ploydens have much lands and tenements , having ployden manor , ployden hall , longvili castle , and thirteen townes about it to this day , and at the coming in of h. the seventh were commanders of that country , and constables , or chastellains of that fort of bishops castle ; now ployden and ployden is all one , forest of danes for denc , the norman pronuntiation , which name of ployden signifieth kill dane , or wound dane : and pleyden by ry in sussex was of this house , and signifieth in french hurt dane , and this pleyden sent his sons and conquered in normandy , where are five families yet : and the heir of pleyden wanting issue , made it an hospitall , now held by the earle of thanet , lord toston ; so plowen , ployen , ploydane , ployden , plowden and pleyden is all one , for the change of time , and severall nations pronunciation , saxons , danes , english , welch and normans . and note , to this day an esquire in france of 300 yeares standing of coat armor shall take place and precedency of any earle , vicount or baron , which is not so ancient of coat armor , they not allowing the king by new creations to bar their inheritance and precedency . and for their greatnesse and pedegree , i finde ployden maried the daughter of john de monte gomerico , ( now called mount gomery ) earl of salopshire , in william the conquerours reign , and in edward the thirds time maried the daughter of that great and rich knight burley conquerour in france : humphrey ployden in h. the sevenths time maried the daughter and heir stury of stury hall , daughter of corbet , of morton corbet , by whom the lacons , laytons , bromlees , purcelswollascot , of wollascot , and the two baronets lee and corbet knights for the county of salop to this parliament , are of his kindred . and of the daughters of iohn ployden , lord blany of ireland , and of the other daughter maried to hardwick , grandmother to that great thin of clause castle ; the third daughter maried to walcot of walcot close to ployden , yet men of great possessions , the countesse of bristoll being a walcot , and so her sons , the lord digby and sir lewis dives , and vicountesse chichester , or belfast , and the other ladies her daughters are descended , and are his kindred . our earl palatines mother being sister of sir richard fermor of somerton , and cousen of sir george and sir hatton fermor , descended of the knightlies , and so the lord vicount say and seal , the countesse of thomond a fermor , and her children , and vicount wenman marying sir hatton fermors children : the baronesse of aborgenny , and her sister maried to baronet gage are his neeces ; his mother the lady penel●pe , daughter to the lord darcy , vicount colchester , earl river● ; but his branches for three last descents are so many , and at least fifty baronets knights , esquires , of 1000 l. per annum at least , and their numerous issue ; but for heirs males of the name his first is ployden of wansteed , ployden of shipplacke , ployden of askon , ployden of ployden , and ployden of lee , and doctor ployden late of lambeth . and for his now wife countesse palatine , daughter and heir to two worthy families , neece of sir george and sir hambden paulet deceased , in that pedegree 300 from the marquesse of winchester , lord high treasurer of england are allied . all which i have more fully published , that all of his kindred may , any ways poor or oppressed , the sooner be preferred , advanced and transplanted to this most rich and pleasant province , and to great possessions and honours there , as great strongbow did 1200 of his to wexford and lemster in ireland . chap. ii. now for the full and ample satisfaction of the reader of his majesties just title , & power to grant , enjoy , & possesse these countries , as well against aliens as indians which this forty years hath not been by print declared , you may read at large master hacluits voyages and discoveries ▪ master purchas and captain smiths : for when the spaniard and portugall discovered and possest 140 years since the east-indies , brasill , the south part of america , the charibees and antell isles , and seated saint iohn de porto rico hispanicla , iamaica and cuba , and the fort and port of havanah , against the gulf and current , batuana isles , and point of florida ; then that most powerfull and richest king of europe , king henry the seventh of england sent out an english man born in bristoll called cabot , granted under his great seale to him all places and countries by him to be discovered and possest , who then beginning at cape florida discovered , entred on , took possession , set up crosses , and procured atturnment and acknowledgement of the indian kings to his then majesty , as head , lord and emperour of the south-west america , all along that coast both in florida from 20 degrees to 35 , where old virginia in 35 and 30 minutes , 65 years since was seated by 5 severall colonies about croatan cape , haloraske , and rawleys isle , by sir walter rawley , who had from queen elizabeth that place , and two hundred leagues from it in all places adjoyning ; sir richard greenfield , sir ralph lane , and master white his partners s●ating and fortifying there ; the said cabot farther taking possession in 37 of that part called virginia and chisapeack bay being now his majesties demesne colony of virginia , and of the next great bay in or neer 39 , called now by the dutch cape henlopen , the south river , and by us cape iames and delaware bay of the baron of delawares name , being then governour of virginia , who by sir thomas dale and sir samuel argoll , 40 yeares since took possession and atturnment of the indian kings , and 60 years since sir walter rawley seated and left 30 men and four peeces of ordnance at the creek neer cape iames , by the dutch called horekill , by us ro●mont , and by the indians cui achomoca ; and so the next river by us called hudsons river , of the name of hudson an english man , the discoverer thirty five years since , who sold his discovery , plots and cards to the dutch ; and so cabot discovered severall rivers and countries all along the coast north-east , now called new england , and divided in nine severall governments , and further discovered port royall , and that part called new scotland , & set up crosses , where you may see in the french book called new france , the french found an old crosse all mossy in an eminent place at the head of that bay and port , and discovered all that coast and new-found-land , and that called terra de laborador , or new britain , as far as the frozen strait of davis ; shortly after one master hore in the reign of king henry the 8●● , renued this actuall possession , atturnment of the indian kings , brought home divers of the chief indian kings to england , who gave their homage and oath of fidelity for these countries to king henry the eight in person sitting on his throne in state in his palace hall at westminster . then virginia being granted , settled , and all that part now called maryland , new albion , and new scotland , being part of virginia , sir thomas dale , and sir samuel argoll , captains and counsellors of virginia , hearing of divers aliens and intruders , and traders without licence , with a vessell and forty soldiers landed at a place called mount desert in nova scotia neer s. iohns river , or twede , possest by the french , there killed some french , took away their guns and dismantled the fort , and in their return landed at manhatas isle in hudsons river , where they found four houses built , and a pretended dutch governour , under the west-india company of amsterdam share or part ; who kept trading boats and trucking with the indians ; but the said knights told him their commission was to expell him and all aliens intruders on his majesties dominion and territories , this being part of virginia , and this river an english discovery of hudson and english man , the dutch man contented them for their charge and voiage , and by his letter sent to virginia and recorded , submitted himself , company and plantation to his majesty , and to the governour and government of virginia ; but the next pretended dutch governour in maps and printed cards , calling this part new netherland , failing in paying of customes , at his return to plymouth in england , was there with his bever goods and person , attached to his damage of 1500 l. whereupon at the suit of the governour and councell of virginia , his now majesty by his embassadour in holland , cōplaining of the said aliens intrusion on such his territories & dominions , the said lords , the states of holland by their publique instrument declared , that they did not avow , nor would protect them , being a private party of the amsterdam west-india company , but left them to his majesties wil & mercy : whereupon three severall orders from the councell table , and commissions have been granted for the expelling and removing them thence , of which they taking notice , and knowing their weaknesse and want of victuals , have offered to sell the same for 2500 l. and lastly , taking advantage of our present war & distractions , now ask 7000 l. and have lately offered many affronts & damages to his majestis subjects in new england : and in generall endanger all his majesties adjoyning countries , most wickedly , feloniously , and traiterously , contrary to the marine and admirall laws of all christians , sell by whole sale guns , powder , shot and ammunition to the indians , instructing them in the use of our fights and arms ; insomuch as 2000 indians by them armed , mohacks , raritans , and some of long isle with their own guns so sold them , fall into war with the dutch , destroyed all their scattering farms and boors , in forcing them all to retire to their up for t 40 leagues up that river , and to manhatas , for all or most retreating to manhatas , it is now a pretty town of trade having more english then dutch : and it is very considerable that three years since stuy their governour put out his declaration , confessing that the neighbour english might well be offended with their selling indians arms and ammunition , but being but a few and so scattered , they could not live else there , or trade , the indians refusing to trade or suffer the dutch to plow without they would sell them guns . the like folly they committed , and inconvenience to themselves , and all english , for eight years since , in their west-india fleet , battered by the spanish armado , they brought home forty swedish poor soldiers ; and hearing that captain young and master evelin had given over their fort begun at eriwemeck within delaware bay , there halfe starved and tottered they left them , who learning the indian language and finding much talk and trials of a gold mine there , though in truth fifty shillings charges produced of that light sand but nine shillings in gold and therefore was of captain young that tried it slighted ; yet one bogot under the swedes name and commission , there traded to crosse the dutch of manhatas , and to undersell them , and left and seated there eighteen swedes , who proclaiming a gold mine drew more to them , and have gotten a great trade ; and now this last summer fifteen swedes and fifteene dutch had a skirmish ; the swedes pulled down a dutch trading house , and doe both undersell them , and spoiled much their and english trading with the indians , both striving to please and side with the indians , both entertaining and refusing to return all english fugitives and servants . the swedes hiring out three of their souldiers to the sasquehannock● , have taught them the use of our arms and fights , and marching with them into the kings owne colony of virginia , have caried thence the king of pawtomeck prisoner , and expelled his and eight other indian nations in maryland civilized and subject to the english crown . now if a proclamation of open war be set out against the dutch and swedes for this their villany , and all english forbid to trade , victuall or relieve them , they must both vanish , especially if those bad english that live , adhere and obey these aliens in these his majesties countries be warned of the statute of king iames of famous memory , in these words : that all subjects giving any obedience or acknowledgement to any forain prince , state , pope , or potentate , within his majesties territories and dominions in england or beyond the sea , is a traitor , and shall forfeit and suffer as a traitour . and certainly all english , and chiefly those of new england being ready in twenty four hours will joyn to expel them both to regain their own trade , to get their seates , and to be rid of the danger of armed gunning indians . chap. ii. vvhereas that part of america , or north virginia , lying about 39 degrees at delaware bay called the province of new albion , is scituate in the best and same temper , and as italy , between too cold germany , and too hot barbary : so this lying just midway betweene new england 200 miles north , and virginia 150 miles south , where now are settled 800000 english , and 140 ships in trade , is freed from the extream cold and barrennesse of the one & heat and aguish marshes of the other & is like lumbardy , and a rich fat soil , plain , and having 34 rivers on the main land , 17 great isles , & partaketh of the healthiest aire and most excellent commodities of europe , and replenished with the goodliest woods of oaks and all timber for ships and masts , mulberries for silk , sweet cypresse , cedars , pines and firres , 4 sorts of grapes for wine , & raisins , & with the greatest variety of choice fruits , fish & fowl , stored with all sons of corn , yeelding 5 , 7 and 10 quarters an acre : silkgras , salt , good mines and diers ware , 5 sorts of deer , buffes , and huge elks to plow and work , all bringing 3 young at once . the uplands covered many moneths with berries , roots , chestnuts , walnuts , beech and oak mast to feed them , hogges and turkeys , 500 in a flock , and having neer the colony of manteses 400000 acres of plain mead land , and meer levell , to be flowed and fludded by that river for corn , rice , rapes , flax and hemp . after 17 years trading and discovery there and triall made , is begun to be planted and stored by the governour and company of new albion , consisting of forty four lords , baronets , knights and merchants , who for the true informing of themselves , their friends , adventurers and partners by residents and traders there four severall years out of their journall books , namely , by captaine browne a ship-master , and master stafford his mate , and by captain claybourn 14 years there trading , and constantine his indian there born and bred , and by master robert evelin 4 yeares there ; yet by eight of their hands subscribed and enrolled doe testifie this to be the true state of the country , of the land , and delaware bay or charles river , which is further witnessed by captain smith and other books of virginia and by new englands prospect , new canaan , captain powels map , and other descriptions of new england and virginia . captain brown . captain clayborn . robert evelin . stafford . constantine . stratton . thomas white . richard buckham . christoph . thomas . edward monmouth . tenis palee . edward rhodes . peter rixford . master evelins letter . good madam : sir . edmund our noble governour and lord earl palatine , persisting still in his noble purpose to goe on with his plantation in delaware or charles river , just midway between new england and virginia , where with my unckle young i severall years resided , hath often informed himselfe both of me and master s●rat●on , as i perceive by the hands subscribed of edward monmouth , tenis palce , and as master buckham , master white , and other ship-masters , and saylors , whose hands i know , and it to be true , that there lived and traded with me , and is sufficiently instructed of the state of the country , and people there , and i should very gladly according to his desire have waited on you into hamshire to have informed your honour in person , had not i next weeke been passing to virginia . but neverthelesse to satisfie you of the truth , i thought good to write unto you my knowledge , and first to describe you from the north side of delaware unto hudsons river , in sir edmunds patent , called new albion , which lieth just between new england and maryland , and that ocean sea , i take it to be about 160 miles . i finde some broken land , isles and inlets , and many small isles at egbay : but going to delaware bay , by cape may , which is 24 miles at most , and is as i understand very well set out , and printed in captain powels map of new england , done as is told mee by a draught i gave to m. daniel the plot-maker , which sir edmund saith you have at home , on that north side about five miles within a port , or rode for any ships called the nook , and within it lieth the king of kechemeches , having as i suppose about 50 men , and 12 leagues higher a little above the bay and bar is the river of manteses , which hath 20 miles on charles river , and 30 miles running up a fair navigable deep river all a flat levell of rich and fat black marsh mould ▪ which i think to be 300000 acres : in this sir edmund intendeth as he saith to settle , and there the king of manteses hath about 100 bow-men , next above about 6 leagues higher is a fair deep river 12 miles navigable , where is freestone , and there over against is the king of sikonesses , and next is asomo●ches river and king with an hundred men , and next is eriwoneck a king of forty men where we sate down , and five miles above is the king of ramcock with a hundred men , and four miles higher the king of axion with two hundred men , and next to him tenne leagues overland an inland king of calcesar , with an hundred & fifty men ▪ & then there is in the midle of charles river two fair woody isles , very pleasant and fit for parks , the one of a thousand acres , the other of fourteen hundred , or thereabout . and six leagues higher neer a creek called mosilian , the king having two hundred men . and then we come to the fals , made by a rock of lime-stone ▪ as i suppose it is , about sixty and five leagues from the sea , near to which is an isle fit for a city , all materials there to build ; and above , the river fair and navigable , as the indians inform me , for i went but ten miles higher . i doe account all the indians to be eight hundred , and are in severall factions and war against the sasquehannocks , and are all extream fearfull of a gun , naked and unarmed against our shot , swords , and pikes . i had some bickering with some of them , and they are of so little esteem , as i durst with fifteen men sit down , or trade in despight of them , and since my return eighteene swedes are settled there , and so sometime sixe dutch doe in a boat trade without fear of them . i saw there an infinite quantity of bustards , swans , geese and fowl , covering the shoares as within the like multitude of pigeons ▪ and store of turkies , of which i tried one to weigh forty and sixe pounds . there is much variety and plenty of delicate fresh and sea-fish , and shell-fish , and whales or grampus : elks , deere that bring three young at a time and the woods bestrewed many moneths with chest-nuts , wall-nuts , mast of severall sorts to feed them , and hogs , that would increase exceedingly . there the barren grounds have four kindes of grapes and many mulberries with ash , elms , and the tallest and greatest pines and pitch-trees that i have seen . there are cedars , cypresse , and saffafras , with wilde fruits , pears , wilde cherries , pine-apples , and the dainty parsemenas . and there is no question but almonds , and other fruits of spain will prosper , as in virginia . and ( which is a good comfort ) in four and twenty houres you may send or goe by sea to new england or virginia , with a fair winde , you may have cattle , and from the indians two thousand barrels of corn , at twelve pence a bushell in truck , so as victuals are there cheaper and better , then to be transported : neither doe i conceive any great need of a fort or charge where there is no enemy . if my lord palatine will bring with him three hundred men or more ▪ there is no doubt but that he may doe very well and grow rich , for it is a most pure healthfull air , & such pure wholesome springs , rivers , and waters , as are delightfull , of a desert , as can be seen , with so many varieties of severall flowers , trees , and forests for swine . so many fair risings and prospects , all green and verdant : and maryland a good friend and neighbour , in four & twenty houres ready to comfort and supply . and truly i beleeve , my lord of baltamore wil be glad of my lord palatines plantation and assistance against any enemy or bad neighbour . and if my lord palatine employ some men to sow flaxe , hemp and rapes in those rich marishes , or build ships and make pipe-staves , and load some ships with these wares , or fish from the northward , he may have any money , ware , or company brought him by his own ships , or the ships of virginia or new england all the year . and because your honour is of the noble house of the pawlets , and as i am informed , desire to lead many of your friends & kindred thither , whom as i honour , i desire to serve , i shall intreat you to beleeve mee as ▪ a gentleman and christian , i write you nothing but the truth , and hope there to take opportunity in due season to visit you , and doe all the good offices in virginia , my place or friends can serve you in . and thus tendring my service , i rest madam , your honours most humble faithfull servant robert evelin . chap. iv. now since master elmes letter and seven years discoveries of the lord governour in person , and by honest traders with the indians , wee finde beside the indian kings by him known and printed , in this province there is in all twenty three indian kings or chief commanders , and besides the number of 800 by him named , there is at least 1200 under the two raritan kings on the north side next to hudsons river , and those come down to the ocean about little egbay and sandy barnogate , and about the south cape two small kings of forty men a piece , called tirans and tiascons , and a third reduced to fourteen men at roymont , the sasquehannocks are not now of the naturals left above 110 , though with their forced auxiliaries the ihon a does , and wicomeses they can make 250 : these together are counted valiant & terrible to other cowardly dul indians , wch they beat with the sight of guns only ; but in truth meeting with english , are the basest cowards of all , though cunning and subtile to intrap and surprise on all straits , coverts , reeds , and ambushes , for at the last maryland march against them , these 250 having surprised in the reeds , and killed five english men with the losse of one of theirs , captain cornwallis that noble , right valiant , and politick soldier , losing but one man more , killed with fifty five of his , and but raw and tired marylanders , twenty nine indians as they confessed , though compassed round with two hundred and fifty : and summer was twelve moneth , captain lewis of maryland at the coves drawing but twenty men out of his winde bound sloupes , and in two small cocke-boates much distant , finding twenty four canoes , and therein an hundred and forty sasquehannocks , reduced by these three swedes into a half moon , with intent to encompasse the first small boat before the second could reach the former , at the first volley of ten sho● , and losse of one indian , they run all away ; for note generally twelve english with five foot calivers , shoot thirty pellets , or dagge shot , and fifty yards distance , and the naked indian shooteth but one arrow , and but thirty yards distance , so as his lordship knoweth well with such a squadron of twelve or thirteen mark-men , to encounter three hundred , and to bring by the lock the proudest sagamoore , to bee ransomed for any trespasse : and not to suffer any indian or trader without his lordships badge or stamped livery worn , to come within twenty miles of his plantation , or ten miles of their cattle , as in all the out-skirts of virginia is used , but to kill them . insomuch as the emperour nicotowance saying was , my countrymen tell me i am a lier , when i tell them the english men will kill you if you goe into their bounds ; but valiant captain freeman made him no lier , when lately he killed three indians so without badge incroaching . and therfore fair and far off is best with heathen indians ; and fit it is to reduce all their trading to five ports or pallisadoed trucking houses , and to kill all straglers and such spies without ransome . then shall christians and their cattle be safe and quiet , and severely putting to death all that sell the indians guns arms and ammunition , then indians are sooner ruled , civilized and subjected , as in new england is daily seen . in long isle are about four kings , and eight hundred bow-men , most of them two hundred miles off his lps seat of watcessit in charles river , these of long isle are well civilized ▪ living within ten miles , and in sight of eight thousand english in that part of new england being ▪ and the five towns in connectacute river , and new haven town being populous , discourageth any hostility : but chiefly his lordships sixe good free-holding towns in long isle , is a bridle to check and contain them ; for southhampton , hempsteed , flushing , gravesand and ainsford are placed like distinct garisons to command them . then between the two south capes there are two petty kings called aquats and little matankin , having both an hundred bow-men , and above watcessit south-west , are the black and white mincos neer three hundred men , being speciall friends to watcessit , and enemies to the sasquehannocks . now for choice seats for english , watcessit first , where were seventy english , as master miles deposeth , he swearing the officers there to his majesties allegiance , and to obedience to your lordship as governour , being twenty one leagues up delaware bay in charles river , to which any ship may come , and about it manteses plain , which master evelin avoucheth to be twenty miles broad , and thirty long ▪ & 50 miles washed by two fair navigable rivers , and is 300000 acres fit to plow and sow all corn , tobacco , and flaxe , and rice , the four staples of albion . the second seat is three miles off to watcessit adjoyning to charles and cotton river , so named of six hundred l. of cotton wilde on trees growing : and is called ritchneck , being twenty four miles compasse , one wood , huge timber trees , and two foot black mould , much desired of the virginians to plant tobacco , they alledging each plant there dried and cured , will bring a pound , whereas wom land five and sixe to a pound , and these large leaves in the new land , and freshes , serve to lap up all the bad s. christophers , and barbadoes rolled tobacco , and maketh it fire sooner : of the three upper leaves they make varinas and spanish . the dutch give for this double price , and the english double for sweet sented : and though charles river is 120 miles north of james river in virginia , yet having a more farre constant and tempered growing heat , tobacco three years together tried , is riper , and sooner struck by wet seasons by full three weeks , then in virginia , and hath yeelded double the price : and no doubt cotton will grow as in millain , being three degrees more north-ward , though as there it dieth yearly by frost , is re-planted by the seed as a rosebush giveth a full cod . the third seat is at roymont a strong , rich and fit place for a fort . sir walter rawley left there thirty men , and four guns , the dutch seated there fifteen men and a fort , both to plant in that rich five miles neck to roymont river ( which runneth down into chisapoack bay ) choice tobacco , and thereby to prejudice and undersell virginia , as to set up a fishing stage for whales , these proved but grampus , and they killing basely an indian refusing quarter or ransome , were by the indians killed and expelled twenty years since . this place is close to the in-south cape , having a creek of sixe foot water only , and two furlongs of the grand delaware bay : on one side is an isthmos or penisle , nine miles compasse , fit for pasturage , and hogs and goats : and on the other side is a second isthmos , four miles compasse , easily fenced , and is but sixty miles over land to the northermost and neerest part of virginia , to drive cattle by land , and have supplies by horse and foot : and here is never ice or frost : sea-fish , all oysters , and shell-fish , and fowl , all winter cod to lade ships three moneths after december fit for salt and trade : and there is a poor indian of fourteen men only , and weak to hinder any , all the soile is under a brick earth , stone slat hard by , and timber to build . the fourth seat is vvedale under websneck , and is a valley sixe miles long , sheltred by hils from the north-west windes : below it is sixe miles a thicket of four sorts of excellent great vines running on mulberry and sassafras trees ; there are four sorts of grapes , the first is the tholouse muscat , sweet sented , the second the great foxe and thick grape , after five moneths reaped being boyled and salted , and well fined , it is a strong red xeres ; the third a right claret , the fourth a white grape creeps on the land , maketh a pure gold colour white wine : tenis pale the french man of these four made eight sorts of excellent wine , and of the muscat acute boyled that the second draught will fox a reasonable pate four moneths old : and here may be gathered and made two hundred tun in the vintage moneth , & re-planted will amend ; two other valleys there are of the same grapes and large , above vvedale , the hill is called websneck , environed with three rivers round , one of sixteen foot water navigable , all but a neck , a caliver shot over , easily imparked , being 9000 acres , the cliffes all of rich black mould , with huge timber trees , most fit for tobacco and corn not far off are rich lead mines , containing silver tried , and iron stone , and by it waters , and fals to drive them in an inhabited desert , no christians or indians neer it , where elkes , stagges and deer are most quiet , most fat , and not disturbed , so as five men in three or four days kill and salt sixty deer , or an hundred twenty sides for summers food : four or five hundred turkeyes in a flock , swans , hoopers , geese , ducks teles , and other fowles , a mile square , and seven mile together on the shores , for here is all ches-nuts wall-nuts and mast berries , and march feeds , wilde oats , and vetches to feed them . neer hand is also in august custard apples , and papawes to make the best perry english for 100 tun in a place , and all plums , hurtleberries , black cherries , wilde anniseed , perfimenas , and other dainty fruits , and roots are had , as in all the huge long meads and marshes , sweet seg roots ground nuts , tucaho and cuttinamon roots for hogs and whole warrens , and berries of sweet muskerats , and here black bears and lions feeding on sweet foods , are killed and eaten in the head of chisepeack river by tomkins and walton , was seen a camell mare brown black , seven foot high , of which 300 mile west-ward are store , their skins brought and sold by the indians confirm it . the fifth seat is brents fort , a steep rock , invincible and not to be battered , having an isthmos of low hard ground like a tongue below it environed with fresh water , and under it a cove close to hide two ships or gallies , ships of 500 tun may come up to it , and hard by is good mead and rich land , and woods to plant ; and in this desert is best living , stored as before with all game and their food to maintain them . the sixt is an i le called palmers i le , containing 300 acres , half meade , halfe wood ; in it is a rock forty foot high , like a towr , fit to be built on for a trading house for all the indians of chisepeack gulfe : it lieth a mile from each shore in sasquehannocks river mouth , and there four sakers will command that river , and renue the old trade that was ; it lieth in forty degrees and twelve minutes , it is most healthy , but cold neer the hils , and full as all the seventeen rivers there of eleven sorts of excellent fresh fish ; the indians in stead of salt doe barbecado or dry and smoak fish , to each house a reek or great pile , and another of sun dried on the rocks , strawberries , mulberries , symnels , maycocks and horns like cucumbers . the seventh is five mile off it , called mount royall or bolalmanack hill , and more properly belveder , for thence you may see 100 miles off high hils , above the clouds like sugar-loaves that shelter and bear off the north-west windes ; here is a clear indian field sixe miles long to plant and plow rich land , and as well stored as the rest , and under it is elk river , having many branches navigable , in all these the tide of fresh sweet water ebbes and flowes , and hath three fathome deep , the mouth of it is like a fort with fit isthmos and necks , and runneth up seven leagues to a street , but eleven miles over land into charles river , and delaware bay , this neck is a rare work of god , for it is 450 miles compasse to goe by sea and water , from one side to the other of this eleven miles street , and vvedale is on one of these branches . the eight seat is kildorpy , neer the fals of charles river , neer 200 miles up from the ocean , it hath clear fields to plant and sow , and neer it is sweet large meads of clover or honysuckle , no where else in america to be seen , unlesse transported from europe , a ship of 140 tuns may come up to these fals which is the best seat for health , and a trading house to be built on the rocks , and ten leagues higher are lead mines in stony hils . the ninth is called mount ployden , the seat of the raritan king on the north side of this province twenty miles from sandhay sea , and ninety from the ocean , next to amara hill , the retired paradise of the children of the ethiopian emperour , a wonder , for it is a square rock , two miles compasse , 150 foot high , a wall-like precipice , a strait entrance , easily made invincible , where he keeps two hundred for his guard , and under it a flat valley , all plain to plant and sow . the sasquehannocks new town is also a rare , healthy and rich place , with it a crystall broad river , but some fals below hinder navigation , and the hooke hill on the ocean with its clear fields neer hudsons river on one side , and a ten leagues flowing river on the southside is much commended for health and fish , were it not so northerly . the bounds is a thousand miles compasse , of this most temperate , rich province , for our south bound is maryland north bounds , and beginneth at aquats or the southermost or first cape of delaware bay in thirty eight and forty minutes , and so runneth by , or through , or including kent isle , through chisapeack bay to pascatway ; including the fals of pawtomecke river to the head or northermost branch of that river , being three hundred miles due west , and thence northward to the head of hudsons river fifty leagues , and so down hudsons river to the ocean , sixty leagues , and thence by the ocean and isles a crosse delaware bay to the south cape fifty leagues ; in all seven hundred and eighty miles . then all hudsons river , isles , long isle , or pamunke , and all isles within ten leagues of the said province being ; and note long isle alone is twenty broad , and one hundred and eighty miles long , so that alone is four hundred miles compasse . now i have examined all former patents , some being surrendred , and some adjudged void , as gotten on false suggestions , as that at the councell table was at master gonges suit , of matachusets , and as captain clayborn heretofore secretary , and now treasurer of virginia , in dispute with master leonard calvert alledgeth ; that of maryland is likewise void in part as gotten on false suggestions : for as cap : clayborn sheweth the maryland patent in the first part declareth the kings intention to bee to grant a land therea fter described , altogether dishabited and unplanted , though possest with indians . now kent isle was with many housholds of english by c. clayborn before seated , and because his majesty by his privy signet shortly after declared it was not his intention to grant any lands before seated and habited : and for that it lieth by the maryland printed card , clean north-ward within albion , and not in maryland , and not onely late sea-men , but old depositions in claybornes hand , shew it so to be out of maryland , and for that albions privy signet is elder , and before maryland patent , clayborn by force entred , and thrust out master calvert out of kent ; next maryland patent coming to the ocean , saith along by the ocean unto delaware bay ; that is the first cape of the two most plain in view , and exprest in all late english and dutch cards ; and note unto delaware bay is not into the bay , nor farther then that cape heading the bay , being in thirty eight and forty , or at most by seven observations i have seen , thirty eight and fifty minutes : so as undoubtedly , that is the true intended and ground bound , and line , and no farther , for the words following , are not words of grant , but words of declaration ; that is , which delaware bay lieth in forty degrees where new england ends ; these are both untrue , and so being declarative is a false suggestion , is void , for no part of delaware bay lieth in forty . now if there were but the least doubt of this true bounds , i should wish by consent or commission , a perambulation and boundary , not but there is land enough for all , and i hold kent isle having lately but twenty men in it , and the mill and fort pulled down , and in war with all the indians neer it , not worth the keeping . but it is materiall to give a touch of religion and government , to satisfie the curious and well-minded adventurer . for religion it being in england yet unsettled , severall translations of bibles , and those expounded to each mans fancy , breeds new sects , i conceive the holland way now practised best to content all parties : first , by act of parliament or grand assembly , to settle and establish all the fundamentals necessary to salvation , as the three creeds , the ten commandements , preaching on the lords day , and great days , and catechising in the afternoon , the sacrament of the altar and baptisme ; but no persecution to any dissenting , and to all such as to the walloons , free chapels ; and to punish all as seditious , and for contempt , as bitterly rail and condemn others of the contrary ; for this argument or perswasion of religion , ceremonies , or church-discipline , should be acted in mildenesse , love and charity , and gentle language , not to disturb the peace or quiet of the inhabitants , but therein to obey the civill magistrate . for the politique and civill government , and justice , virginia and new england is our president : first , the lord head governour , a deputy governour , secretary of estate , or seal keeper , and twelve of the councell of state or upper house : and these or five of them is also a chancery court . next out of counties and towns , at a free election and day prefixed , thirty burgesses or commons . once yearly the tenth of november these meet , as at a parliament or grand assembly , and make laws , or repeal , alter , explain , and set taxes and rates for common defence , and without full consent of lord , upper and lower house nothing is done : appeals are here also tried , all criminall cases for life , above only by two juries , or actions at law , a jury on either side may be called , and by them tried : and any before judgement , may stop the law , and be tried in equity ; the two months courts may try before four justices of peace , any action not exceeding 10 l. or 1500 l. of tobacco , at 4 s. charge onely , and plead without atturney ; an appeal lieth thence to each quarter , or chancery first court above , and from thence an appeal to the grand assembly : any matter under 40 s. value , or 200 l. of tobacco , to be ended by the next justice at 1 s. charge , no deposition to be taken but before two justices , whereof one of the quorum , or in court , or before a councell , or of estate : and here is no jeofails , nor demurrers , but a summary hearing , and a sheriffe , and clerk of court , with small fees ends all for the most part in a few words . last of all ▪ how plentifully may a quiet industrious man live here , having rich corn land , mead and pasture , and timbers , and woods covered , many months with ches-nuts and four other nuts , and mast for deer , hogs and turkeys , fish , fowl , venison , wine and fruits gratis ? our chiefe staples are tobacco , then flaxe and rice , of which in floated lands you have infinite increase , and without floating you may have , and all the winter ship-plankes , clove board and pipe-staves , these lade home ships twice a year hence , and for them bring you any english servants or english or dutch wares , cloths , stuffes ▪ drams ▪ wines or what you bespeak : but surely we may easily grow rich if we will , and buy no clothes , for a good weaver brought hither , will make us of our own flaxe nine sorts of linnens , tufted hollands , velures , velvets , tuftaffetaes , and plushes ; and for winter a good glover with allome onely of our own elk-skins , maketh the best buffe-coats , our owne stag and deer skins make best gentile and soldiers clothes , fittest for our woods : a doe-skin breeches with the fur inside in our short winter , is better then two broad clothes and warmer , so we need no english clothing ; cattle in virginia , and all grain in new england brought to our doores cheaper then here ; indian corn , or pease , or beans at twelve pence a bushel by truck with the indians , and rye meal , a third , with the white and dry mayz meal , which is all together but twenty pence , a bushell of meale maketh the best bread , and we have more choice drinks then here , for sweet stalk and pumpion drink hopped , is good beer , and ale we have and mault as you ; and in the hot summer rock cold water , with an eighth of peach vinegar is the best beaverage : peaches better then apricocks by some doe feed hogs , one man hath ten thousand trees , all apples , pears , cherries , and other fruits grow here in half the time as in your cold and blasty region , and so do all hops & roots , hearbs and garden stuffe . our days in summer 2 hours shorter , and in winter more comfortable two houres longer , and a warmer sun and bigger fires , and no rent to my landlord , makes us merry . he that is lazy and will not work , needs not fear starving , but may live as an indian , sometimes oysters , cockles , wilkes ▪ glams , scollons two moneths together ; sometimes wilde pease and vetches , and long oats , sometimes tuckaho , cuttenoman ground , nuts , marhonions , sometime small nuts , fillbirds , wall-nuts , pokikerries , ten sorts of berries , egs of fowl , small fish in cove , at low water will teach him to live idly . chap. v. each adventurer of twenty or fifty men must provide houshold necessaries , as irons and chains for a draw-bridge , two mares or horses to breed or ride on , pots , pans , dishes , iron for a cart and plow , chains , sithes , and sickles , nets , lines and hooks . a sail for a fishing shallop of three tun , and hemp to employ his people in making them , as with hair , and canvas for quilts , aswell on shipboard as demurring at the sea port , as with locks , keys , bolts , and glasse casements for his house . and generally fit implements for the work or trade he intends . for trade with the indians , buy dutch or welch rugged cloth , seven quarters broad , a violet blew or red ▪ at four or five shillings a yard , small hooks , and fishing lines , morris bels , jewes-harps , combes , trading knives , hatchets , axes , hoes , they will bring you venison , turkeys , and fowles , flesh , 4t for a pennyworth of corn at twelve pence a bushell . provisions for each man , and the charge from london . 1. canvas , or linnen clothes , shooes , hats , &c. costing here foure pound for two men to buy cows , goats , and hogs in virginia , which there yeelds sixe pound , and will buy one cow , and oxe , two goats , two sowes , which for each man comes to 2 l. 0. 0. 2. freight for a passenger , and his half tun of provisions and tooles . 1 l. 10. 0. 3. victuals till his own stock and crop maintain him for seven moneths . that is , pease , oatmeal and aquavite , 7 s. five bushels of meal , of which two to be baked into biskets , and five bushels of malt , some must be ground and brewed for the voyage , both 1 l. 10 s. a hundred of beefe , and pork , 1 l. 2 s. two bushels of roots , 2 s. salt fish , 2 s. cask to carry provision 5 s. five pound of butter 2 s. 3 l. 10. 0. 4. one hogshead of eares of corn . garden seeds , hemp , and linseed with cask , and some rice from virginia . 0. 16. 0. 5. armes ( viz. ) a sword , calliver five foot long , or long pistoll , pikehead : six pound of powder , ten pound of shot , halfe an old slight armour , that is , two to one armour . 0. 19 s. 0. 6. tools a spade , axe and shovell , 5 s , iron and steel to make and mend more , and two hundred of nails , 5 s. 0. 10. 0. 7. guns and powder for the fort , that is , to every fifty foure murtherers , 8 l. a barrell of powder 4 l. 10 s. that is , to each man 5 s. bed and sheets of canvas , to be filled with huls , each man a rug 15 s. sum totall , 10 l 5. 0. chap. vi . 1. here by bringing good labourers , and tradesmen , the provident planters may doe well by giving shares or double wages , when each man may earn his five , nay sixe shillings a day in tobacco , flaxe , rice . 2. for here the ship-carpenters ten men a day will build a tun of shipping as in england , which with masts and yards there taken is here , and there worth 3 l. a tun , and yet here , and there is built at 1 l. a tun wages , which is 6 s. 2 days work , having the timber without money . 3. here in 14 days they make a thousand of pipe-staves , worth here foure pound , and at the canaries twenty pound a thousand , and so get six shillings a days work . 4. here in making iron they save 5 l. a tun in the price of wood , and 3 l. more in digging the iron mine , and saving land carriage of it , and of the charcole , for mine is taken on the sea beach , and wood floated down the rivers , and so each man earns 5 s. 10 d. a day , iron valued at 12 l. per tun . 5. here the constant trade of 350 ships , and 7000 men a fishing beginne to leave cold newfoundland small fish , and late taken , when this is before theirs two moneths at the market , 100 fish here yeelds four quintales , there scarce one , and here is fish all the year , there but only in the four warm months , so as for nine weeks work each man above his diet , passage , and returne , gets twenty pound , and twelve pound a man , and herein dried base , in sturgeon , in pressed mackrell , herrings , and pilchers , is got as well as well as in cod-fish , sixe shil. and eight shil. a day . and this returns ready french and spanish coin . 6. here the glorious ripening sunne as warme as italy or spain , will bring rare fruits , wines , and such store of anniseed and licoras , as well as bay-salt , made without boyling , only in pans with the sun , that each labourer may make 6 bushels a day , worth in these three 12 s. a day , and this maiden soyl , so comforted with the suns glittering beams , and being digged , and set with the indian wheat , and their beans and pease , with 40 s. charge in 40 days worke with seed , yeelds 10 quarters an acre , the same wheat being ten times as big and as weighty as ours , besides potatoes , woad , madder , roots , and many plants , and tobacco , will yeeld half a tun of flax , and a tun of hemp , worth 12 l. an acre , and 6 s. a days work . 7. here as in province in france , walnut-milk , or oyle ground and pressed , will yeeld the gatherer ten gallons , and 10 s. a days work . 8. here the land lieth covered seven moneths with beech , and oke mast , wallnuts and chestnuts , and three moneths with groundnuts , seg and other roots , and wilde pease , and fetches yearly , so as forty hogs for one , and ninety turkeys , partridges , heathpoults , and tame poultry , eating their fill , for one is ordinary encreased . 9. here the sope and pot-ashes men paying in england 12 d. a bushell , and 4 d. carriage for ashes , and 20 l. a tun for pot-ashes , may make them for a quarter and lesse : and get 8 s. a days work , by cutting , reeking , and burning whole plains of fern , brambles , and wilde vines , being thrice as strong as wood-ashes . 10. here a ship may goe , and return in five moneths laded , and comfortably see their friends , making two voyages a year , in a healthy ayre , free from enemies and turks , and get two for one each voyage : that is , four for one of that stock , and proceed in a year . 11. here the kinde gentleman that in england doth not live without debts , mortgages , suretiship , law-suits and troubles , may here settle , and avoid bad company , and tempting occasions , and live in plenty , and variety of all sports , hunting deere , hawking fowl , fishing , and many more sports , and sorts of game , as with dainty fruits ; and lay up his spare rents . 12. here the soldier , and gentlemen wanting employment , and not bred to labor , without going to war to kil christians for 5 s. a week in the mouth of the roaring cannon , or in a siege threatned with famine , and pestilence : and but ten together against a few naked salvages , may like a devout apostolique soldier with sword , and the word to civilize , and convert them to be his majesties lieges , and by trading with them for furs , get his ten shillings a day , and at home intermixing sport and pleasure , with profit , store his parks with elks and notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a54990e-2070 sir io. davis fol. 59. fol. 60. fol. 62. fol. 67. sir e. coke fol. 211. fol 21● . fol. 221. fol. 204. sir io. davis fol. 60. sir e. coke fol. 216. advertisements for the unexperienced planters of new-england, or any where. or, the path-way to experience to erect a plantation with the yearely proceedings of this country in fishing and planting, since the yeare 1614. to the yeare 1630. and their present estate. also how to prevent the greatest inconveniences, by their proceedings in virginia, and other plantations, by approved examples. with the countries armes, a description of the coast, harbours, habitations, land-markes, latitude and longitude: with the map, allowed by our royall king charles. by captaine iohn smith, sometimes governour of virginia, and admirall of nevv-england. smith, john, 1580-1631. 1631 approx. 98 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a12458 stc 22787 estc s121885 99857044 99857044 22712 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a12458) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 22712) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1084:9) advertisements for the unexperienced planters of new-england, or any where. or, the path-way to experience to erect a plantation with the yearely proceedings of this country in fishing and planting, since the yeare 1614. to the yeare 1630. and their present estate. also how to prevent the greatest inconveniences, by their proceedings in virginia, and other plantations, by approved examples. with the countries armes, a description of the coast, harbours, habitations, land-markes, latitude and longitude: with the map, allowed by our royall king charles. by captaine iohn smith, sometimes governour of virginia, and admirall of nevv-england. smith, john, 1580-1631. pass, simon van de, 1595?-1647, engraver. [8], 40 p., folded plate : map printed by iohn haviland, and are to be sold by robert milbourne, at the grey-hound in pauls church-yard, london : 1631. running title reads: advertisements for the unexperienced, or the path-way to erect a plantation. the map has title "new england", imprint "london printed by iames reeue", and is signed "simon passæus sculpsit". for the states see sabin 82819 and 82823. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng new england -description and travel -early works to 1800. new england -history -colonial period -early works to 1800. massachusetts -history -colonial period -early works to 1800. massachusetts -history -colonial period (new plymouth) -early works to 1800. 2005-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-06 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-06 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion advertisements for the unexperienced planters of new. england , or any where . or , the path-way to experience to erect a plantation . with the yearely proceedings of this country in fishing and planting , since the yeare 1614. to the yeare 1630. and their present estate . also how to prevent the greatest inconveniences , by their proceedings in virginia , and other plantations , by approved examples . with the countries armes , a description of the coast , harbours , habitations , land-markes , latitude and longitude : with the map , allowed by our royall king charles . by captaine iohn smith , sometimes governour of viroinia , and admirall of nevv-england . london , printed by iohn haviland , and are to be sold by robert milbovrne , at the grey-hound in pauls church-yard . 1631. gens in cognita mihi serviet to the most reverend father in god , george lord arch-bishop of canterbvrie his grace , primate and metrapolitan of all england : and the right reverend father in god , samvel lord arch-bishop of yorke his grace , primate and metrapolitan of england . my most gracious good lords , i desire to leave testimony to the world , how highly i honour as well the miter as the lance : therefore where my last booke presented three most honourable earles with a subject of warre , and received from them favourable acceptance : the worke i now prosecute , concerning the plantation of new-england , for the increase of gods church , converting salvages , and enlarging the kings dominions , prostrates it selfe humbly to your graces ; who as you are in the name of prelacy to this kingdome , so you are to mee in goodnesse both fathers and protectors unexpectedly . god long preserve your gracious lives , and continue favour vnto both your graces most devoted servant , iohn smith . to the reader . honest reader , apelles by the proportion of a foot , could make the whole proportion of a man : were hee now living , he might goe to schools for now are thousands can by opinion proportion kingdomes , cities , and lordships , that never durst adventure to see them . malignancy , i expect from those , have lived 10. or 12. yeares in those actions , and returne as wise as they went , claiming time and experience for their tutor , that can neither shift sun nor moone , nor say their compasse , yet will tell you of more than all the world , betwixt the exchange , pauls and westminster : so it be newes , it matters not what , that will passe currant when truth must be stayed with an army of conceits that can make or marre any thing , and tell as well what all england is by seeing but milford haven , as what apelles was by the picture of his great too . now because examples give a quicker impression than arguments , i have writ this discourse to satisfie understanding , wisdome , and honesty , and not such as can doe nothing but finde fault with that they neither know nor can amend . so i rest your friend iohn smith . the sea marke . aloofe , aloofe , and come no neare , the dangers doe appeare ; which if my ruine had not beene you had not seene : i onely lie upon this shelfe to be a marke to all which on the same might fall , that none may perish but my selfe . if in or outward you be bound , doe not forget to sound ; neglect of that was cause of this to steare amisse . the seas were calme , the wind was faire , that made me so secure , that now i must indure all weathers be they soule or faire . the winters cold , the summers heat , alternatively beat upon my bruised sides , that ●ue because too true that no releefe can ever come . but why should i despaire being promised so faire that there shall be a day of dome . the contents . chap. 1. what people they are that begin this plantation , the bane of virginia : strange misprisions of wise men . chap. 2. needlesse custome , effect of flattery , cause of misery , factions , carelesse government , the dissolving the company and patent . chap. 3. a great comfort to new england , it is no iland , a strange plague . chap. 4. our right to those countries , true reasons for plantations , rare examples . chap. 5. my first voyage to new england , my returne and profit . chap. 6. a description of the coast , harbours , habitations , land-marks , latitude , longitude , with the map . chap. 7. new englands yearely trials , the planting new plimoth , supprisals prevented , their wonderful industry and fishing . chap. 8. extremity next despaire , gods great mercy , their estate , they make good salt , an unknowne rich myne . chap. 9. notes worth observation , miserablenesse no good husbandry . chap. 10. the mistaking of patents , strange effects , incouragements for servants . chap. 11. the planting bastable or salem and charlton , a description of the massachusets . chap. 12. extraordinary meanes for building , many caveats , increase of corne , how to spoyle the woods , for any thing , their healths . chap. 13. their great supplies , present estate and accidents , advantage . chap. 14. ecclesiasticall government in virginia , authority from the arch bishop , their beginning at bastable now called salem . chap. 15. the true modell of a plantation , tenure , increase of trade , true examples , necessity of expert souldiers , the names of all the first discoverers for plantations and their actions , what is requisite to be in the governour of a plantation , the expedition of queene elizabeths sea captaines . sigismvndvs bathori d g dvx transilvanie wal nonononononon advertisements : or , the path-way to experience to erect a plantation . chap. 1. what people they are that beginne this plantation : the haue of virginia : strange misprisions of wisemen . the warres in europe , asia , and affrica , taught me how to subdue the wilde salvages in virginia and new-england , in america ; which now after many a stormy blast of ignorant contradictors , projectors , and undertakers , both they and i have beene so tossed and tortured into so many extremities , as despaire was the next wee both expected , till it pleased god now at last to stirre up some good mindes , that i hope will produce glory to god , honour to his majesty , and profit to his kingdomes , although all our plantations have beene so foyled and abused , their best good willers have beene for the most part discouraged , and their good intents disgraced , as the generall history of them will at large truly relate you . pardon me if i offend in loving that i have cherished truly , by the losse of my prime fortunes , meanes , and youth : if it over-glad me to see industry her selfe adventure now to make use of my aged endevours , not by such ( i hope ) as rumour doth report , a many of discontented brownists , anabaptists , papists , puritans , separatists , and such factions humorists , for no such they will suffer among them , if knowne , as many of the chiefe of them have assured mee , and the much conferences i have had with many of them , doth considently perswade me to writethus much in their behalfe . i meane not the brownists of leyden and amsterdam at new-plimoth , who although by accident , ignorance , and wilfulnesse , have indured with a wonderfull patience , many losses and extremities ; yet they subsist and prosper so well , not any of them will abandon the country , but to the utmost of their powers increase their numbers : but of those which are gone within this eighteene moneths for cape anne , and the bay of the massachusets : those which are their chiefe vndertakers are gentlemen of good estate , some of 500 , some a thousand pound land a yeere , all which they say they will sell for the advancing this harmlesse and pious worke ; men of good credit and well-beloved in their country , not such as flye for debt , or any scandall at home , and are good catholike protestants according to the reformed church of england , if not , it is well they are gone : the rest of them men of good meanes , or arts , occupations , and qualities , much more fit for such a businesse , and better furnished of all necessaries if they arrive well , than was ever any plantation went out of england : i will not say but some of them may be more precise than needs , nor that they all be so good as they should be , for christ had but twelue apostles , and one was a traitor ; and if there be no dissemblers among them , it is more than a wonder : therefore doe not condemne all for some ; but however they have as good authority from his majesty as they could desire , if they doe ill , the losse is but their owne ; if well , a great glory and exceeding good to this kingdome , to make good at last what all our former conclusions have disgraced . now they take not that course the virginia company did for the planters there , their purses and lives were subject to some few here in london who were never there , that consumed all in arguments , projects , and their owne conceits , every yeere trying new conclusions , altering every thing yearely as they altered opinions , till they had consumed more than two hundred thousand pounds , and neere eight thousand mens lives . it is true , in the yeere of our lord 1622. they were about seven or eight thousand english indifferently well furnished with most necessaries , and many of them grew to that height of bravery , living in that plenty and excesse , that went thither not worth any thing , made the company here thinke all the world was oatmeale there , and all this proceeded by surviving those that died , nor were they ignorant to use as curious tricks there as here , and out of the juice of tabacco , which at first they sold at such good rates , they regarded nothing but tabacco ; a commodity then so vendable , it provided them all things : and the loving salvages their kinde friends , they trained so well up to shoot in a peece , to hunt and kill them fowle , they became more expert than our owne country-men , whose labours were more profitable to their masters in planting tabacco , and other businesse . this superfluity caused my poore beginnings scorned , or to be spoken of but with much derision , that never sent ship from thence fraught , but onely some small quantities of wainscot , clap-board , pitch , tar , rosin , sope-ashes , glasse , cedar , cypresse , blacke walnut , knees for ships , ash for pikes , iron ore none better , some silver ore , but so poore it was not regarded ; better there may be , for i was no mineralist , some sturgion , but it was too tart of the vinegar , which was of my owne store , for little came from them which was good ; and wine of the countries wilde grapes , but it was too sowre , yet better than they sent us any : in two or three yeeres but one hogshead of claret . onely speading my time to revenge my imprisonment upon the harmlesse innocent salvages , who by my cruelty i forced to feed me with their contribution , and to send any offended my idle humour to iames towne to punish at mine owne discretion ; or keepe their kings and subjects in chaines , and make them worke . things cleane contrary to my commission ; whilest i and my company tooke our needlesse pleasures in discovering the countries about us , building of forts , and such unnecessary fooleries , where an egge-shell ( as they writ ) had beene sufficient against such enemies ; neglecting to answer the merchants expectations with profit , feeding the company onely with letters and tastes of such commodities as we writ the country would afford in time by industry , as silke , wines , oyles of olives , rape , and linsed , rasons , prunes , flax , hempe , and iron , as for tabacco , wee never then dreamt of it . now because i sent not their ships full fraught home with those commodities , they kindly writ to me , if we failed the next returne , they would leave us there as banished men , as if houses and all those commodities did grow naturally , only for us to take at our pleasure , with such tedious letters , directions , and instructions , and most contrary to that was fitting , we did admire how it was possible such wise men could so torment themselves and us with such strange absurdities and impossibilities , making religion their colour , when all their aime was nothing but present profit , as most plainly appeared , by sending us so many refiners , gold-smiths , iewellers , lapidarics , stone-cutters , tabacco-pipe-makers , imbroderers , perfumers , silkemen , with all their appurtenances , but materialls , and all those had great summes out of the common stocke : and so many spies and super-intendents over us , as if they supposed we would turne rebels , all striving to suppresse and advance they knew not what : at last got a commission in their owne names , promising the king custome within seven yeares , where we were free for one and twenty , appointing the lord de-la-ware for governour , with as many great and stately officers , and offices under him , as doth belong to a great kingdome , with good summes for their extraordinary expences ; also privileges for cities , charters , for corporations , universities , free-schooles , and glebe-land , putting all those in practice before there were either people , students , or schollers to build or use them , or provision and victuall to feed them were then there : and to amend this , most of the tradesmen in london that would adventure but twelue pounds ten shillings , had the furnishing the company of all such things as belonged to his trade , such jugling there was betwixt them , and such intruding committies their associats , that all the trash they could get in london was sent us to uirginia , they being well payed for that was good . much they blamed us for not converting the salvages , when those they sent us were little better , if nor worse , nor did they all convert any of those we sent them to england for that purpose . so doating of mines of gold , and the south sea , that all the world could not have devised better courses to bring us to ruine than they did themselves , with many more such like strange concoits ; by this you may avoid the like inconveniences , and take heed by those examples , you have not too many irons in the fire at once , neither such change of governours , nor such a multitude of officers , neither more masters , gentlemen , gentlewomen , and children , than you have men to worke , which idle charge you will finde very troublesome , and the effects dangerous , and one hundred good labourers better than a thousand such gallants as were sent me , that could doe nothing but complaine , curse , and despaire , when they saw our miseries , and all things so cleane contrary to the report in england , yet must i provide as well for them as for my selfe . chap. 2. needlesse custome , effect of flatterr , cause of misery , factions , carelesse government , the dissolving the company and patent . this the mariners and saylers did ever all they could to conceale , who had alwayes both good fare , and good pay for the most part , and part out of our owne purses , never caring how long they stayed upon their voyage , daily feasting before our faces , when wee lived upon a little corne and water , and not halfe enough of that , the most of which we had from amongst the salvages . now although there be deere in the woods , fish in the rivers , and fowles in abundance in their seasons ; yet the woods are so wide , the rivers so broad , and the beasts so wild , and wee so unskilfull to catch them , wee little troubled them nor they us : for all this our letters that still signified unto them the plaine truth , would not be beleeved , because they required such things as was most necessary : but their opinion was otherwayes , for they desired but to packe over so many as they could , saying necessity would make them get victuals for themselves , as for good labourers they were more usefull here in england : but they found it otherwayes ; the charge was all one to send a workman as a roarer , whose clamors to appease , we had much adoe to get fish and corne to maintaine them from one supply till another came with more loyterers without victuals still to make us worse and worse , for the most of them would rather starve than worke ; yet had it not beene for some few that were gentlemen , both by birth , industry , and discretion , we could not possibly have subsisted . many did urge i might have forced them to it , having authority that extended so farre as death : but i say , having neither meat , drinke , lodging , pay , nor hope of any thing , or preferment ; and seeing the merchants onely did what they listed with all they wrought for , i know not what punishment could be greater than that they indured ; which miseries caused us alwaies to be in factions , the most part striving by any meanes to abandon the country , and i with my party to prevent them and cause them stay . but indeed the cause of our factions was bred here in england , and grew to that maturity among themselves that spoyled all , as all the kingdome and other nations can too well testifie : yet in the yeare 1622. there were about seven or eight thousand english , as hath beene said , so well trained , secure , and well furnished , as they reported and conceited . these simple salvages their bosome friends , i so much oppressed , had laid their plot how to cut all their throats in a morning , and upon the 22. of march , so innocently attempted it , they slew three hundred forty seven , set their houses on fire , slew their cattell , and brought them to that distraction & confusion within lesse than a yeare , there were not many more than two thousand remaining : the which losse to repaire the company did what they could , till they had consumed all their stocke as is said : then they broke , not making any account , nor giving satisfaction to the lords , planters , adventurers , nor any , whose noble intents had referred the managing of this intricate businesse to a few that lost not by it ; so that his majesty recalled their commission , and by more just cause : then they perswaded king iames to call in ours , which were the first beginners without our knowledge or consent , disposing of us and all our indevours at their pleasures . chap. 3. a great comfort to new england , it is no iland : a strange plague . notwithstanding since they have beene left in a manner , as it were , to themselves , they have increased their numbers to foure or five thousand , and neere as many cattell , with plenty of goats , abundance of swine , poultry and come , that as they report , they have sufficient and to spare , to entertaine three or foure hundred people , which is much better than to have many people more than provision . now having glutted the world with their too much over-abounding tabacco : reason , or necessity , or both , will cause them , i hope , learne in time better to fortifie themselves , and make better use of the trials of their grosse commodities that i have propounded , and at the first sent over : and were it not a lamentable dishonour so goodly a countrey after so much cost , losse , and trouble , should now in this estate not bee regarded and supplied . and to those of new-england may it not be a great comfort to have so neare a neighbour of their owne nation , that may furnish them with their spare cattell , swine , poultry , and other roots and fruits , much better than from england . but i feare the seed of envy , and the rust of covetousnesse doth grow too fast , for some would have all men advance virginia to the ruine of new-england ; and others the losse of virginia to sustaine new-england , which god of his mercy forbid : for at first it was intended by that most memorable judge sir iohn popham , then lord chiefe justice of england , and the lords of his majesties privy councel , with divers others , that two colonies should be planted , as now they be , for the better strengthening each other against all occurrences ; the which to performe , shal ever be in my hearty prayers to almighty god , to increase and continue that mutuall love betwixt them for ever . by this you may perceive somewhat , what unexpected inconveniences are incident to a plantation , especially in such a multitude of voluntary contributers , superfluity of officers , and unexperienced commissioners . but it is not so , as yet , with those for new-england ; for they will neither beleeve nor use such officers , in that they are overseers of their owne estates , and so well bred in labour and good husbandry as any in england , where as few as i say was sent me to virginia , but these were naught here and worse there . now when these shall have laid the foundations , and provided meanes beforehand , they may entertain all the poore artificers and laborers in england , and their families which are burthensome to their parishes and countries where they live upon almes and benevolence for want of worke , which if they would but pay for their transportation , they should never be troubled with them more ; for there is vast land enough for all the people in england , scotland , and ireland : and it seemes god hath provided this country for our nation , destroying the natives by the plague , it not touching one englishman , though many traded and were conversant amongst them ; for they had three plagues in three yeares successively neere two hundred miles along the sea coast , that in some places there scarce remained five of a hundred , and as they report thus it began : a fishing ship being cast away upon the coast , two of the men escaped on shore ; one of them died , the other lived among the natives till he had learned their language : then he perswaded them to become christians , shewing them a testament , some parts thereof expounding so well as he could , but they so much derided him , that he told them hee feared his god would destroy them : whereat the king assembled all his people about a hill , himselfe with the christian standing on the top , demanded if his god had so many people and able to kill all those ? he answered yes , and surely would , and bring in strangers to possesse their land : but so long they mocked him and his god , that not long after such a sicknesse came , that of five or six hundred about the massachusets there remained but thirty , on whom their neighbours fell and slew twenty eight : the two remaining fled the country till the english came , then they returned and surrendred their countrey and title to the english : if this be not true in every particular , excuse me , i pray you , for i am not the author : but it is most certaine there was an exceeding great plague amongst them ; for where i have seene two or three hundred , within three yeares after remained scarce thirty , but what disease it was the salvages knew not till the english told them , never having seene , nor heard of the like before . chap. 4. our right to those countries , true reasons for plantations , rare examples . many good religious devout men have made it a great question , as a matter in conscience , by what warrant they might goe to possesse those countries , which are none of theirs , but the poore salvages . which poore curiosity will answer it selfe ; for god did make the world to be inhabited with mankind , and to have his name knowne to all nations , and from generation to generation : as the people increased they dispersed themselves into such countries as they found most convenient . and here in florida , virginia , new-england , and cannada , is more land than all the people in christendome can manure , and yet more to spare than all the natives of those countries can use and culturate . and shall we here keepe such a coyle for land , and as such great rents and rates , when there is so much of the world uninhabited , and as much more in other places , and as good , or rather better than any wee possesse , were it manured and used accordingly . if this be not a reason sufficient to such tender consciences ; for a copper kettle and a few toyes , as beads and hatchets , they will fell you a whole countrey ; and for a small matter , their houses and the ground they dwell upon ; but those of the massachusets have resigned theirs freely . now the reasons for plantations are many ; adam and eve did first begin this innocent worke to plant the earth to remaine to posterity , but not without labour , trouble , and industry : noah and his family began againe the second plantation , and their seed as it still increased , hath still planted new countries , and one country another , and so the world to that estate it is ; but not without much hazard , travell , mortalities , discontents , and many disasters : had those worthy fathers and their memorable off-spring not beene more diligent for us now in those ages , than wee are to plant that yet unplanted for after-livers . had the seed of abraham , our saviour christ jesus and his apostles , exposed themselves to no more dangers to plant the gospell wee so much professe , than we , even we our selves had at this present beene as salvages , and as miserable as the most barbarous salvage , yet uncivilized . the hebrewes , lacedemonians , the goths , grecians , romans , and the rest , what was it they would not undertake to inlarge their territories , inrich their subjects , and resist their enemies . those that were the founders of those great monarchies and their vertues , were no silvered idle golden pharisies , but industrious honest hearted publicans , they regarded more provisions and necessaries for their people , than jewels , ease and delight for themselves ; riches was their servants , not their masters ; they ruled as fathers , not as tyrants ; their people as children , not as slaves ; there was no disaster could discourage them ; and let none thinke they incountered not with all manner of incumbrances , and what hath ever beene the worke of the best great princes of the world , but planting of countries , and civilizing barbarous and inhumane nations to civility and humanity , whose eternall actions fils our histories with more honour than those that have wasted and consumed them by warres . lastly , the portugals and spaniards that first began plantations in this unknowne world of america till within this 140. yeares , whose everlasting actions before our eyes , will testifie our idlenesse and ingratitude to all posterity , and neglect of our duty and religion wee owe our god , our king , and countrey , and want of charity to those poore salvages , whose countries we challenge , use , and possesse , except wee be but made to mar what our forefathers made , or but only tell what they did , or esteeme our selves too good to take the like paines where there is so much reason , liberty , and action offers it selfe , having as much power and meanes as others : why should english men despaire and not doe so much as any ? was it vertue in those heros to provide that doth maintaine us , and basenesse in us to doe the like for others to come ? surely no ; then seeing wee are not borne for our selves but each to helpe other , and our abilities are much alike at the howre of our birth and minute of our death : seeing our good deeds or bad , by faith in christs merits , is all wee have to carry our soules to heaven or hell : seeing honour is our lives ambition , and our ambition after death , to have an honourable memory of our life : and seeing by no meanes wee would be abated of the dignitie and glorie of our predecessors , let us imitate their vertues to be worthily their successors , or at least not hinder , if not further them that would and doe their utmost and best endevour . chap. 5. my first voyage to new england my returne and profit . to begin with the originals of the voyages to those coasts , i referre you to my generall history ; for new-england by the most of them was esteemed a most barren rocky desart : notwithstanding at the sole charge of some merchants of london and my selfe , 1614. within eight weekes sayling i arrived at mo●ahigan an i le in america in 43. degrees 39. minutes of northerly latitude . had the fishing for whale proved as we expected , i had stayed in the country ; but we found the plots wee had , so false , and the seasons for fishing and trade by the unskilfulnesse of our pylot so much mistaken , i was contented , having taken by hookes and lines with fifteene or eighteene men at most , more than 60000. cod in lesse than a moneth : whilest my selfe with eight others of them might best be spared , by an houre glasse of three moneths , ranging the coast in a small boat , got for trifles eleven hundred bever skins beside otters and martins ; all amounting to the value of fifteene hundred pound , and arrived in england with all my men in health in six or seven moneths : but northward the french returned this yeare to france five and twenty thousand bevers and good furres , whilest we were contending about patents and commissions , with such fearefull incredulity that more dazeled our eyes than opened them . in this voyage i tooke the description of the coast as well by map as writing , and called it new-england : but malicious mindes amongst sailers and others , drowned that name with the eccho of nusconcus , canaday , and penaquid ; till at my humble sute , our most gracious king charles , then prince of wales , was pleased to confirme it by that title , and did change the barbarous names of their principall harbours and habitations for such english , that posterity may say , king charles was their godfather ; and in my opinion it should seeme an unmannerly presumption in any that doth alter them without his leave . my second voyage was to beginne a plantation , and to doe what else i could , but by extreme tempests that bore neare all my masts by the boord , being more than two hundred leagues at sea , was forced to returne to plimoth with a jury-mast . the third was intercepted by english and french pyrats , by my trecherous company that betrayed me to them , who ran away with my ship and all that i had , such enemies the sailers were to a plantation , and the greatest losse being mine , did easily excuse themselves to the merchants in england , that still provided to follow the fishing : much difference there was betwixt the londoners and the westerlings to ingrosse it , who now would adventure thousands , that when i went first would not adventure a groat ; yet there went foure or five good ships , but what by their dissention , and the turkes men of warre that tooke the best of them in the straits , they scarce saved themselves this yeare . at my returne from france i did my best to have united them , but that had beene more than a worke for hercules , so violent is the folly of greedy covetousnesse . chap. 6. a description of the coast , harbours , habitations , land-marks , latitude , longitude , with the map . this country wee now speake of , lyeth betwixt 41. and 44½ the very meane for heat and cold betwixt the equinoctiall and 〈◊〉 north pole , in which i have founded about five and twenty very good harbors ; in many whereof is ancorage for five hundred good ships of any burthen , in some of them for a thousand , and more than three hundred iles overgrowne with good timber , or divers sorts of other woods ; in most of them ( in their seasons ) plenty of wilde fruits , fish , and fowle , and pure springs of most excellent water pleasantly distilling from their rockie foundations . the principall habitations i was at north-ward , was pennobscot , who are in warres with the terentines , their next northerly neighbours . southerly up the rivers , and along the coast , wee found mecadacut , segocket , pemmaquid , nusconcus , sagadahock , satquin , aumughcawgen , and kenabeca : to those belong the countries and people of segot igo , pauhuntanuck , pocopassum , taughtanakagnet , wabigganus , nassaque , masherosqueck , wawrtgwick , moshoquen , waccogo , pasharanack , &c. to those are alied in confederacy , the countries of aucocisco , accominticus , passataquak , augawoam and naemkeck , all these for any thing i could perceive differ little in language or any thing , though most of them be sagamos , and lords of themselves , yet they hold the bashabes of pennobscot the chiefe and greatest amongst them . the next is mattahunt , totant , massachuset , paconekick , then cape cod , by which is pawmet , the iles nawset and capawuck , neere which are the shoules of rocks and sands that stretch themselves into the maine sea twenty leagues , and very dangerous betwixt the degrees of 40. and 41. now beyond cape cod , the land extendeth it selfe southward to virginia , florida , the west-indies , the amazons , and brasele , to the straits of magelanus , two and fifty degrees southward beyond the line ; all those great countries , differing as they are in distance north or south from the equinoctiall , in temper , heat , cold , woods , fruits , fishes , beasts , birds , the increase and decrease of the night and day , to six moneths day and six moneths night . some say , many of those nations are so brute they have no religion , wherein surely they may be deceived , for myself i never saw nor heard of any nation in the world which had not religion , deare , bowes , and arrowes . those in new-england , i take it , beleeve much alike as those in virginia , of many divine powers , yet of one above all the rest ; as the southerly virginians call their chiefe god kewassa , and that we now inhabit , okae , but all their kings werowances . the m●ssichusots call their great god kichtan , and their kings sachemes ; and that we suppose their devill , they call habamouk . the pennobscots , their god , tantum , their kings , sagamos . about those countries are abundance of severall nations and languages , but much alike in their simple curiosities , living and workemanship , except the wilde estate of their chiefe kings , &c. of whose particular miserable magnificence , yet most happy in this , that they never trouble themselves with such variety of apparell , drinkes , viands , sawses , perfumes , preservatives , and nicities as we ; yet live as long , and much more healthfull and hardy : also the deities of their chiefest gods , priests , conjurers , religion , temples , triumphs , physicke , and chirurgeric , their births , educations , duty of their women , exercise for their men ; how they make all their instruments and engines to cut downe trees , make their cloaths , boats , lines , nets , fish-hooks , weres , and traps , mats , houses , pots , platters , morters , bowes , arrowes , targets , swords , clubs , jewels , and hatchets . their severall sorts of woods , serpents , beasts , fish , fowle , roots , berries , fruits , stones , and clay . their best trade , what is most fit to trade with them . with the particulars of the charge of a fishing voyage , and all the necessaries belonging to it , their best countries to vent it for their best returnes ; also the particulars for every private man or family that goeth to plant , and the best seasons to goe or returne thence , with the particular description of the salvages , habitations , harbours , and land markes , their latitude , longitude , or severall distance , with their old names and the new by the map augmented . lastly , the power of their kings , obedience of their subjects , lawes , executions , planting their fields , huntings , fishings , the manner of their warres and treacheries yet knowne ; and in generall , their lives and conversation , and how to bridle their brute , barbarous , and salvage dispositions : of all these particulars you may reade at large in the generall history of virginia , new-england , and the summer iles , with many more such strange actions and accidents , that to an ordinary capacity might rather seeme miracles than wonders possibly to bee effected , which though they are but wound up as bottoms of fine silke , which with a good needle might be flourished into a far larger worke , yet the images of great things are best discerned , contracted into smaller glasses . chap. 7. new englands yearely trials , the planting new plimoth , supprisals prevented , their wonderfull industry and fishing . for all those differences there went eight tall ships before i arived in england , from france , so that i spent that yeare in the west country , to perswade the cities , townes , and gentrie for a plantation , which the merchants very little liked , because they would have the coast free only for themselves , and the gentlemen were doubtfull of their true accounts ; oft and much it was so disputed , that at last they promised me the next yeere twenty saile well furnished , made me admirall of the country for my life under their hands , and the colonels seale for new-england ; and in renewing their letters patents , to be a patentee for my paines , yet nothing but a voluntary fishing was effected for all this aire . new england the most remarqueable parts thus named by the high and mighty prince charles , prince of great britaine at last , upon those inducements , some well disposed brownists , as they are tearmed , with some gentlemen and merchants of layden and amsterdam , to save charges , would try their owne conclusions , though with great losse and much miserie , till time had taught them to see their owne error ; for such humorists will never beleeve well , till they bee beaten with their owne rod. they were supplied with a small ship with seven and thirty passengers , who found all them were left after they were seated , well , all but six that died , for all their poverties : in this ship they returned the value of five hundred pounds , which was taken by a french-man upon the coast of england . there is gone from the west to fish five and thirty saile , two from london with sixty passengers for them at new-plimoth , and all made good voyages . now you are to understand , the seven and thirty passengers miscarrying twice upon the coast of england , came so ill provided , they onely relyed upon that poore company they found , that had lived two yeares by their naked industry , and what the country naturally afforded ; it is true , at first there hath beene taken a thousand bayses at a draught , and more than twelve hogsheads of herrings in a night , of other fish when and what they would , when they had meanes ; but wanting most necessaries for fishing and fowling , it is a wonder how they could subsist , fortifie themselves , resist their enemies , and plant their plants . in iuly , a many of stragling forlorne englishmen , whose wants they releeved , though wanted themselves ; the which to requite , destroyed their corne and fruits , and would have done the like to them , and have surprised what they had ; the salvages also intended the like , but wisely they slew the salvage captaines , and revenged those injuries upon the fugitive english , that would have done the like to them . chap. 8. extremity next despaire , gods great mercy , their estate , they make good salt , an unknowne rich myne . at new-plimoth , having planted there fields and gardens , such an extraordinary drought insued , all things withered , that they expected no harvest ; and having long expected a supply , they heard no newes , but a wracke split upon their coast , they supposed their ship : thus in the very labyrinth of despaire , they solemnly assembled themselves together nine houses in prayer . at their departure , the parching faire skies all overcast with blacke clouds , and the next morning , such a pleasant moderate raine continued fourteene daies , that it was hard to say , whether their withered fruits or drooping affections were most revived ; not long after came two ships to supply them , with all their passengers well , except one , and he presently recovered ; for themselves , for all their wants , there was not one sicke person amongst them : the greater ship they returned fraught with commodities . this yeare went from england , onely to fish , five and forty saile , and have all made a better voyage than ever . in this plantation there is about an hundred and fourescore persons , some cattell , but many swine and poultry : their towne containes two and thirty houses , whereof seven were burnt , with the value of five or six hundred pounds in other goods , impailed about halfe a mile , within which within a high mount , a fort , with a watch-tower , well built of stone , lome , and wood , their ordnance well mounted , and so healthfull , that of the first planters not one hath died this three yeares : yet at the first landing at cape cod , being an hundred passengers , besides twenty they had left behind at plimoth for want of good take heed , thinking to finde all things better than i advised them , spent six or seven weekes in wandring up and downe in frost and snow , wind and raine , among the woods , cricks , and swamps , forty of them died , and threescore were left in most miserable estate at new-plimoth , where their ship left them , and but nine leagues by sea from where they landed , whose misery and variable opinions , for want of experience , occasioned much faction , till necessity agreed them . these disasters , losses , and uncertainties , made such disagreement among the adventurers in england , who beganne to repent , and rather lose all , than longer continue the charge , being out of purse six or seven thousand pounds , accounting my bookes and their relations as old almanacks . but the planters , rather than leave the country , concluded absolutely to supply themselves , and to all their adventurers pay them for nine yeares two hundred pounds yearely without any other account ; where more than six hundred adventurers for virginia , for more than two hundred thousand pounds , had not six pence . since they have made a salt worke , wherewith they preserve all the fish they take , and have fraughted this yeare a ship of an hundred and fourescore tun , living so well they desire nothing but more company , and what ever they take , returne commodities to the value . thus you may plainly see , although many envying i should bring so much from thence , where many others had beene , and some the same yeare returned with nothing , reported the fish and bevers i brought home , i had taken from the french men of canada , to discourage any from beleeving me , and excuse their owne misprisions , some onely to have concealed this good country ( as is said ) to their private use ; others taxed me as much of indiscretion , to make my discoveries and designes so publike for nothing , which might have beene so well managed by some concealers , to have beene all rich ere any had knowne of it . those , and many such like wise rewards , have beene my recompences , for which i am contented , so the country prosper , and gods name bee there praised by my country-men , i have my desire ; and the benefit of this salt and fish , for breeding mariners and building ships , will make so many fit men to raise a common-wealth , if but managed , as my generall history will shew you ; it might well by this have beene as profitable as the best mine the king of spaine hath in his west indies . chap. 9. notes worth observation : miserablenesse no good husbandry . now if you but truly consider how many strange accidents have befallen those plantations and my selfe , how oft up , how oft downe , sometimes neere despaire , and ere long flourishing ; how many scandals and spanolized english have sought to disgrace them , bring them to ruine , or at least hinder them all they could ; how many have shaven and couzened both them and me , and their most honourable supporters and well-willers , cannot but conceive gods infinite mercy both to them and me . having beene a slave to the turks , prisoner amongst the most barbarous salvages , after my deliverance commonly discovering and ranging those large rivers and unknowne nations with such a handfull of ignorant companions , that the wiser sort often gave mee for lost , alwayes in mutinies , wants and miseries , blowne up with gunpowder ; a long time prisoner among the french pyrats , from whom escaping in a little boat by my selfe , and adrift , all such a stormy winter night when their ships were split , more than an hundred thousand pound lost , wee had taken at sea , and most of them drownd upon the i le of ree , not farre from whence i was driven on shore in my little boat , &c. and many a score of the worst of winter moneths lived in the fields , yet to have lived neere 37. yeares in the midst of wars , pestilence and famine ; by which , many an hundred thousand have died about mee , and scarce five living of them went first with me to virginia , and see the fruits of my labours thus well begin to prosper : though i have but my labour for my paines , have i not much reason both privately and publikely to acknowledge it and give god thankes , whose omnipotent power onely delivered me . to doe the utmost of my best to make his name knowne in those remote parts of the world , and his loving mercy to such a miserable sinner . had my designes beene to have perswaded men to a mine of gold , as i know many have done that knew no such matter ; though few doe conceive either the charge or paines in refining it , nor the power nor care to defend it ; or some new invention to passe to the south sea , or some strange plot to invade some strange monastery ; or some chargeable fleet to take some rich charaques , or letters of mart , to rob some poore merchant or honest fisher men ; what multitudes of both people and money would contend to be first imployed . but in those noble indevours now how few , unlesse it bee to begge them as monopolies , and those seldome seeke the common good , but the commons goods , as the 217. the 218. and the 219. pages in the generall history will shew . but only those noble gentlemen and their associates , for whose better incouragements i have recollected those experienced memorandums , as an apologie against all calumniating detracters , as well for my selfe as them . now since them called brownists went , some few before them also having my bookes and maps , presumed they knew as much as they desired , many other directers they had as wise as themselves , but that was best that liked their owne conceits ; for indeed they would not be knowne to have any knowledge of any but themselves , pretending onely religion their governour , and frugality their counsell , when indeed it was onely their pride , and singularity , and contempt of authority ; because they could not be equals , they would have no superiours : in this fooles paradise , they so long used that good husbandry , they have payed soundly in trying their owne follies , who undertaking in small handfuls to make many plantations , and to bee severall lords and kings of themselves , most vanished to nothing , to the great disparagement of the generall businesse , therefore let them take heed that doe follow their example . chap. 10. the mistaking of patents , strange effects , incouragements for servants . who would not thinke that all those certainties should not have made both me and this country have prospered well by this ? but it fell out otherwayes , for by the instigation of some , whose policy had long watched their oportunity by the assurance of those profitable returnes , procured new letters patents from king iames , drawing in many noblemen and others to the number of twenty , for patentees , dividing my map and that tract of land from the north sea to the south sea , east and west , which is supposed by most cosmographers at least more than two thousand miles ; and from 41. degrees to 48. of northerly latitude about 560. miles ; the bounds virginia to the south , the south sea to the west , canada to the north , and the maine ocean to the east ; all this they divided in twenty parts , for which they cast lots , but no lot for me but smiths iles , which are a many of barren rocks , the most overgrowne with such shrubs and sharpe whins you can hardly passe them ; without either grasse or wood , but three or foure short shrubby old cedars . those patentees procured a proclamation , that no ship should goe thither to fish but pay them for the publike , as it was pretended , five pound upon every thirty tuns of shipping , neither trade with the natives , cut downe wood , throw their balast over boord , nor plant without commission , leave and content to the lord of that division or mannor ; some of which for some of them i beleeve will be tenantlesse this thousand yeare . thus whereas this country , as the contrivers of those projects , should have planted it selfe of it selfe , especially all the chiefe parts along the coast the first yeare , as they have oft told me , and chiefly by the fishing ships and some small helpe of their owne , thinking men would be glad upon any termes to be admitted under their protections : but it proved so contrary , none would goe at all . so for feare to make a contempt against the proclamation it hath ever since beene little frequented to any purpose , nor would they doe any thing but left it to it selfe . thus it lay againe in a manner vast , till those noble gentlemen thus voluntarily undertooke it , whem i intreat to take this as a memorandum of my love , to make your plantations so neere and great as you can ; for many hands make light worke , whereas yet your small parties can doe nothing availeable ; nor stand too much upon the letting , setting , or selling those wild countries , nor impose too much upon the commonalty either by your maggazines , which commonly eat out all poore mens labours , nor any other too hard imposition for present gaine ; but let every man so it bee by order allotted him , plant freely without limitation so much as hee can , bee it by the halfes or otherwayes : and at the end of five or six yeares , or when you make a division , for every acre he hath planted , let him have twenty , thirty , forty , or an hundred ; or as you finde hee hath extraordinarily deserved , by it selfe to him and his heires for ever ; all his charges being defrayed to his lord or master , and publike good : in so doing , a servant that will labour , within foure or five yeares may live as well there as his master did here : for where there is so much land lie waste , it were a madnesse in a man at the first to buy , or hire , or pay anything more than an acknowledgement to whom it shall be due ; and hee is double mad that will leave his friends , meanes , and freedome in england , to be worse there than here . therefore let all men have as much freedome in reason as may be , and true dealing , for it is the greatest comfort you can give them , where the very name of servitude will breed much ill bloud , and become odious to god and man ; but mildly temper correction with mercy , for i know well you will have occasion enough to use both ; and in thus doing , doubtlesse god will blesse you , and quickly triple and multiply your numbers , the which to my utmost i will doe my best indevour . chap. 11. the planting bastable or salem and charlton , a description of the massachusets . in all those plantations , yea , of those that have done least , yet the most will say , we were the first ; and so every next supply , still the next beginner : but seeing history is the memory of time , the life of the dead , and the happinesse of the living ; because i have more plainly discovered , and described , and discoursed of those countries than any as yet i know , i am the bolder to continue the story , and doe all men right so neere as i can in those new beginnings , which hereafter perhaps may bee in better request than a forest of nine dayes pamphlets . in the yeare 1629. about march , six good ships are gone with 350. men , women , and children , people professing themselves of good ranke , zeale , meanes and quality : also 150. head of cattell , as horse , mares , and neat beasts ; 41. goats , some conies , with all provision for houshold and apparell ; six peeces of great ordnance for a fort , with muskets , pikes , corslets , drums and colours , with all provisions necessary for the good of man. they are seated about 42. degrees and 38. minutes , at a place called by the natives naemkecke , by our royall king charles , bastable ; but now by the planters , salem ; where they arrived for most part exceeding well , their cattell and all things else prospering exceedingly , farre beyond their expectation . at this place they found some reasonable good provision and houses built by some few of dorchester , with whom they are joyned in society with two hundred men , an hundred and fifty more they have sent to the massachusets , which they call charlton , or charles towne : i tooke the fairest reach in this bay for a river , whereupon i called it charles river , after the name of our royall king charles ; but they find that faire channell to divide it selfe into so many faire branches as make forty or fifty pleasant ilands within that excellent bay , where the land is of divers and sundry sorts , in some places very blacke and fat , in others good clay , sand and gravell , the superficies neither too flat in plaines , nor too high in hils . in the iles you may keepe your hogs , horse , cattell , conies or poultry , and secure for little or nothing , and to command when you lift , onely having a care of provision for some extraordinary cold winter . in those iles , as in the maine , you may make your nurseries for fruits and plants where you put no cattell ; in the maine you may shape your orchards , vineyards , pastures , gardens , walkes , parkes , and corne fields out of the whole peece as you please into such plots , one adjoyning to another , leaving every of them invironed with two , three , foure , or six , or so many rowes of well growne trees as you will , ready growne to your hands , to defend them from ill weather , which in a champion you could not in many ages ; and this at first you may doe with as much facility , as carelesly or ignorantly cut downe all before you , and then after better consideration make ditches , pales , plant young trees with an excessive charge and labour , seeing you may have so many great and small growing trees for your maine posts , to fix hedges , palisados , houses , rales , or what you will ; which order in virginia hath not beene so well observed as it might : where all the woods for many an hundred mile for the most part grow streight , like unto the high grove or tuft of trees , upon the high hill by the house of that worthy knight sir humphrey mildmay , so remarkable in essex in the parish of danbery , where i writ this discourse , but much taller and greater , neither grow they so thicke together by the halfe , and much good ground betweene them without shrubs , and the best is ever knowne by the greatnesse of the trees and the vesture it beareth . now in new-england the trees are commonly lower , but much thicker and firmer wood , and more proper for shipping , of which i will speake a little , being the chiefe engine wee are to use in this worke , and the rather for that within a square of twenty leagues , you may have all , or most of the chiefe materials belonging to them , were they wrought to their perfection as in other places . of all fabricks a ship is the most excellent , requiring more art in building , rigging , sayling , trimming , defending , and moaring , with such a number of severall termes and names in continuall motion , not understood of any landman , as none would thinke of , but some few that know them ; for whose better instruction i writ my sea-grammar , a booke most necessary for those plantations , because there is scarce any thing belonging to a ship , but the sea-termes , charge and duty of every officer is plainly expressed , and also any indifferent capacity may conceive how to direct an unskilfull carpenter or sailer to build boats and barkes sufficient to saile those coasts and rivers , and put a good workman in minde of many things in this businesse hee may easily mistake or forget . but to be excellent in this faculty is the master-peece of all the most necessary workmen in the world . the first rule or modell thereof being directed by god himselfe to noah for his arke , which he never did to any other building but his temple , which is tossed and turned up and downe the world with the like dangers , miseries , and extremities as a ship , sometimes tasting the fury of the foure elements , as well as shee , by unlimited tyrants in their cruelty for tortures , that it is hard to conceive whether those inhumanes exceed the beasts of the forrest , the birds of the aire , the fishes of the sea , either in numbers , greatnesse , swiftnesse , fiercenesse or cruelty ; whose actions and varieties , with such memorable observations as i have collected , you shall finde with admiration in my history of the sea , if god be pleased i live to finish it . chap. 12. extraordinary meanes for building , many caveats , increase of corne , how to spoyle the woods , for any thing , their healths . for the building houses , townes , and fortresses , where shall a man finde the like conveniency , as stones of most sorts , as well lime stone , if i be not much deceived , as iron stone , smooth stone , blew slate for covering houses , and great rockes we supposed marble , so that one place is called the marble harbour : there is grasse plenty , though very long and thicke stalked , which being neither mowne nor eaten , is very ranke , yet all their cattell like and prosper well therewith , but indeed it is weeds , herbs , and grasse growing together , which although they be good and sweet in the summer , they will deceive your cattell in winter ; therefore be carefull in the spring to mow the swamps , and the low ilands of auguan , where you may have harsh sheare-grasse enough to make hay of , till you can cleare ground to make pasture , which will beare as good grasse as can grow any where , as now it doth in virginia ; and unlesse you make this provision , if there come an extraordinary winter , you will lose many of them & hazard the rest , especially if you bring them in the latter end of summer , or before the grasse bee growne in the spring , comming weake from sea. all things they plant prosper exceedingly : but one man of 13. gallons of indian corne , reaped that yeare 364. bushels london measure , as they confidently report , at which i much wonder , having planted many bushels , but no such increase . the best way wee found in virginia to spoile the woods , was first to cut a notch in the barke a hand broad round about the tree , which pill off and the tree will sprout no more , and all the small boughs in a yeare or two will decay , the greatest branches in the root they spoyle with fire , but you with more ease may cut them from the body and they will quickly rot : betwixt those trees they plant their corne , whose great bodies doe much defend it from extreme gusts , and heat of the sunne , where that in the plaines , where the trees by time they have consumed , is subject to both ; and this is the most easie way to have pasture and corne fields , which is much more fertile than the other : in virginia they never manure their overworne fields , which is very few , the ground for most part is so fertile : but in new-england they doe , sticking at every plant of corne , a herring or two , which commeth in that season in such abundance , they may take more than they know what to doe with . some infirmed bodies , or tender educats , complaine of the piercing cold , especially in january and february , yet the french in canada , the russians , swethlanders , polanders , germans , and our neighbour hollanders , are much colder and farre more northward , for all that , rich countreyes and live well . now they have wood enough if they will but cut it , at their doores to make fires , and traine oyle with the splinters of the roots of firre trees for candles , where in holland they have little or none to build ships , houses , or any thing but what they fetch from forren countries , yet they dwell but in the latitude of yorkshire , and new-england is in the heighth of the north cape of spaine , which is 10. degrees , 200. leagues , or 600. miles nearer the sunne than wee , where upon the mountaines of bisky i have felt as much cold , frost , and snow as in england , and of this i am sure , a good part of the best countries and kingdomes of the world , both northward and southward of the line , lie in the same paralels of uirginia and new-england as at large you may finde in the 201. page of the generall history . thus you may see how prosperously thus farre they have proceeded , in which course by gods grace they may contitinue ; but great care would be had they pester not their ships too much with cattell nor passengers , and to make good conditions for your peoples diet , for therein is used much legerdemaine , therefore in that you cannot be too carefull to keepe your men well , and in health at sea : in this case some masters are very provident , but the most part so they can get fraught enough , care not much whether the passengers live or die , for a common sailer regards not a landman , especially a poore passenger , as i have seene too oft approved by lamentable experience , although we have victualled them all at our owne charges . chap. 13. their great supplies , present estate and accidents , advantage . who would not thinke but that all those trials had beene sufficient to lay a foundation for a plantation , but we see many men many mindes , and still new lords , new lawes : for those 350. men with all their cattell that so well arived and promised so much , not being of one body , but severall mens servants , few could command and fewer obey , lived merrily of that they had , neither planting or building any thing to any purpose , but one faire house for the governour , till all was spent and the winter approached ; then they grew into many diseases , and as many inconveniences , depending only of a supply from england , which expected houses , gardens , and corne fields ready planted by them for their entertainment . it is true , that master iohn wynthrop , their now governour , a worthy gentleman both in estate and esteeme , went so well provided ( for six or seven hundred people went with him ) as could be devised , but at sea , such an extraordinarie storme encountred his fleet , continuing ten daies , that of two hundred cattell which were so tossed and brused , threescore and ten died , many of their people fell sicke , and in this perplexed estate , after ten weekes , they arrived in new-england at severall times , where they found threescore of their people dead , the rest sicke , nothing done , but all complaining , and all things so contrary to their expectation , that now every monstrous humor began to shew it selfe . and to second this , neare as many more came after them , but so ill provided , with such multitudes of women and children , as redoubled their necessities . this small triall of their patience , caused among them no small confusion , and put the governour and his councell to their utmost wits ; some could not endure the name of a bishop , others not the sight of a crosse nor surplesse , others by no meanes the booke of common prayer . this absolute crue , only of the elect , holding all ( but such as themselves ) reprobates and cast-awaies , now make more haste to returne to babel , as they tearmed england , than stay to enjoy the land they called canaan ; somewhat they must say to excuse themselves . those he found brownists , hee let goe for new-plimoth , who are now betwixt foure or five hundred , and live well without want , some two hundred of the rest he was content to returne for england , whose clamors are as variable as their humours and auditors ; some say they could see no timber of two foot diameter , some the country is all woods , others they drunke all the springs and ponds dry , yet like to famish for want of fresh water ; some of the danger of the rattell snake ; and that others sold their provisions at what rates they pleased to them that wanted , and so returned to england great gainers out of others miseries ; yet all that returned are not of those humors . notwithstanding all this , the noble governour was no way disanimated , neither repents him of his enterprise for all those mistakes , but did order all things with that temperance and discretion , and so releeved those that wanted with his owne provision , that there is six or seven hundred remained with him , and more than 1600. english in all the country , with three or foure hundred head of cattell , as for corne they are very ignorant : if upon the coast of america , they doe not before the end of this october ( for toies ) furnish themselves with two or three thousand bushels of indian corne , which is better than ours , and in a short time cause the salvages to doe them as good service as their owne men , as i did in virginia , and yet neither use cruelty nor tyranny amongst them ; a consequence well worth putting in practice : and till it be effected , they will hardly doe well . i know ignorance will say it is impossible , but this impossible taske , ever since the massacre in virginia , i have beene a suter to have undertaken , but with 150. men , to have got corne , fortified the country , and discovered them more land than they all yet know or have demonstrated : but the merchants common answer was , necessity in time would force the planters doe it themselves , and rather thus husbandly to lose ten sheepe , than be at the charge of a halfe penny worth of tarre . who is it that knowes not what a small handfull of spaniards in the west indies , subdued millions of the inhabitants , so depopulating those countries they conquered , that they are glad to buy negroes in affrica at a great rate , in countries farre remote from them , which although they bee as idle and as devilish people as any in the world , yet they cause them quickly to bee their best servants ; notwithstanding , there is for every foure or five naturall spaniards , two or three hundred indians and negros , and in virginia and new-england more english than salvages , that can assemble themselves to assault or hurt them , and it is much better to helpe to plant a country than unplant it and then replant it : but there indians were in such multitudes , the spaniards had no other remedy ; and ours such a few , and so dispersed , it were nothing in a short time to bring them to labour and obedience . it is strange to me , that english men should not doe as much as any , but upon every sleight affront , in stead to amend it , we make it worse ; notwithstanding the worst of all those rumours , the better sort there are constant in their resolutions , and so are the most of their best friends here ; and making provision to supply them , many conceit they make a death here , which is nothing so ; for they would spend more here than they transport thither . one ship this summer with twenty cattell , and forty or fifty passengers , arived all well , and the ship at home againe in nine weekes : another for all this exclamation of want , is returned with 10000. corfish , and fourescore kegs of sturgion , which they did take and save when the season was neare past , and in the very heat of summer , yet as good as can be . since another ship is gone from bristow , and many more a providing to follow them with all speed . thus you may plainly see for all these rumours , they are in no such distresse as is supposed : as for their mischances , misprisons , or what accidents may befall them , i hope none is so malicious , as attribute the fault to the country nor mee ; yet if some blame us not both , it were more than a wonder ; for i am not ignorant that ignorance and too curious spectators , make it a great part of their profession to censure ( however ) any mans actions , who having lost the path to vertue , will make most excellent shifts to mount up any way ; such incomparable connivenoy is in the devils most punctuall cheaters , they will hazard a joint , but where god hath his church they wil have a chapel ; a mischiefe so hard to be prevented , that i have thus plainly adventured to shew my affection , through the weaknesse of my abilitie , you may easily know them by their absolutenesse in opinions , holding experience but the mother of fooles , which indeed is the very ground of reason , and he that contemnes her in those actions , may finde occasion enough to use all the wit and wisdome hee hath to correct his owne solly , that thinkes to finde amongst those salvages such churches , palaces , monuments , and buildings as are in england . chap. 14. ecclesiasticall government in virginia , authority from the arch bishop , their beginning at bastable now called salem . now because i have spoke so much for the body , give me leave to say somewhat of the soule ; and the rather because i have beene demanded by so many , how we beganne to preach the gospell in virginia , and by what authority , what churches we had , our order of service , and maintenance for our ministers , therefore i thinke it not amisse to satisfie their demands , it being the mother of all our plantations , intreating pride to spare laughter , to understand her simple beginning and proceedings . when i went first to virginia , i well remember , wee did hang an awning ( which is an old saile ) to three or foure trees to shadow us from the sunne , our walls were rales of wood , our seats unhewed trees , till we cut plankes , our pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighbouring trees , in foule weather we shifted into an old rotten tent , for we had few better , and this came by the way of adventure for new ; this was our church , till wee built a homely thing like a barne , set upon cratchets , covered with rafts , sedge , and earth , so was also the walls : the best of our houses of the like curiosity , but the most part farre much worse workmanship , that could neither well defend wind nor raine , yet wee had daily common prayer morning and evening , every sunday two sermons , and every three moneths the holy communion , till our minister died , but our prayers daily , with an homily on sundaies ; we continued two or three yeares after till more preachers came , and surely god did most mercifully hearens , till the continuall inundations of mistaking directions , factions , and numbers of unprovided libertines neere consumed us all , as the israelites in the wildernesse . notwithstanding , out of the relicks of our miseries , time and experience had brought that country to a great happinesse , had they not so much doated on their tabacco , on whose fumish foundation there is small stability : there being so many good commodities besides , yet by it they have builded many pretty villages , faire houses , and chapels , which are growne good benefices of 120. pounds a yeare , besides their owne mundall industry , but iames towne was 500. pounds a yeare , as they say , appointed by the councell here , allowed by the councell there , and confirmed by the arch-bishop of canterbury his grace , primate and metrapolitan of all england . an. 1605. to master richard haeclutt prebend of westminister , who by his authority sent master robert hunt , an honest , religious , and couragious divine ; during whose life our factions were oft qualified , our wants and greatest extremities so comforted , that they seemed easie in comparison of what we endured after his memorable death . now in new-england they have all our examples to teach them how to beware , and choice men , wee most ignorant in all things , or little better , therfore presage not the event of all such actions by our defailements : for they write , they doubt not ere long to be able to defend themselves against any indifferent enemy ; in the interim , they have preachers erected among themselves , and gods true religion ( they say ) taught amongst them , the sabbath day observed , the common prayer ( as i understand ) and sermons performed , and diligent catechizing , with strict and carefull exercise , and commendable good orders to bring those people with whom they have to deale withall into a christian conversation , to live well , to feare god , serve the king , and love the country ; which done , in time from both those plantations may grow a good addition to the church of england ; but rome was not built in one day , whose beginnings was once as unhopefull as theirs , and to make them as eminent shall be my humble and hearty prayers . but as yet it is not well understood of any authority they have sought for the government & tranquillity of the church , which doth cause those suspicions of factions in religion , wherein although i be no divine , yet i hope without offence i may speake my opinion as well in this as i have done in the rest . he that will but truly consider the greatnesse of the turks empire and power here in christendome , shall finde the naturall turkes are generally of one religion , and the christians in so many divisions and opinions , that they are among themselves worse enemies than the turkes , whose disjoyntednesse hath given him that opportunity to command so many hundred thousand of christians as he doth , where had they beene constant to one god , one christ , and one church , christians might have beene more able to have commanded as many turkes , as now the turkes doe poore miserable christians . let this example remember you to beware of faction in that nature ; for my owne part , i have seene many of you here in london goe to church as orderly as any . therefore i doubt not not but you will seeke to the prime authority of the church of england , for such an orderly authority as in most mens opinions is fit for you both to intreat for and to have , which i thinke will not be denied ; and you have good reason , seeing you have such liberty to transport so many of his majesties subjects , with all sorts of cattell , armes , and provision as you please , and can provide meanes to accomplish , nor can you have any certaine releefe , nor long subsist without more supplies from england . besides , this might prevent many inconveniences may insue , and would clearely take away all those idle and malicious rumours , and occasion you many good and great friends and assistance you yet dreame not of ; for you know better than i can tell , that the maintainers of good orders and lawes is the best preservation next god of a kingdome : but when they are stuffed with hypocrisie and corruption , that state is not doubtfull but lamentable in a well setled common-wealth , much more in such as yours , which is but a beginning , for as the lawes corrupt , the state consumes . chap. 15. the true modell of a plantation , tenure , increase of trade , true examples , necessity of expert souldiers , the names of all the first discoverers for plantations and their actions , what is requisite to be in the governour of a plantation , the expedition of queene elizabeths sea captaines . in regard of all that is past , it is better of those slow proceedings than lose all , and better to amendlate than never ; i know how hatefull it is to envy , pride , flattery , and greatnesse to be advised , but i hope my true meaning wise men will excuse , for making my opinion plaine ; i have beene so often and by so many honest men intreated for the rest , the more they mislike it , the better i like it my selfe . concerning this point of a cittadell , it is not the least , though the last remembred : therefore seeing you have such good meanes and power of your owne i never had , with the best convenient speed may be erect a fort , a castle or cittadell , which in a manner is all one ; towards the building , provision , and maintenance thereof , every man for every acre he doth culturate to pay foure pence yearely , and some small matter out of every hundred of fish taken or used within five or ten miles , or as you please about it , it being the center as a fortresse for ever belonging to the state , and when the charge shall be defrayed to the chiefe undertaker , in reason , let him be governour for his life : the overplus to goe forward to the erecting another in like manner in a most convenient place , and so one after another , as your abilities can accomplish , by benevoleuces , forfeitures , fines , and impositions , as reason and the necessitie of the common good requireth ; all men holding their lands on those manners as they doe of churches , universities , and hospitals , but all depending upon one principall , and this would avoid all faction among the superiours , extremities from the comminalty , & none would repine at such payments , when they shall see it justly imployed for their owne defence and security ; as for corruption in so small a government , you may quickly perceive , and punish it accordingly . now as his majesty hath made you custome-free for seven yeares , have a care that all your country men shall come to trade with you , be not troubled with pilatage , boyage , ancorage , wharfage , custome , or any such tricks as hath beene lately used in most of new plantations , where they would be kings before their folly ; to the discouragement of many , and a scorne to them of understanding , for dutch , french , biskin , or any will as yet use freely the coast without controule , and why not english as well as they : therefore use all commers with that respect , courtesie , and liberty is fitting , which in a short time will much increase your trade and shipping to fetch it from you , for as yet it were not good to adventure any more abroad with factors till you bee better provided ; now there is nothing more inricheth a common-wealth than much trade , nor no meanes better to increase than small custome , as holland , genua , ligorne , and divers other places can well tell you , and doth most beggar those places where they take most custome , as turkie , the archipelagan iles , cicilia , the spanish ports , but that their officers will connive to inrich themselves , though undoe the state. in this your infancy , imagine you have many eyes attending your actions , some for one end , and some onely to finde fault ; neglect therefore no opportunity , to informe his majesty truly your orderly proceedings , which if it be to his liking , and contrary to the common rumour here in england , doubtlesse his majesty will continue you custome free , till you have recovered your selves , and are able to subsist ; for till such time , to take any custome from a plantation , is not the way to make them prosper , nor is it likely those patentees shall accomplish anything ; that will neither maintaine them nor defend them , but with countenances , councells , and advice , which any reasonable man there may better advise himselfe , than one thousand of them here who were never there ; nor will any man , that hath any wit , throw himselfe into such a kinde of subjection , especially at his owne cost and charges ; but it is too oft seene that sometimes one is enough to deceive one hundred , but two hundred not sufficient to keepe one from being deceived . i speake not this to discourage any with vaine feares , but could wish every english man to carry alwaies this motto in his heart ; why should the brave spanish souldiers brag . the sunne never sets in the spanish dominions , but ever shineth on one part or other we have conquered for our king ; who within these few hundred of yeares , was one of the least of most of his neighbours ; but to animate us to doe the like for ours , who is no way his inferior ; and truly there is no pleasure comparable to a generous spirit ; as good imploiment in noble actions , especially amongst turks , heathens , and infidels , to see daily new countries , people , fashions , governments , stratagems , releeve the oppressed , comfort his friends , passe miseries , subdue enemies , adventure upon any feazable danger for god and his country : it is true , it is a happy thing to be borne to strength , wealth , and honour , but that which is got by prowesse and magnanunity is the truest lustre ; and those can the best distinguish content , that have escaped most honourable dangers , as if out of every extremity he found himselfe now borne to a new life to learne how to amend and maintaine his age . those harsh conclusions have so oft plundered me in those perplexed actions , that if i could not freely expresse my selfe to them doth second them , i should thinke my selfe guilty of a most damnable crime worse than ingratitude ; however some overweining capricious conceits , may attribute it to vaine-glory , ambition , or what other idle epithete such pleased to bestow on me : but such trash i so much scorne , that i presume further to advise those , lesse advised than my selfe , that as your fish and trade increaseth , so let your forts and exercise of armes , drilling your men at your most convenient times , to ranke , file , march , skirmish , and retire , in file , manaples , battalia , or ambuskados , which service there is most proper ; also how to assault and defend your forts , and be not sparing of a little extraordinary shot and powder to make them mark-men , especially your gentlemen , and those you finde most capable , for shot must be your best weapon , yet all this will not doe unlesse you have atleast 100. or as many as you can , of expert , blouded , approved good souldiers , who dare boldly lead them , not to shoot a ducke , a goose , or a dead marke , but at men , from whom you must expect such as you send . the want of this , and the presumptuous assurance of literall captaines , was the losse of the french and spaniards in florida , each surprising other , and lately neare the ruine of mevis and saint christophers in the indies : also the french at port riall , and those at canada , now your next english neighbours : lastly , cape britton not far from you , called new-scotland . questionlesse there were some good souldiers among them , yet somewhat was the cause they were undone by those that watched the advātage of opportunity : for as rich preyes make true men theeves ; so you must not expect , if you be once worth taking and unprovided , but by some to bee attempted in the like manner : to the prevention whereof , i have not beene more willing at the request of my friends to print this discourse , than i am ready to live and dye among you , upon conditions sating my calling and profession to make good , and virginia and new-england , my heires , executors , administrators and assignes . now because i cannot expresse halfe that which is necessary for your full satisfaction and instruction belonging to this businesse in this small pamphlet , i referre you to the generall history of virginia , the summer iles , and new-england ; wherein you may plainly see all the discoveries , plantations , accidents , the misprisions and causes of defailments of all those noble and worthy captaines ; captaine philip amadas , and barlow ; that most renowned knight sir richard greenvile , worthy sir ralph layne , and learned master horiot , captaine iohn white , captaine bartholomew gosnold , captaine martin pring , and george waymouth , with mine owne observations by sea , rivers and land , and all the governours that yearely succeeded mee in virginia . also those most industrious captaines , sir george summers , and sir thomas gates , with all the governours that succeeded them in the summer iles. likewise the plantation of sagadahock , by those noble captaines , george popham , rawley gilbert , edward harlow , robert davis , iames davis , iohn davis , and divers others , with the maps of those countries : with it also you may finde the plantations of saint christophers , mevis , the berbades , and the great river of the amazons , whose greatest defects , and the best meanes to amend them are there yearely recorded , to be warnings and examples to them that are not too wise to learne to understand . this great worke , though small in conceit , is not a worke for everyone to mannage such an affaire , as make a discovery , and plant a colony , it requires all the best parts of art , judgement , courage , honesty , constancy , diligence , and industry , to doe but neere well ; some are more proper for one thing than another , and therein best to be imployed , and nothing breeds more confusion than misplacing and misimploying men in their undertakings . columbus , curtes , pitzara , zotto , magellanus , and the rest , served more than an apprentiship to learne how to begin their most memorable attempts in the west indies , which to the wonder of all ages , succesfully they effected , when many hundreds farre above them in the worlds opinion , being instructed but by relation , scorning to follow their blunt examples , but in great state , with new inventions came to shame and confusion in actions of small moment , who doubtlesse in other matters , were both wise , discreet , generous and couragious . i say not this to detract any thing from their noblenesse , state , nor greatnesse , but to answer those questionlesse questions that keepe us from imitating the others brave spirits , that advanced themselves from poore souldiers to great captaines , their posterity to great lords , and their king to be one of the greatest potentates on earth , and the fruits of their labours his greatest glory , power , and renowne . till his greatnesse and security made his so rich remote and dispersed plantations such great booties and honours , to the incomparable sir fr. drake , the renowned captain candish , sir richard luson , sir iohn hawkins , captaine carlile , and sir martin furbisher , &c. and the most memorable and right honourable earles , cumberland , essex , southampton , and nottingham that good l. admirall , with many hundreds of brave english souldiers , captaines and gentlemen , that have taught the hollanders to doe the like : those would never stand upon a demurre who should give the first blow , when they see peace was onely but an empty name , and no sure league , but impuissance to doe hurt , found it better to buy peace by warre , than take it up at interest of those could better guide penknives than use swords ; and there is no misery worse than be conducted by a foole , or commanded by a coward ; for who can indure to be assaulted by any , see his men and selfe imbrued in their owne bloud , for feare of a checke , when it is so contrary to nature and necessity , and yet as obedient to government and their soveraigne , as duty required . now your best plea is to stand upon your guard , and provide to defend as they did offend , especially at landing : if you be forced to retire , you have the advantage five for one in your retreat , wherein there is more discipline , than in a brave charge ; and though it seeme lesse in fortune , it is as much in valour to defend as to get , but it is more easie to defend than assault , especially in woods where an enemy is ignorant . lastly , remember as faction , pride , and security , produces nothing but confusion , miseric and dissolution ; so the contraries well practised will in short time make you happy , and the most admired people of all our plantations for your time in the world . iohn smith writ this with his owne hand . finis . errata . page 3. the company in england say 7. or 8. thousand : the counsell in virginia say but 2200. or there abouts . errata . courteous reader , by reason of the false transcribeing of the copy these faults are past , which we desire you to mend with your pen. in the epistle to the reader l. 9. for detractnesse read detractment . in the contents . chap. 7. l. 3. the sants , r. them phesants . page 1. l. 14. desirous , r. desired . p 2. l. 28. denied not , r. denied it , not . p. 24. l. 25. the sants r. them phesants . p. 26. l. 26. cattanents , r. catavents . p. 27. l. 16. with , r. to which . p. 28 against line 22. r. b. wants in the margin . p. 32. l. 28. almond , r. allom. p. 44. against line 7. r. b. wants in the margin . p. 52. l. 22. accord ▪ r. action . p. 54. in line 14 and 15. blot out cutters to have made india tobacco . p. 55. l. 4. then for mine , r. then mine for . p. 61. l. 3. shaviva , r. aleavina . p. 66. l. 23. immitation , r. initiation . p. 67. l. 4. come , r. am . p. 71. against line 29. r. b. wants in the margin . p. 72. l. 6. 7. 8. 9. for neva disant ma main faict cest aennre , on ma vertut cebel aennre ae par faict ; mais dis ainsi dien par moy a faict , dieu est santheur dei peu de bien que je ' onre . reade , ne va disant ma main a faict cest oeuure , ou ma vertu ce bel oeuure a par faict ; mais dis ainsi dieu par moy l'our a faict , dieu est l'autheur du peu de bien que je'oure . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a12458-e1210 no browaist nor separatist admitted . what they are that biginne this plantation . the bine of virginia . the differences betwixt my beginning in virginia and the proceedings of my successors . a strange mistake is wise men . thee effect of slavrry the 〈◊〉 of misery . take heed of factions bred in england . the massacre in virginia . how the company dissolved . the abundance of victuals now in virginia . a great comfort for new england by virginia . the differences betwixt the beginning of virginia , and them of salem . a necessary consideration . new-england is no iland but the maine continent . a strange plague among the salvages . by what right wee may possesse those countries law fully . true reasons for those plantations . rare examples of the spaniards , portugals , and the ancients . my first voyage to notumbega now called new-england . 1614. we got 1500. pound in six moneths . 25000. bevers sent to france . my second and third voyage . 1615. 1616. a description of the country . vnder the equinoctiall , twelve houres day , and twelve night . their religion . 1617. eight ships to fish . 1621. 1622. seven and thirty saile to fish . 1623. five and forty saile to fish . 1624. they make store of good salt . an incredible rich mine . notes worthy observation . goods ill gotten ill spent . miserablenesse no good husbandry . 1625. 1626. 1627. 1628. the effect of the last great patent . a proclamation for new-england . memorandums for masters . incouragements for servants . 1629. the planting salem . their provisions for salem . the planting salem and charlton . a description of the massachusets bay. the master-peece of workmanship . extraordinary meanes for buildings . caveats for catt●ll . how to spoyle the woods for pasture and corne . a silly complaint of cold , the reason and remedy . proviso●s for passengers and saylers at sea . 1630. their presnnt estate . the fruits of counterfeits . note well . ecclesiasticall government in virginia . their estates at this day . their order of teaching in salem . the miserable effects of faction in religion . the necessity of order and authority . the effect of a cittadell , or 〈◊〉 t●ue modell of a plantation . the condition of trade and freedome . the spaniards glory . provisoes for exercise of armes . a reference to the action of all our prime discoverers and plonters . what is requisite to be in a governour of a plantation . the expeditions of queene elizabeths sea-captaines . gospel order revived being an answer to a book lately set forth by ... increase mather ... entituled, the order of the gospel, &c ... / by sundry ministers of the gospel in new england. 1700 approx. 117 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34020 wing c5399 estc w13238 12715731 ocm 12715731 66190 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34020) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66190) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 958:25) gospel order revived being an answer to a book lately set forth by ... increase mather ... entituled, the order of the gospel, &c ... / by sundry ministers of the gospel in new england. colman, benjamin, 1673-1747. pemberton, ebenezer, 1672-1717. woodbridge, timothy, 1656-1732. bradstreet, simon, 1671-1741. [9], 40 p. printed [by william bradford], [new york] : 1700. collaboration on authorship has been ascribed at various times to timothy woolbridge, benjamin colman, simon bradstreet and ebenezer pemberton. errata: p. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng mather, increase, 1639-1723. -order of the gospel. new england -church history. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-08 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion advertisement . the reader is desired to take notice , that the press in boston is so much under the aw of the reverend author , whom we answer , and his friends , that we could not obtain of the printer there to print the following sheets , which is the only true reason why we have sent the copy so far for its impression . gospel order revived , being an answer to a book lately set forth by the reverend mr increase mather , president of harvard colledge , &c. entituled , the order of the gospel , &c. dedicated to the churches of christ in new-england . by sundry ministers of the gospel in new-england . prov. 18. 17. he that is first in his own cause seemeth just , but his neighbour cometh and searcheth him . isa . 8. 20. to the law and to the testimony , if they speak not according to this word , it is because there is no light in them . printed in the year 1700. errata . advert . l. ult . r. it is printed . ep. ded. side 3 l. 29. r. ground . s. 4 l. 7 r. wills . l. 10. r. impose one . l. 19. r. anti-synodalia . s. 5 l. 3. r. voluminous . s. 6 l. 6 , r. banner . s. 7 l. 5. r. sell . l. 22 , r. inartificial . s. 8 l. 13. r. publickly preached . gosp . ord. p. 9 l. 3 , r , that when . p. 9 l. 16. r. invention . p. 10 l. 9. r. notions . p. 15 l. 33. r. stumble . p. 17 l. 14. r , altogether . l. 32 that at p. 21 l. 11 , r. of their ways . p. 22 l. 14. r. synodical . l. 33. r. we leave the author to be chastized p. 23 l. 10. r. without this . p. 28 l. 27. r. apostolical . l. 28. r. one only excepted . p. 29 l. 25. r. their persons . p. 32 l. ult . r. we 'l for once give our . p. 34 l. 14 , r. his book . l. 16. r. were greater . p. 37 l. antep . r. ferre . p. 40 l. 10. r. ●● exemplary . the epistle dedicatory , to the churches of christ in n. england . it can incur no just censure that we address our selves to the churches of christ here in the following sheets , inasmuch as they are but a reply to a book lately dedicated unto them . nor does our zeal , ( we hope ) for truth , the honour of god , & the safety , peace & flourishing of these churches come short of what our reverend author may be inspired with in his performance we make the same glorious pretence with him to maintain & defend the order of the gospel , altho' we cannot allow what is suggested in the title page , that every principle so strenuously contended for in that treatise , is either professed or practised by the churches of christ in new-england . one part , at least , therefore of his book the reverend author ought to have published in his own name , and not have obtruded it on the churches here , whose practise never gave grounds to suspect them leavened with so gross thoughts , as particularly his doctrine of the ordination of ministers is . we will not guess at the authors secret aim , or whom in particular he raises his batteries against we'd charitably hope he has no private interest to bribe him in this affair ; and we hope for a like favourable and candid construction of this reply . indeed the name prefix't to that faulty treatise , may be presumed , with a multitude of prejudiced people , to weigh down all the reasons and arguments which can possibly be brought for their conviction . and we have no such advantage to boast of ; yet are happy in this , that we are not over-awed by any name , and the truth we know is greater , and more venerable than all things . it s well known how liberal some men are of the odious brand of apostates , for every one who cannot digest the late published orders : but , without arrogance , 〈…〉 sume , as more due , the title of proficients , and doubt not to make it out , that our dissent from many of them is so far from a going back from any gospel truth or order , that it is rather a making progress , and advancing in the evangelical discipline . it is a groundless calumny which is suggested , that a latitude beyond what our author contends for , is but a betraying the liberties and priviledges which our lord jesus christ has given to his church , or the brethren of the church . these we profess to prize and stand for , and would by no means lose . but wherein do they consist ? not in the brethrens challenging any part of the ministerial work ! not in imposing upon others any thing which christ has not imposed ! which is but a debarring christians of the priviledges they have a right to . but they consist ( as we conceive ) in such things as these , that our consciences be not imposed on by men or their traditions , christ being the alone lord of the conscience , 1 cor. 7. 23. that believers are through christ , freed from the guilt and dominion of sin , from the curse of the law , and from the sting and terror of death . that we have the liberties of gods house and ordinances , & therein communion with god. that we may have the benefit of the gifts of his ministers for edification , and such like , according to the apostles doctrine , 1 cor. 3. 22. nor is that objection less frivolous , when if we appear less rigid than others of the reverend authors severity , we are reflected on as casting dishonour on our parents , & their pious design in the first settlement of this land no , we reverence our ancestors , and the memory of their divine zeal and constancy , and would derive it as a truth sacred to our posterity , that it was a religious interest which carried them through all the amazing difficulties & discouragements in that undertaking . but yet , the particular design or end has been some-what differently conveyed unto us . some have carried it as if the great end were the conversion of the heathen ; and there have been great complaints by some of late , how this has been neglected and contradicted , and another course taken up , whereby instead of bringing the heathen into the church of god , many whose fathers and themselves were once of the visible church , are now strangely left out , scarce any face of religion remaining among them . as for this , we bewail it , and look upon it as a reproach to the land , and would therefore countenance no such principles or practices as have any tendency to such apostacy . again , some have made this the great design , to be freed from the impositions of men in the worship of god , wherewith they were sometimes burthened ; and as they sought freedom for themselves , we cannot suppose they design'd to impose upon others in this we are risen up to make good their grounds . the reverend mr. willard in his sermon of the sinfulness of worshipping god with mens institutions , p. 27. gives this as the errand of our fore-fathers into this wilderness , namely , to sequester themselves into a quiet corner of the world , where they might enjoy christs unmixt institutions , and leave them uncorrupted to posterity ; and the gain-saying or counter working this , is , as he intimates , to cast dishonour upon them , or call them fools . this charge falls heavy on those who are for imposing their will on others . we crave no more but to enjoy the institutions of christ unmix't . and it appears very strange that those who fl●d from an act of uniformity , should presently impose on themselves , on their neighbours , and entail the mischief on their posterity . some indeed would make the design of our first planters to consist in some little rites , modes or circumstances of church discipline , and those such as the word of god no where requires these are the men who dishonour their country , and their fathers memory , by making their great design to lie in so small matters . and it is notorious there has been no agreement in these points from the beginning . it s known there was anti-synodatia printed , and who had a hand in it , and how modest his dissent was , and in what terms they contradicted what the synod had established , tho' the like is criminal and insufferable in any other . these principles in church discipline are also wrote against in english by the assembly of divines , by mr. c●●dry , mr. ratherford , mr. ba●ly , &c. in a word , if it be the truth , according to gods word , we stand for , it would not be grievous to any of our pious ancestors , were they now on earth ; neither will it be grievous to them now in heaven : nor should it be grievous to any good man to receive conviction . we refer all therefore to the word of god , to the law and to the testimony . in the preface or epistle to said book , we find several things that might be justly excepted against , but designing neither to be contentious nor volumnious , we shall speak but to one or two . in pag. 8. the reverend author is pleased to number up seven or eight erronious doctrines , as he apprehends them to be ; & the consequence from all is this , that if we espouse these principles , we give away the whole congregational cause at once . whence we perceive now the professed cause which the author engages in ; tho' we hope it is not the name or the party , but the truths they delend . we shall have occasion to examine these principles hereafter ; it may su●ti●e here to say , they are craftily & unfairly worded , & in the dress they are here clad , we do not espouse them ; yet according to their most fair & genuine construction there is a great deal of truth in most of them . and this is but a block the author politickly casts in the way , which at last we fear may but discourage some from embracing the congregational way , seeing it must needs fight for its life against some truths . it s hard kicking against the pricks , acts 9. 5. another thing remarkable in the preface is the authors heat and 〈◊〉 , pag 9. shall we then by silence betray the truth ? shall we re●ort , therefore we are bold to speak too . who is on the lord side ? who ? shall we answer , we are , we trust ( through gods grace ) together with you ; and all other siding 〈◊〉 would have in contempt is there no one that will stand up for the churches of christ ▪ god orbid but we should , had others declined it ! the good people in them then may well think their watch-men are all either dead or a sleep : or if they talk light and heady , they may conclude them in a trance , or not quite awaked . 〈◊〉 which cause it is that i dedicate this ensuing dissertation . and for the same cause we address you in the following answer . it is not my cause , but yours . nor is it ours , but the churches . and every good christians in common . did i say yours ? nay , it is christ cause . we list under the same banners , and would to god we were all as really , as we would seem to be divested wholly of carnal self ........ for truly our present defence is become the peculiar concern of these churches . but why all this heat ? we would not interpret too hard ; but these expressions seem plainly to carry this sense , that every one who obeys not the late published orders , is an opposer of truth , not on the lord side , enemies to the cause of christ , and the churches of new-england . whereupon the reverend author roules himself , and sounds an alarm to the churches , to put down all such if this be not involv'd in it , we would beg his pardon , and be informed better . but truly , sir , it is a mistaken zeal , ●dly lavish'd away , and not kindled from above ; ●or we know no such conspiracy against the truths of our lord jesus christ , or against the good of the churches in new-england , altho' we are not proselyted to some of your particular opinions . it appears to us , that the reverend authors infirmity in this matter , is the same with the apostle johns , mark 9. 38. master , we saw one casting out devils in thy name , and he followeth not us ; and we forbad him , because he followed not us . which too forward zeal ou● lord checks , and reconciles the matter , vers . 39 , 40. and ●esus answered , forbid him not ; he that is not against ●● is on our part . but in this case , as in many others we ●ould instance in if need were , the reverend author , tho' very zealous for a time , yet is not very steady & constant ; for before he ends his book , he comes about again , in pag , 139. where he proposeth his brothers essay for union wherein he shows how inconsiderable the differences are between those of the presbyterian and congregational judgment , that they need not set truth to purchase peace . and yet by the cry just now , you would have thought all the truths of christ trampeled under foot , the cause of religion deserted . and and a formidable war commenced by the presbyterians against the order of the gospel . it is observable , that the reverend author in the dissertation of the following questions , makes use of abundance of quotations from several famous persons in their generations ; but in some the sence is perverted to a wrong end , beside the obvious intention of the writers ; in some he brings them in contradicting at one time what they said at another , and sets some in opposition to others . and where he endeavours to confirm his tenets by the testimony of some he might , if he had pleased , have brought many others to contradict the same thing . but this is a good way to amuse the reader , and to cloud his mind , and to terrifie him , by mustering a legion of 〈…〉 artifica● arguments . we shall be sparing in quotations , and pass by many cited by the author , tho' we approve them not . only we crave leave to present one quotation , which may be of use to us all along , being we are unwilling to be imposed on to believe what god never spoke , or to do what god never requir'd . it is that of the reverend mr. willa●a , in his fore-quoted sermon , pag. 23. 24. hence it follows , that there ●s nothing to be received by us on this account , but what has gods seal affixed to it . it s therefore enough to set us down resolved against any such thing , if we can say there is a silence about it in the scripture , that god has no where commanded it in his word , either expresly , or by just and necessary consequence , it s no order of his devising . scripture silence about any tradition gives a full condemnation , what ever ●leas men may bring for it , as , that it is profitable , many have been edified by it , it is a prudent way to secure the interest of religion ; many wise , holy learned men have pleaded for it and practised it ; that there is much of decency in it and the thing it self is no waye : harm●u● . a●l this is fully answered with that one word , god has spoke nothing about it , heb. 7. 4. it never entered into his h●art to enjoyn it . jer. 7. 31. thus he . this being publickly practised and printed so long a go by so eminent a minister , and never since contradicted , we take it for granted , that none have any thing to say against it . and we are thankful to him for furnishing us with a doctrine so fully laid down , to bear off the institutions , traditions and impositions that men would lay upon us . but it is high time now to consider the questions which the reverend author propounds , and the answer he gives to each of them . in which attempt we shall offer no other apology for our brevity , save that our author himself 〈…〉 ight have been as brief , and yet full as clear and 〈…〉 iv● . gospel order revived , &c. the two first questions might have been wholy spared , yet may serve as a good introduction to others of a●● ill aspect . quest . 1. whether particular churches ought to consist of saints and true believers in christ ? it is granted that the matter of a particular church ( for the question is not stated with reference to the catholick ) is visible saints . and tho' the answer is not given in the words , yet we would charitably hope his sense is the same , with the united ministers in london . that none shall be admitted as members in order to communion , in all the special ordinances of the gospel , but such as are knowing and sound in the fundamental doctrines of the christian religion , without scandal in their lives , and to a judgment regulated by the word of god , are persons of visible godliness and honesty , credibly professing cordial subjection to jesus christ . had our reverend author only said thus much ( and indeed more is needless ) he had saved us the labour of any reflections on this part of his essay . but there is one passage in p. 15 which we cannot but except against . a scripture , saith he , which has respect in the times of the gospel , severely rebukes those ministers , which shall bring men that are uncircumcised in bear● ( unregenerate persons ) into the sanctuary , into the church of god , to eat the bread and drink the blood , which 〈…〉 y that are there , partake o● , ezek. 44. 7 , 9. a hard saying , and w●o can ●ear it . the text is here mangled , and the principal things left out . what god has joyned , our reverend author has seperated , to drive on his design . the text saith uncircumcised in heart , and uncircumcised in flesh : but here we have it only uncircumcise in hea●t , interpreted unregenerate persons . what a rebuke is this to the best of ministers because ( forsooth ) they are not heart searchers , and dare not invade the prerogative of god. did the reverend author or the church with him , never admit any un 〈…〉 ●erate person to communion with them ? he will not dare to pretend to it , and therefore the rebuke is to himself . we know our lord jesus christ admitted judas uncircumcised in heart , an unregenerate person to holy things ; and in the purest ages of the church there were hypocrites crept in , many of whom turned apostates . nay , our author is so sensible of this , that p. 19. he quotes the opinion of the reverend m. co●ton , that its better to admit diverse hypocrites than to keep out one sincere child of god. it is obvious then that hypocrites may be admitted , and yet the minister incur neither the rebukes of conscience , or of this scripture : nay , he may be approved of god , as doing his duty , though hypocrisie may too well consist with sufficient knowledge found belief , a blameless life , a credible profession , &c. to conclude , it s very observeable , the reverend author closes this first enquiry , by saying , that the churches here are free to admit those into their communion , who are thus qualified . we marvel then his zeal is not stirred to rebuke them afresh . but what will the reader think if we should make an apology after all for the reverend author , and assure him he means no more , than that ministers ought not to admit known infidels or prophane ; for , for his part , he pretends not to know mens hearts . we only can intreat the reader not to rebuke the author too severely for his inconsistency , for he may mean well , and all parties are agreed . unless he should imagine himself attacqued by the reverend author of the doctrine of instituted churches . q 2. whether there ought not to be a tryal of persons concerning their qualifications and fitness for church communion , before they are admitted thereunto ? we shall not here examine the force of the authors arguments , whether they unresistably conclude , or not ; and whether the consequence is good from the tryal of the apostles , the porters at the temple , or the 12 angels at the gates of the mystical jerusalem , to the tryal of church members . it suffices that the reverend author has modestly stated this truth , and cited us to a merciful bar , the judgment seat of a rational charity , where the judge avoids severity , and the tryal is managed with abundant tenderness : the bruised reed is not broken , nor the smoaking flax quenched : the tender lambs find the kind shepherds arms to fold them , and a gentle carriage in his bosom . this is indeed the part of the good shepherd , and we could now gladly commit our selves to the reverend authors pastoral care . so many good words remove all jealousie of a rigid tryal . but alas ! the clouds return upon us , and a black doubt is started , as follows . q 3 whether are not the brethren , and not the elders of the church only , to judge concerning the qualifications and fitness of those who art admitted into their communion ? the reverend author allows there may be a difference of apprehension , as to this point , and yet no breach of union . we think so too , and therefore as we continue to honour the person , though we expose his opinion ; so we ●o●● the negative will not dele●ve the popular cry , oh apostacy ! apostacy ! the difference , as the reverend author tells us , is between the brethren of the presbyterian and the congregational way , the former giving this power only to the eldership , the latter joyning the fraternity with them . he takes up for the latter ; but whether he proves it , the world may see when we have considered his arguments . in the fore-going chapter , when he would prove there ought to be a tryal of persons , he tells us of the porters that were set ut the gates of the temple , 2 chron. 23. 19 but those porters were officers 1 coron . ●6 . 1. so he instances in the twelve angels at the gates of the mystic 〈…〉 jerusalem , which tho' it may imply that the g●●es were kept , yet not that the fraternity were the keepers . he instances also in phillip and john the baptist , which if it argues any thing , is applicable only to the officers , and not in the brother-hood . but to examine his strength in this chapter what he calls argument , may more truly be stiled dogmatical affirming , or a more mean begging the question . till pag. 24 , 25. he quotes a cripture or two in proof of his assertions , ●●i● . 1 corinth . 5. 12. 2 cor. 2. 6. in both which places the apostle is writing to the church at corinth , about excommunicating the l●cestuou● person to h●●●●n , and the restoring him again upon his repentance . and w 〈…〉 t the reverend author to the same holy aposti● for an ●●swer . 〈…〉 t is that known place , 1 corinth . 1● . chap. where he compares the church to a mans body , and shows the distinct offices and operations of the respective members , as the eye and ear , the hand and foot. and to render the allusion the more intelligible , he names the officers god had set over his church , as more immediately referred to v. 28. god has set some in his church , first , apostles , secondarily , prophets , thirdly , teachers — and in the close of the 14. chap. he adds , let all things be done decently and in order . the result of all is this . the apostle would have every one to keep his proper place and sphere , and do his own work , soil in the censure of the faulty person , the eldership were to do theirs , the brotherhood not to usu 〈…〉 or arrogate any thing above their province . for as the apostle queries , v. 19 are all apostles ? are all prophets ? are all teachers ? i. e. in a govern'd body we cannot expect all should be governors , vid. pool's annot. there is another text also produced to prove the power of the brethren , scil . mat. 18. 17. and if he shall neglect to hear them , tell it to the church . this text has been often brought on this account , and sometimes on other accounts and as often answered , yet here brought again , but it will not answer the end . the context supposes an offender , and the wronged party proceeding against him ; and here are three steps the dissatisfied person is directed to take , in order to heal the wound given , 1. ) to tell the offender his fault in private . 2 ) to tell him before 2 or 3 witnesses , and if the end be not obtained ; 3. ) to tell it to the church . suppose now a person acting according to this rule ( as we could give instances if need were ) when the first step did not gain his brother , nor the second answer the end , at last the dissatisfied person carried the case to the pastor , and now he reckened he had told it to the church . the pastor sending so the offendor presently convinced him , brought him to repentance , and to give satisfaction , and the thing was issued . here the rule was attended , the church told , the offendor healed , the wronged person satisfied , and the matter issued , when the brotherhood all this while knew nothing of it . it is evident from the next verse , that by the church must be meant those who had power to bind and loose , which power christ had given to the apostles . moreover let the sense be that the offence is to be told to the rulers first , and then by then to the multitude ; not for the multitude to judge of it , but for their warning and example , for their prayers for the offendor , and their approbacion of the elders censure , and that they might take care to avoid the familiarity of such an insectious sinner , vid. pools annot. but if scripture will not prove the power of the brethren , possibly some venerable maxim may do the feat . quod ●angie omnes debet ab omnibus approbari . but alas ! this maxim gives so much to the sisters , as to the brethren . surely it is no divine oracle , it neither came from heaven , nor is it according to the manners of men upon earth . if a master of a family take in a so●ou●nor or a servant ; all are concerned , but their vote is not asked . if a captain list a souldier , all the company is concerned , but it is done by his authority , without asking their leave . and pray carry this m●x●m to the colledge , and see if the president and fellows will stand by it in their admissions . if it be objected , that even in all these cases if there be any sufficient reasons presented by those concerned , a prudent ruler will yield to it ; we easily grant it , and therefore it s not unfit that men be proposed to the congregation , if there be any thing to object against their lives , &c. another argument for the brethrens power in admission , is , lest the whole power should sometimes reside in the hands of a single minister , and that this is unreasonable we have a speech quoted from the presbiterian ministers in london . but it is strangely perverted from their true meanning , as appears not only from the whole series and scope of the book , but also from what is expressed in the page quoted ( p. 71. ) where they say , that the power cannot be placed in the whole church collectively taken . the scripture makes an exact distinction between rulers and ruled . they only plead that there should be more rulers in a church then one ; or that , when there are more , then the power belongs to the whole meaning , the ruling elders as well as the teaching . and what is that to the power of the brethren ? one officer has power in plain cases to act in the kings name . indeed our saviour did frequently send forth his disciples two and two but yet phillip was sent alone to baptize the ethiopian eunuc 〈…〉 it will not excuse a minister in the neglect of christs work , because he has no fellow labourers with him . but the strongest argument comes last . the way to keep popery our of the world , saith our author , is for the fraternity to assert and maintain that power , which does of right belong to them . in answer to which , we need only blot out the word fraternity , and in its room write the word ela●rship . an excellent argument that will equally prove either way ; and by the change of a word serve , also to answer doctor owens long speech , which ends that chapter . in short , all power is firstly in christs ●a●ds , and our reverend author produces no commission or order from christ , for the ●rethren ●● ma 〈…〉 ge the affairs o● his house in his name ; for he has appointed officers of his own to that end . q. 4. whether is it necessary t●at persons at their admission into the church should make a publick relation of the time and manner of their conversion ? the reverend author answers in the negative , and adds , that the churches of n. e ▪ do not impose it , ●or ought it to be required or desired . he gives four substantial reasons why it ought not and had he stopt here , he had done well , or had he added more reasons to those four , as he could have done , it had been an acceptable performance . but about he wheels again , and seems to plead hard for it , or something like it , which he calls the practice of the churches of new england . this he would recommend from a story receiv'd from the reverend mr. eliot , but we have heard another story from the same reverend person , how when one of the brethren was highly commending his neighbours relation , and prefer●●●g it to others , the said mr. eliot turned upon him , and said , a● brother ! don 't be so much taken with fine words , but look to the mans conversation . the author relates another story from the reverend mr. ho● , of one who through importunity was brought to make a relation , and made the congregation weep , when he did it ; but whether for joy or grief , we are left in the dark . the author gives us his arguments , but they do not reach his end . he pleads for them in that they are edifying ; but we have known some that have been no ways so ; or granting they were always so , can that justifie the instituting and imposing them ? would it ●ot be edifying if every sabbath day evening , some well disposed ( talkative ) brethren should stand up and relate the experiences of the week past ? yet shall we make it a law or custom ? will not some people assure you , they have been wonderfully edified by a womans preaching in publick ? and yet will our reverend author be induced to prostitute his pulpit to them , or part with a sallary to cherish their zeal . again , the relation of experiences is pleaded for , in that god may be honoured by them . but we have known some to gods dishonour , being in●●pid , sensless things , to use our authors own words , meer formalities , too scandalous and superstitious . he saith , they are a means to gain love with the children of god. but we have known some that have lost love and credit by them . but the question is , whether they are an instituted means for any of these ends ? whether appointed by god , to promote his glory , edisie the congregation , or gain love ? if not , they are but the institutions of men , and therefore to be rejected , as the before quoted mr. willard instructs us . god has appointed the preaching the gospel , the sacraments , &c. for edification , and the promoting christian love among his people ; but we read nothing of these imposed relations , neither when christ himself , nor when his apostles after him , administred this holy sacrament . nor is there any appearance of such a custom in the primitive church . indeed , there are some occasions , as our author observes , on which a person who has had a remarkable conversion , may declare it : but there 's neither precept nor rule in the word of god , that it should be done at this set time , and in publick . and with what sace can we impose it , when our fathers fled from the impositions of men ? whether arbitrary impositions are insufferable in themselves , or not ; yet certainly they are ●old and insolent in new-england , where the greatest out-cry is made against them in others . but it would make a man smile , were he never so serious or displeased , to read the texts that are brought for this custom ; as that psal . ●0 10. i have not concealed thy truth from the great congregation . and indeed the royal prophet had been inexcusable if he had , as a minister would now , that should not declare to his flock the whole counsel of god. again , psal . 66. 16. he says , come and hear all you that fear god , and i will declare what he has done for my soul . we imagine the reverend author supposes the psalmist thus calling aloud in some vast religious concourse , and that in order to his partaking of the priviledges of the jewish church . but should we grant a supposal so ridiculous and extravagant , yet this makes nothing for imposing relations , for then it should have been spoken and challenged by the people . do you come , and stand forth , sir , and tell us what god has done for your soul , and then we admit you to all the priviledges of the temple . another text strangely perverted to scare some good people is , that , mat. 10. 33. whosoever denyeth me before men , him will i also deny before my father which is in heaven . as if there were no confessing christ , without making formal speeches in the church . and as if a credible profession of our faith in christ , the taking his name upon us in baptism , and the renewal of our baptismal vow , and a devout attendance on the ordinances of the gospel , were not the true confession our lord expects ! wo be to the world , if all were to be rated , denyers of christ ; who whether from inability , modesty or a just indignation , refuse to make a quaint speech in the church . the last scripture we shall name , which has been equally abused with the rest is that in 1 pet. 3. 15. that christians should be ready to give a reason of the hope that is in them , to everyone that asketh it , to wit , in a proper place and time , for a fit end , and on sufficient reasons , where there is authority to command , or it is desired with modesty . the sense indeed is , that we should be ready to defend our faith against the scoffs and cavils of infidels and persecutors : and that it is a shame to christians not to be able to argue for their religion , and confute gain-sayers . so that if you would infer hence any publick speech in the church , it must be rather an apology for the christian religion , or a sermon to prove its reasonableness and evidence ; but neither is it in the least intimated that this should be made a stated term of communion ; and we are sure the church has no more power to debar the resuser from any christian priviledge then to require oaths , subscriptions , and conformity to a thousand more ceremonies . we have but one remark more to make here , and that is , the apostle requires this reason of our hope to be given with meekness & fear . the true sense whereof is , that which we are contending even with infidels , yet we must not argue with an intemperate passion or zeal . or if we construe it , as in opposition to pride and presumption of a mans own g●f●s and abilities ; it is a severe rebuke to many of our bold and forward zealots , who have been famed for their promptness to speak in the church , and the first that have fallen under its deserved ●ash . we should indeed be better reconciled to this custom of relations , were this prescribed meekness and fear more visible in them . but this is the misery , the more meek and fearful are hereby kept out of gods house , while the more conceited and presum●tuous never boggle at this , o● any thing else . but it seems there is a gross corruption of this laudable practice which the author does well to cen●ure ; and that is , when some , who have no good intention of their own , get others to devise a relation for them . the author may be satisfied there is something of truth in such reports ; neither charity nor interest should make us too incredu●●us . but then he passes a severe sentence on such lyars to the holy ghost . which they truly deserve , i● in their relations they pretended to tell the time and manner of their conversion , or if they so much as suggested it to be their own devising ; but if it be only a profession of their faith & repentance , it is not material who composes it , if they can conscientiously subscribe to it . and indeed a general . form might be best of all in the case , if they must needs be made us . to sum up all , we not only believe ( with our author ) that such as delude the church , by bringing relations not of their own devising , do exceedingly provoke the lord ; but also that the imposers of them as a term of communion , do so too . q● . 5. hath t●● church covenant , as commonly practised in the churches of new. england , any scripture foundation ? in reference to this question , the reverend author and others of his opinion , in their discourses about it , love much to keep in the dark . we confess our selves at a loss about those words ( as commonly practised ) and solomon has long ago told us , that he that answers a matter before he understands it , it is a folly and shame to him . the reverend author knows we suppose , or if he don't , we do , that in some churches of n. e. they have no church covenant at all , and that in other churches it is differently p 〈…〉 ▪ some understand by it only a covenanting with god to perform by his grace the duties we owe to him , and our christian b●e●●●en , & accordingly ●o propose it ; others mean by it a covenant with a particular church , whereby they are bound to walk in communion therewith , till by their consent dismissed . others will have it to be a necessary qualification in order to a persons partaking of the lords supper , either there or else where ; and others have notions of it quite different from all these . the reverend author first bears us down with a formidable authority , telling us the question was considered at a general convention of the ministers , may , 1●98 and that all the ministers then present save one , did concur in the affirmative , but we have heard q●●te otherwise , and that it was then proposed and urged to have the church covenant more distinctly opened , though it was not hearkened to . it is a good policy to hurry on a vote their cause depends on , and like a first principle , it must not be deliberated or debated ; and such , as we hear , was the mannagement of that vote . and it is observeable the reverend author avoids ( whether indust●iousty or no , we shall not guess ) to state the nature of this covenant , but confusedly saith , as it is practised by the churches in n. e. in the preface we have the authors own description of this covenant , where he calls it explic●t covenanting with god and his church , and sometimes with god and his people . but we renew our complaint , that we are yet most miserably in the dark . it might be enquired here , whether it be two distinct covenants , one with god and the other with his people ? i● so , which of them is the proper church covenant ? if but one , whether it binds the person that enters into it , to perform the same duties to god , and to the church ▪ and in case a person be dismissed , whether it is from his whole duty or from a part of it ? and whether god and his church promise ●he same thing to the party covenanting ? these queries are offer'd only to provoke a clear state of the thing debated , which should be cleared to the understandings of people , before it s imposed on their consciences , as a term of communion . but before our author ends this chapter , he puts another disguise , and a more taking face on this matter . he would inf●●uate that the church covenant , as practised in new-england , is nothing more than the publick profession of faith , and promise of a holy l●●● ; for which he quotes both synods and several private reverend mens names . but this unfair dealing may be stript of its disguise , by shewing in what sence we allow a church covenant , and in what sence we allow it not . 1 st . we own and plead for a covenant with god , whereby a person or people become his , and b●nd themselves to walk in all his ways . this was the covenant that constituted israel of old to be a church and people of god , and which god made with abraham and his seed after him , by which ●● became , in a special manner , their god , and they his people ▪ this is the covenant that israel renewed with god in the wilderness , ●●cut . 26. 17 , 18. to this god annexed his seals , circum●●sion in the days of old , and baptism under the gospel . it s by this covenant that a person or people are united to christ the head , and do become members of his body . by this the catholick church is constituted , and we have an interest in all those priviledges that belong to believers , as such . this is the covenant we own , and which we renew every time we attend the publick wors●i● of god , psal . 50. 5. and this covenant ought to be explicit , openly professed and published to the world. it is a false and abusive in nu●tion ( but frequently made in an awful desk ) that people are against all explicit covenanting , or the open renewal of it ; for there is no pretence for such a c●lumny , that we can hear of : it must therefore arise either from idle fears , or some mischievous policy . 2 ●ly . we also highly approve of a covenant of reformation . a great 〈…〉 uty in times of apostacy , and gross corruption of manners ; to covenant to put away these and those reigning sins , to return to the lord , and perform such particular duties as have been visibly neglected . o● this we have frequent instances in scripture , ezra 10 3 5. 3dly . we may also allow a covenant between minister & people , whereby they ●i●● themselves to th●se respective duties , that the word of god has made incumbent on them , on account of that relation . but we altogether deny a church covenant in the following sense , and say , our lord jesus christ has no where appointed in his word , that there should be a covenant ent●●'d into by some persons of a christian society , exclusive of the rest , whereby they being in covenant one with another , should thereby call themselves a church of christ , making the ordinances of christ , or any of them to depend on this covenant , so that those who scruple it , or refuse to joyn in it , shall on that account , not enjoy them . and that those who are thus covenanted , or the major part of them , have power to make or unmake officers , to admit or reject church members , to mannage discipline , to order the affairs of christs house in his name , as if they had warrant and commission from him so to do . of such a church covenant neither moses , nor christ himself , the prophets nor the aposties have spoke any thing . none of the scriptures , arguments or quotations of our reverend author prove any thing of it . we will take leave therefore to call it mans covenant , and no● gods , for it has nor gods seal affixed to it ; & though good , wise or learned men may endeavour to obtrude it , and plead , its harmless , ●●ifying , or for the interest of religion , yet according to the afore-quoted rule of the reverend mr. willard , we are to reject it , and shall do so , till it comes with a divine stamp . but possibly this may be called a misrepresentation . you will say , who owns it , or will plead for it in this dress ? we answer , by querying , whether there be not several that own and plead for the things contained in it ? we wish there were a less number . but to evince it , let us take it into the several parts . are there none that plead for a seperate covenant , which some ( and generally the lesser part ) must enter into ? and if it be good , and for good ends , why must so many be excluded ? if it be to reform manners , if to maintain the ministry and worship of god , if to lay stricter bonds of duty , if to bring men more effectually to submit to discipline , why then are not the whole brought in ? for the whole congregation are oblig'd to these duties , and why must the covenant be seperate ? again , do not some plead , it is requisit , in order to a persons partaking of the lords supper ? but did our lord jesus christ require any such thing when he first instituted that holy sacrament ? did the apostles when they administred it ? was it the term of communion in the primitive church ? or where i● the scripture that commands it ? and why should gods holy ordinances be annexed to mens covenant ? again , do not some plead , that those who thus covenant , have the power to make and unmake officers ? the reverend author will not scape here , whose opinion in this matter we shall see hereafter . and , finally , do not some pretend , ●●at these are the persons commissioned by christ , for the admitting and rejecting of church members ? this the reverend author defends with all his might , under the third question , tho' , as we showed , he could find no proof . and so much for the church covenant , which is a stranger to the scripture , and has no foundation in the word of god. q. 6. is publick reading of the scriptures , without explication or exhortation there-with , part of the work incumbent on a minister of the gospel ? the author does not mean , ( as we suppose , ) if there be no explication or exhortation throughout the whole time of exercise . if he doth , he fights with the air , for we know no sect of men but have some explication , tho' many among us neglect reading . we therefore take his sense to be this , if no explication follow immediately without the interposition of prayer , or any other part of divine worship . for we conceive that the ordinary preaching the word may very properly be call'd exposition , explication & exhortation , and that in every sermon there is a competent portion of scripture for one time explicated and applyed . no● can we imagine , the reverend author means that every clause a minister reads in publick should be in a formal manner explicated : methinks it should satisfie , if after one or more chapters read , some select clause , verse o● paragraph be insisted on and expounded , i. e. chosen as a text , and preached on . we are obliged to the author , if but for quoting the text in timothy , where it is given him in charge , as his ministerial work , to give attendance to reading , as well as to doctrine & exhortation that the jews were wont to read the scriptures in their synagogue , saith the reverend author , we all know ; and that it was their duty to read the scripture at some set and solemn times , we also know ; for so it was appointed , deut. 31. 11. again , he grants that in just in martyrs time the scriptures were read , and thereupon followed a sermon . we should have been thankful if he had added more proofs , by way of encouragement ( as he could easily have done ) and thereby confirmed some that are apt to stagger . he could have to●d how the assembly of divines at west minster , do order and advise to i● : he could have quoted the many famous churches that do practise it at this day : he could have named several famous ministers in england , and some in new-england , that plead for it , and practise it . he could have told of more than the bishop of derry that complain of the neglect of it , and that ( to use the wo●ds of a most eminent divine not far from us ) as the most just reproach that the churches of new-england labour under . he could have told , for encouragement , that it is a clause in our publick confession of faith in new-england , chap. 22. which treats of religious worship , and the sabbath day , sect. 5 ▪ the reading the scriptures , preaching and hearing the word of god , singing of psalms , as also the administration of baptism and the lords supper , are all parts of the religious worship of god , to be performed in obedience to god with vnderstanding , faith , reverence and godly ●ear . finally , he could have told us ( had he searched all our new-england antiquities on this head ) how in the preface to our version of the psalms , the reading of david's psalms as other scriptures ) in churches , is taught to be one end of them , as well as singing of them , which is another end . it is ridiculous to say , that reading , with exposition is here meant ; for then why was it not so said ? however , it looks very oddly , that they who neither read nor exp●u●d , should talk so much , and quote so many name● , as our author has done , for a practice which they never intended to come up unto . we have heard what our author has said , and much more that he could have said to encourage this good practice : his discouragements follow : and first , he brands it with a hard uncouth name , and twice tells us , that som● call it dumb reading ▪ we wish he had named those that so term it . there is so much venom in the epithite , and so complicated a mali●nity in the phrase , that we fear its infectious , and may propagate a spirit of pride , & contempt of his neighbours , and irreverence to his maker . the author well thought , so odious a mark on the front , would give all honest people a disgust to ●● villanous and stigmatiz'd a practice . but his policy has failed him , for it raises a just indignation in all sensible and ●n●enuous christians . we will for once inform the reverend author , that the scriptures are read in churches audibly and intelligibly . nor can we guess what dumb reading should mean , unless when men sleep over their books ; and in charity to the author , we wish he had been a sleep when this unlucky word dro●t from his pen. we are further beholden to the author for his judgment , that the reading of one chapter , with a brief explication , wi●● edifie the congregation more than the bare reading of twenty chapters . but this is only his single opinion , and as it will not weigh against the daily experience of thousands of people , who must judge for themselves ; so neither does it favour of modesty , to think any one of his sermons o● short comments , can edifie more than the reading of twenty chapters . we would not charge on the reverend author all the hard consequences of his own words , or we should say , that it is audacious so vilely to disparage the inspirations of god. alas ! sir , the scripture wants nothing of ours to make it perfect . we have the confessions of many who have come to hear the word read with prejudice , that god gives it authority from the lips of the minister ▪ and we know , that as all scripture is given by inspiration of god , so it is in it self profitable ( without any help or advantage from us ) for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction in righteousness — ●o perfect the man of god , the minister as well as his people ; and if it were not so in it self , it could not be so by being explained . here let our confession of faith speak for us , chap. 1. sect. 7. all things in scripture are not alike plain in themselues , nor alike clear unto all ; yet those things w 〈…〉 are necessary to be known , believed and observed for salvation , are so clearly propounded & opened in some place o● scripture or other , that not only the learned , but the unlearned , in a due use of the ordinary means , may attain unto a sufficient understanding of them . there is one argument in pag● 47 , 48 ▪ brought by the reverend author against this dumb reading , but so picious a stu●●ble , so miserable an incon●equence , that we are loath to name i● . to issue this head , we are more and more confirmed , that the reading gods word in the great congregation , is so far from being offensive to god , that it is the greatest reverence and honour we can do it , and the most suitable acknowledgment we can make to him , who in mercy has given us his word , and will judge the world by it at the great day . qu. 7. is baptism to be administred to all children , whom any professing christians shall engage to see educated in the christian religion ? the reverend author , according to his wonted bounty , a● first dash concedes to us , that he will not oppose the adoptive right . we then declare our selves satisfied , and crave no more ; for we do not conceive that any man can engage or undertake for the education of a child in the christian religion , unless he has the authority of a parent devolved on him , for the government of the child . nor would any conscientious minister accept the engagement of one who has no power or ability to perform his vows . so that this engagement necessarily implyes the care and authority of a father , and consequently there is an adoptive right to baptism . but the author stumbles at the phrase , professed christians , and seems to think that the question , if carried in the affirmative , would conclude for papists , socinians , and the groslest hereticks , as also for the most notorious prostigates , and prophane persons ; as if it ever entered into the heart of a protestant divine to accept the engagement of some lewd debauchce or professed papist to institute his child for the devil or popery . our complaint here is the same that the reverend mr. how once made of his adversaries , that ●e gravely falls a combating with his own man of straw , and so we are to be tortured in effigie . but to pacific him , we would inform him what a charitable man would understand by a professed christian , vi● . the s●me that our catechism does , when it instructs us , that baptism is not to be administred to any till they profess their faith in christ , and obedience to him . we leave our author therefore to fight it out with that reverend assembly , for truly his argument is form●dable against them , in as much as papists , socinians , heretick ; the prophane , &c. do all profess their faith in christ , and obedience to him . such is the power of interest , faction , passion and personal opposition , that it blinds a man on a suddain to fight with those truths which he has learned and reverenced from his infancy . qu. 8. is baptism in a private house , where there is no church assembly , allowable ? the question seems to grant , there may be a church assembly in a private house ( as we read , rom. 16. 5. phil. 2. ) so there may be a publick place , and no assembly ▪ we agree with the reverend author , that baptism is a part of the publick ministry , nor may it be administred by one who is not called to the publick ministry ; neither should it usually and o●●ina●●ly be administred but in a full congregation , and in the most publick manner , nor would we drop a word to discourage so pious a practice . yet , let the congregation be never so great , if the administrator be not a publick minister , commissioned by our lord jesus christ , it may be called private baptism , and altogether unallowable ; and if the number of people be small , and the place otherwise private , yet if the administrator be a publick officer and minister of christ , the baptism may in a sense be called publick , and in some cases ( as that of dangerous sickness ) not only allowable but necessary , and a duty . when a justice of the peace acts in his office , though but few are present , yet they are acts of publick authority , as truly as those done in higher courts , and with greater solemnity . altho among us , where churches are orderly settled , there is little occasion either for private preaching or baptism , it being certain the more publick both are , the more god and his ordinances are honoured , & th● general profit of his people consulted . but yet ( as was hinted before ) there are some cases of necessity , wherein it s ones duty to seek a more private baptism ; the providence of god not permitting a more publick attendance , and no minister ought to refuse their desire . as for instance , in apparent danger of death , it would be cruelty to deny such a request , if privacy be the only objection . we need not suggest , that all what we call private baptism there may be a competent number of people present ; the neighbourhood being called in , and notice given to some of the brethren of the church . we observe a good medium herein between the two dangerous extreams . we avoid all unnecessary & common baptizing in private , for which our brethren in england are so very faulty ; and we would correct our own defects here at home , in refusing to baptise in private , be the extremity never so great , or life never so ●azardous . not that we are at all ti●ged with the error of st. austin , namely , a pe●swasion of the absolute necessity of baptism to salvation : ●ut we ●●●eem i● the most publick owning of god which the state of the person admits of or the providence of god a● present allows , and 〈…〉 good to ●e found in the way of blessing , and we may expect that 〈…〉 his own instit●tions . 〈…〉 the lawfulness of private baptism , in cases of necessity , abundantly appears from that one instance of the goaler , acts 15. 33. to ●●●ch our author answers , st. paul was an extraordinary officer . but by his leave , that is nothing to the purpose ; for the ordinary ministers of the gospel succeed the apostles in those thing in ta●e of an ordinary and standing nature in the church , as baptism i● ▪ ●ndeed , his other reason is good , that it was difficult , if no● impossible to get a congregation of christians ; and therefore necessity was put upon the apostle to baptize the goaler and family in private ; which plainly holds forth thus much , that in like cases of necessity , as in times of persecution , danger of death &c. the same practice is allowable and a duty ; wherein we have the promise of christs gracious presence with us , as well as when it i● administred in a larger congregation mat. 18. 20. for where two o● th●●e are gathered together in any name , there a● i in the midst of them . q. 9 o●ght all that contribute towards the maintenance to have the privileage of voting in the election of a pastor ? the reverand author in the very first line of his answer to this question , t●r●sts in a most ●●kind in●●nuation , and not altogether free from calumny , as if the affirmative could not be maintained , but the change of simony must be incurred . we therefore once for al profess , that we abhor as much as he pretend to do , the thought that money should purchase us church priviledges ; but this is so wide a ramble that it is not worth while to say more to it . all the authors arguments under this head infer only that it is the churches priviledge to chuse their own minister . and ●●der his 4th argument he tells us , that nothing is more evident , then that in the first ages of the church , pastors were chosen by all and only their flocks . which we verily believe , no● could he have expressed the truth in more apt words . for long since he has caught us , i ●as adult baptized persons are of the church , and 〈◊〉 proved it in his treatise annixed to the first principles of new england , under which denomination they claim the priviledge of voting in the election of a minister . indeed there is one argument at first blush seems pretty plausible , p. 68. for them who have no rig●● to the lord● supper themselves , ●o ap●on●t ●●● shall be the dispencer o● that ordinance to others , is ●ig●ly irrational . we answer ; the administration of the lords supper is but one part of a ministers work , and but a little part , compared with all the rest . let us turn the argument then , and say , for some few to appoint who shall be the preacher to the whole congregation , is as highly irrational . suppose we what is frequent in this country ) thirty or forty communicants , and it may be two hundred to be admitted in convenient time ; is it not every whi● as absurd , that not one of these who are to be examined , prepared and admitted to this holy ordinance , shall have liberty to chuse the person who shall do this work for t●em ; but the person must be altogether chose by others , wh●● he has not this work to do for . a hopeful argument that will help both sides ! the reverend author calls it a priviledge purchased for the communicants only by the blood of christ ; but he gives no proof a● all of any such appropriation , and leaves ●● yet in the firm belief , that the priviledge is purchased for the whole flock , who had need stand for their own . we might here borrow of the author the maxim he gave us in another case , quod tangit omnes ●●b●t a● o●●●b●s app 〈…〉 ar● it was exploded in the other case , but if he will give u● leave to put in aequaliter ( quod tangit omne● aequaliter , &c. ) then ●t would suit the cas● , and afford him some conviction . the reverend author also gives us another maxim in pag. 87. with this elogium , that it has its foundation in nature and reason , though we are sure it makes strongly against him here , namely ▪ that which pertains to all is not valid , if some of all sorts have not a consent in it ; for some places have no communicants , and there all grant this right and priviledge belongs to the whole : if afterwards they come to have some communicants , by what rule or reason do they take away that priviledge which belonged to others before ? in short , let our author find one text that limits or confines it to the communicants alone , and then deprive the majority . but since scripture fails him , he has another refuge , viz. the authority of the synod , and the law of the land. the last of these we think excepts boston , and of both we need only say , that as they were done by men , so they may be altered and undone by the same men , when they please . it is also hinted , that this may prove fatal to the churches . but there is no danger , truth does no harm ; and we rather think it may be retorted on the author and his practice . there was lately a grievous complaint made by a principal man of swanzy , before some ministers and others , that the law which gives the power to the communicants only to call a minister , is like to ruin them and their posterity forever , by excluding them from an able and orthodox ministry , and the ordinances ; for the baptists taking advantage thereby , have set up a gifted brother , and spoil the place of the publick ministry . qu. 10. is it expedient that churches should enter into a cons●ciation or agreement that matters of more than ordinary ●●●ortance , such as the gathering a new church , the ordination , deposition , or translation of a pastor , be done with common consent ? the reverend author answers , that it is both expedient and necessary ; though he had answered as well , had he said , it is altogether needless . but le●t we be mis-understood in this matter , let the reader carefully observe , we do not mean that the communion , or fellowship , or prayer , or assistance , or duties that the church or people of god owe to one another , are needless . but for particular churches , that are parts , and result from the catholick , and are united to the head , and in covenant with him , and bound to perform all duties both to the head & to all the members respectively ; for such to talk of entering into an agreement on this account , seems very idle and needless . to i●●ustrate the matter ; if a servant has bound himself to a master , he need not go to make new covenants to carry it dutifully to the mistress , lovingly to the children , faithfully to the fellow servants , this being all contained in the masters covenant . so , if a person marry a husband , she has no need to make a new covenant with his father , that he shall be her father , or that his brothers , sisters or other relations shall become hers , this being all ●mplyed in the m●●●i●g● covenant : the respective duties must be performed , but there is no need of new agreements or covenants to be entered into mr. burroughs , as quoted by the reverend author , expresses this well . they are bound in consc●ince to give an account of the wayes to churches about them , or to any other who shall req●ir● it ; and this not in an a●bitra●● way , ●●t as a duty they owe to god and man. the united b●eth●e● in london speak yet more fully in the chapter of communion o● c●ur●●es , ● . 1. we agree that particular churches ought not to walk so dist●●ct and seperate from each other , as o● to have care and tenderness to one another . but their pastors ought to have frequent meeting together , that by mutual advice , support , encouragement and b●ot●●●ly intercourse , they may strengthen the ●earts and hands of each other in the ways of the lord. we may add here the whole chapter of occasional meetings of ministers , and so dismiss this question . qu. 11. may the brethren in churches , and not the pastors only , be sent unto , and have their voice in ecclesiastical councils ? it is to be observed , that by this means the brethren in a synod will surpass the elders in number , and by a cabal may easily out vote them ▪ wherefore we can never believe that our lord jesus christ has left every private brother an equal vote with any of his officers , in ruling o●●●●●agi●g his church . it will be granted that the advantage is of the elders side , as to learning , prudence , par●● , piety , zeal and devotion , at least , taking the whole synod together ; yet that men of mean parts , no education , nor under the awe of an office that obliges to the care of souls peculiarly , should be equalled to the former in all decisions , tho' not debates , whereof they are uncapable , is very unaccountable . indeed , had our lord in his word positively required this , we might expect that his spirit of counsel would more abundantly reside on the weaker vessels ; but otherwise , to fill a council from the plough , and the ●●all , is a tempting christ , and betraying the church . neither are we ignorant what tools they are in the hands of any one designing man of a reverend and august name , let his opinions be what they will ; these are bigg●●s , and the man is himself a synod . we co●s●ss such a man would be tempted to stand up for the brethrens authority , which is his own support , and the mean while the church is like to be well govern'd . but what is a further outrage to the sacred office , the author will not let ministers fit as officers of christ , or as persons authorized by him ; for thus he expresses himself , pag. 80 it s not their office , but the churches delegation , that g●v●●● power to th 〈…〉 members of sy●●●● ▪ the specificating act in which synod all power , and so the rig●● o● a decisive vote ●●●o●nded , is t●e churches delegation . and to prove this , he instancet● i● the first synod that ever sate , as ●e terms that acts 15. a copy and samplar left to all succeding generations . but how comical is this ? as if that was so constituted , or its members delegated by particular churches . or , how long had this inspired synod sat before that case was brought before them ? or were they summoned upon this single occasion ? truly the author beg● the whole , and proves nothing of it . indeed , the reverend author tells us in the same page , that of these delegates from the churches , the ●l●ers o●g●t to be the principal , or principally concerned . a mighty grace ineed ! yet even this cannot be allowed , and he consistent with himself ; for in the next page he tells us , there are some brethren in the churches , whose gifts and abilities are beyond their pastors , and some again are more noble and honourable . now if they are alike delegated , and those can act no more in the name of christ than the other , pray why should they be the principal ? why may not a ●rother of equal authority as●ume and arrogate the first place to himself , which if he chance to do , we leave the author to be catechized by him , and to do pennance patiently by his own principles . qu. 12. doth the essence of a ministers call consist in his being ordained with the imposition of hands by other ministers ? qu. 13. may a men be ordained a pastor , except to a particular 〈…〉 , ana in the presence o● that church ? we joyn these two together , partly because they are of near affinity , and partly because some things the reverend author asserts under one of them , may indifferently be referred to the other . our chief exceptions may be reduced to these five . 〈…〉 . that he asserts , she essence of a ministers call consists in a mutual election between him and his people , pag 91. if we under●tand the author , he means , that a person cannot be a minister without his mutual election , and that with it he may , and is . he had just before no●ed , that some think the essence of the ministry to he in orai 〈…〉 on ; others , in its being done by a bishop ; which last no●●o●●●ts off ( saith ●● ) m●st of the ministers in france , switzerland , denmark , 〈…〉 d , scotland , &c. but , to retort you words , sir , we think that your assertion cuts off more both for number and for eminence . it cuts off the prophets , the apostles and evangelists ! it cuts off all the bishops that are and have been . and though these in general , may signifie l●●tie with our reverend author , yet some of them he mentions as great and eminent lights . he cuts off thousands of presbyters , famous ministers , who apprehending the essence of their ministerial call to ●ie in their being ordained and sent of god , do who●y wave this mutual election , as a little thing . the scipture speaks ●ery highly and honourably of the ministerial calling . they are ●a●ed ministers of god , of christ , of the new testament , of the gospe● : ministers in the lord , ambassadors for christ ; angels , lights , stewards of the mysteries of god , &c. all whi●● th●ws , that not only the ●●●enc● , but the excellency of the ministry con●●sts in their relation to god and our lord jesus christ , and to that seperate and sacred work that the holy ghost has called them unto , acts ●3 2. but what scripture in●i●●tes to us , that their essence or emmency lies in their relation to this or that particular people ? the prophets of old never pleaded their election by man , but that they were called , sent , ordained and commissioned by god. the authors chief argument here is a supposition of shipwrack upon some desolate island : and we easily grant , that one of the company being elected , may become a minster of god unto them , but it is more from the providence and call of god , than their election . it s god must furnish 〈…〉 it● god must incline him to undertake it : its god that ●●i●s up the people to receive and entertain him as a minister : god gives success to his ministry , &c. but besides this , it is to be considered , that god does not tye himself to those means which he has tyed us unto in ordinary cases ; according to that usual saying , jus divinum p●s●tivum cedit juri divino natural● . the case is who●●y extraordinary , and god that makes the necessity wi●● also dispence with our unavoidable complyance . were our author in the right , the sinful will of man , whereon the election does depend , might frustrate the whole ministry that christ has instituted . but , alas ! whether men will hear , o● whether they will for bear , our lord will send his ministers ; and whether men will call them or no , they shall beforced to confess , verily , we had prophets among us , ezek. 33 ▪ 33. we wonder also , that they ●●o insist upon it , that it is christs peculiar prerogative to state his own worship , should s●oil him of another part of it , to make his own officers . if the people may do one , why not the other ? and it increases our wonder , that the reverend author should revive this assertion at this ti 〈…〉 of day , forty six years after it has been so learnedly and so fully refu●ed in jus divinum ministerij eva g●li●i , published by the provincial assembly of london , chap. 9. without taking notice of their answers and arguments . 2dly . we shall p●ss by several things in these chapters , which in a severe disquisition , we might justly except against . our second charge is , that he makes imposition of hands a little unnecessary ceremony . though we can distinguish between ordination and i ●position of hands , and approve what the afore-mentioned assembly says , pag. 157. we must distinguish between the substance , essence and formal act of ordination , and the rite used therein . the essential act of ordination is the constit●ting or appointing a man to be a minister , or the sending him with power and authority to preach the gospel ▪ the rit● is imposition of hands . yet we can see no reason why this rit● , being of divine institution , 1 t●m . 5. 22. used by the apostles , the primitive church , and generally since the reformation , should now be run down as so triffling a ceremony ▪ we know the reyerend author could have quoted a whole l●af of famous authors , who speak highly for it . if the provincial assembly at london displease him , the new-england plat-form may satisfie him , that church officers are not only to be ●●o●●n by the church , but ab●● ordained by imposition of hands , and prayer ; or the answer to the 32 questions , that says expresly , ordination is necessary by divine institution . but , i● the author indeed disquieted it the imposition of hands , because but a ceremony ? it is out looking back to pag 80 and we shall see he as much magnifies and contends for as meer a rite , to be sure , s●●l . the right hand of fellowship . the reverend author not only speaks meanly of the laying on of hands of the presbytery , but ●● too ●●ch countenances the imposition of hands by brethren , or persons out of office. his text of scripture , numb . 8 , 9 , 10. respecting the children of israel ▪ s putting their hands on the levites , is so fully and punctually answered by the provincial assembly of london , pag. 188. that we remit the reader thither , for ●● love ●ot to transeribe . in the new testament he owns there is no instance of persons out of office imposing hands . and notwithstanding all his instances , the apostles assertion stands good , heb. 7. 7. and without all contradiction , the less is blessed of the greater . the authors next essay is , to remove the weighty objection , that none can give what himself hath not . and this he does by some simili●udes . to touch upon one , pag. 99. a woman ( saith he ) by giving her ●el● in marriage , causeth the man , to ●●o●● she giveth her self , ●● have the power of a husband ; but no man will be so absurd ●● to say , that a woman has formally the power of an ●●●sh●●d . a poor return ind●●d , to so weighty an objection ! an unmarri●d woman has power over her self , to rule and govern her self and her actions , as fully as the husband has , when she is married : though a particular church , without any officer , has not power to ●eed , teach , govern themselves , and ad 〈…〉 ordinances . here ●● a plain disparity ! moreover , it is gro●● , ●●●u●d to affirm , that the wife gives the power to the husband . indeed , she gives her self , but it is the institution and command of god , that gives the power ; and could we suppose that to be laid aside , they would be equal . to be sure , it women once get this notion by the end , that they give the power to their husbands , we should soon have them indenting , limiting and reserving in part to themselves , by a marriage contract , as well their power and authority , as their estates . 4ly . the author asserts , that no man ought to be ordained a pastor , except unto a particular church , pag. 101. which kind of doctrine doth indeed startle us , because it manifests the reverend 〈◊〉 to be very u●stable in his judgment . it is credibly reported , that at a general convention of ministers at boston , may 26. 1698. ( and there are enough yet living , who knew the truth of ●t , to whom we appeal ) this question was discussed , whether a minister might be ordained , though he had , as yet , no particular church , in order to 〈◊〉 administration of baptism , and the gathering & settling a church ? this , as we are told , had a more peculiar reference to mr. clap's nation at rhode island , and it was voted and carried in the affirmative ; and what is yet stranger , was lead on and put to the vote by the author himself , he being the moderator of the assembly . upon this conclusion mr. williams was ordained in the colledge hall , in order to his voyage to barbadoes . now it is wonderful to us , how the contrary to that which was a truth two years ago , should obtain now . possibly the reverend author'● modesty won't suffer him to think the ballance equal , or we would put the late vote of may , 98 in the scale against the council of calcedon , p 105. 5ly , we crave the readers patience , and will offer but one remark upon these two chapters . in pag. 102 ▪ its said , pastar and flock are relates , and therefore one cannot be without the other . it is contrary to the rules of reason ( as logicians know ) that the relate should be without its correlate . to say , that a wandering levite , who has no flock , is a pastor , is as good sence as to say , to the who has no children is a father , and the man who has no wife , is a husband this is worn thred-bare , and answered long ago by the assembly at london , and others , and sometimes by the author himself . a minister may be considered under a double notion , as a minister of c 〈…〉 t , or of this or that particular church . in this latter sence they are relate & correlate , and no otherwise . hence , if he leaves them , he ceases to be their minister and they cease to be his flock ▪ but still he may be a minister of christ , and they a church of christ . and thus in that little book that is en●it●led , the judgment of several divines of the congregational way , concerning a pastors power occasionally to exe●t ministerial acts in another church , besides that which is his particular flock ; the reverend author expresses himself after this manner , pag. 1. the ministerial power which a pastor has received from the lord jesus christ , ●● not so ●o●fined to his particular flock , as that he shall cease to be a minister when he shall act in the name of the lord else where . and a little after , i am , as to this particular , fully of the same judgment with the learned dr. j. owen in 〈◊〉 judicious treatise concerning a gospel church , pag. 100 , 101 where he has these words , although we have no concer●●●us in the sig●ent of an indelible character accompanying sacred orders , yet we do not think the pastoral office is such a thing as a man must leave be●●nd him every time he goes from home ; for my own part , ● i did not think my self b●●nd to preach as a minister authorized , in all places , and ●● all occasions when i am called thereunto , i think i should never preach more in this world. thus dr. owen . we see then , that our reverend author and the famous dr. owen plainly hold , that though there be a relation to a particular flock , yet a minister is so au●hro●zed by jesus christ , that he is capable in his name to perform ministerial acts in other places , and upon all occasions . and were not our author sincerely of this opinion , we cannot but think he would highly condemn any minister that should be absent from his flock four years together , upon any service whatsoever . ●ure , if he be no way capable to act as a minister of jesus christ , he is all that while but as a stray bird , idly wandering from its nest . yet at this time , our author would bear the world in hand , that a minister has no power to act as such , but to his particular flock ▪ and therefore quotes the words of the plat-form , chap. 9. sect . 7. he that is clearly loosed from his office relation to that church whereof he was . a minister , cannot be looked on as an officer , nor perform any act of o 〈…〉 e in any other church , unless he be again called unto office. but a more eminent assembly of divines at london , have quoted this very paragraph , pag 1●5 and severely , but justly answered it as a great ●bs●rdity , and contrary to sound doctrine . the answer to the other part of the question , whether a minister should be ordained only in the presence of that church where he is ●●serve ● will result from what has been already laid down . the presence of christ must be supposed , when ever a person is seperated to his ministry ; but seeing our lord commissions none immediately , such must be present as have power to authorize , commission and give the charge in his name . when ever a call is given , received and accepted , whether it be by words , message or letter , both minister and people are conceived , as present face to face . but the circumstances of times , places , persons , distance , &c. must determine this matter ; which as they m●● fall out , may sometimes render it both prodent , regular and necessar● , ( & then its the voice of providence ) for a min 〈…〉 to be ordained on one land , and to serve in another . q. 14. is the practice of the churches of new-england in granting letters of dismission or recommendation from one church to another , according to scripture , and the example of other churches ? the reverend author refers to many scriptures to prove the affirmative , but not one of them reaches the question , or proves ●● dismission for this end , soil to take a person off from being a member of one church , to be made a member of another . the epistles or letters he refers to , are all apo●ta●●cal or ministerial ; not the letters of one church to another , some only excepted , which is mentioned as writ by the brethren ; but apol●● , on whole behalf they wrote , was not a member of their church ; nor do they write to those in achaia to receive him as a member , but rather as a minister , or as a christian of eminence and singular goodness . indeed there may be a good use of letters of recommendation , and especially among strangers and where a member removes from one church to another , a mutual satisfaction may be laboured after . but we cannot but think such letters frivilous , when in the same town , and at two streets distance , a person known over all the town for an exemplary conversation , prefers anothers ministry . civility will constrain such persons to acquaint then ministers of their purposes , and the same christian civility obliges such a minister to acquaint the other pastor ( if need be ) to whose ministry they repair , that they have carried themselves well in his communion , and that he hopes they may prove blessings in all other . but as for the brethren , we need not go to them , to make a second speech , now to ask leave to with-draw , and to render an account to every impertinent talker who thinks the man married to him , and that his bed is broke into , or that there 's no just reason for a divorce . moreover , some people are forever dissatisfied ; neither conveniencies of habitation , liking the others ministry , profiting under it , or dislike of some customs and practices which he would willingly be rid of the light of , can satisfy . and what must the grieved person do further in this case ? why , truly he has done his duty , and may hear and communicate , where god and his own sober conscience directs him . no● ought any minister of christ , to reject his claim to the lords table with him . to say no more , our reverend author having in a former treatise proved that persons baptized are thereby subjects of discipline , we think they all ought to be accountable to the society where they are ; there persons being dismissed by the providence of god , whether they have letters of dismission or not . else by their principles , an ordained minister in london , formerly of communion with a church in boston , being called to office in a particular church , and having accepted the pastoral care thereof , must first send over a pacquet to new-england for a letter of dismission . and don't you think he would be well imployed ? qu. 15 is not the asserting that a pastor may administer the sacrament to another church besides his own particular church , at the a●fire of that other church , a declension from the first principles of new-england , and of the congregational way ? the reverend author answers , no , not at all . had the question been , whether this be a deci●●sion from the tru●● , we had fully joyned with him in the answer . it being true doctrine , that a minister upon desire , may as well minister to another church , as to ●●● own : both being churches of christ , and he a minister of christ , there being but one faith , one body , one baptism . but had we been of the authors principles , which he pleads for in this book , we must have answered , that ●● is a great a●●stacy and declension . and when the reverend author first put out this in the year 1693 ▪ some of the old men and women did express themselves after this rate — that it was not thus from the beginning , and that he had pull'a such a pin out of the good ole ●ay , as would in a little w●ile bring the whole abri●k to the ground . no● was this complaint without reason , for if particular churches are specifically distin●● ▪ if pastor and flock are relate ●●● correlate , that give being to one another , as husband and wife ; if the ●ssence of a ministers call lie in a mu●●●l election between the church and him ; then we can by no means allow the authors assertion , that a pastor may administer , &c t●● in vain to plead , i were may be at well commu●●●● of officers , as of members ; for these principles will not allow so much as a member of one church to communicate in another . hence the ac●●e mr. hooker ( ●● the author 〈…〉 iles him ) could never get over that difficulty , but looks upon it as unwarrantable or private members to communicate in another church . neither can dr. oven or dr. goodwin ( whom he 〈…〉 pillars among the congregational ) though they twist and squeze and strain hard , maintain this 〈…〉 on these principles , no● satisfy a ●ational mind about it . tho' they plead they are transient members for that time , yet this no more excuses it , than if an a●ult●●●s ●o hi 〈…〉 ●●● shame and folly , should excuse it by saying — she made the man her husband for that turn and act . for if we run it to the narrow , the administrator must deliver the sacrament as an officer , or not , there is no medium : if as an officer , then he his power from christ , as such , to administer the sacrament where he i● occasionally called . and then down go the authors principles at once , of the churches being specifically distinct , of the essence of the ministerial call lying in the mutual election of minister and people , of pastor and flock being relate and correlate , so as to give being to each other , as such ; or else on the other hand , it must be said , that a minister , when he administers to another flock , acts not as an officer , but as a private man ; and this lays all in common , and destroys the ministerial power at once . and to attempt to reconcile it with our new-england platform , will be but ( as mr. hooker has the expression ) to make the plat-form to speak daggers and contradictions . neither can it be pretended , that the generality of the ministers in new-england were of that mind in the beginning . in the answer of the elders of several churches in n. england , unto the nine positions , it is said , position 8. if you mean by a ministerial act , such an act of authority and power in dispensing gods ordinances , as a minister does perform to the church whereunto ●● is called to be a minister , then we a●ny that he can perform any ministerial act to any other church but his own , because his office extends no farther t●a● his call. and now we appeal to the reader , if the reverend author must not either renounce these his darling principles , or own himself guilty of that declension from the first principles of new-england , which in another he would call apostacy . and indeed , we know well enough , that a few years ago , no young man could have escaped that odious brand , that durst have printed such a principle . but all is well that we do our selves , and every other congregational tenet had been laudably rejected , had some men the doing of it . let another presume , he is a back●●i●er , an apos●a●● , ●●●u● , ●a●b , contemptuous , and despis●● of his fathers . the same thing ▪ ( to a●ude to the authors words , pag. 71. ) in one man , is a modest inoffensive dissent in another , a daring contradiction to synods . qu. 16. is it a duty for christians in their prayers , to make use of the words of that which is commonly called the lords prayer ? though the authors answer hereto be very large , yet we shall say very little to it , or against it . he yeilds and allows , it may be lawfully used , as well as other prayers and passages in scripture , in our addresses to heaven : that it has been used in antient times , he does not deny ; and we know that it is most frequently used by the most famous divines in these days . and he gives us an instance of mr. je● . burroughs , which we thank him for , having never heard it before . that it has been abused to superstition , and the tryal of witch-craft , we also know ; but the abuse of a thing does not take away the proper lawful use of it ; nor is it fit so far to gratifie those that made it a charm , as ●o●●h●t reason to ●●●rain to use it . but verily the author would have us more superstitious that we are willing to be ; for he quarrels ●● the varying but of one word or clause in this excellent form of prayer : if instead of debts or sin● we say trespasses , it is a fearful crime . for why ? says the author , it smells rank of the li●●●gy , its le●●n'd ●●● of the common-prayer book . he might have said rather , that we learn first to read ●● so in our horn-books , and are mis-taught from our infancy . but truly , we account this difference of translation a petty thing . and if instead of hallowed , the author would say sanctified ; and instead of daily bread , he would chuse to say convenient food , we should not full foul on him . no , says the author , pag. 123. why then you give up the cause . in truth , then the author has no adversary in the world , where the lords prayer is used in any language beside the greek ; for who bind● himself to a translation , as to an original ? but the author's meaning is apparent , he would insinuate into the heedless reader , that whoever useth the lords prayer , ought not to vary one word from the words christ gave it in ▪ and truly , then they must , like barbarians to the people , tone it in the original greek . we would offer here one query more . does the author mean , in stating this question , to enquire whether it be an indispensible duty to use the words of the lords prayer in all our addresses to god , so that as often as we bow our knees in prayer , we should think it necessary to repeat this form ? here again he would have no adversary under heaven yet the question may be strained to all this , and he has taken no care to bound it . but to detain the reader no longer , 't is enough and enough that the reverend author justifies it as lawful ; for then doubtless it may be sometimes proper : for that would be a strange thing indeed , that is always lawful , and never ( in no circumstances , not in that of mr. burroughs himself i can be proper . but since 't is lawful , i' 〈…〉 or once give my sence when it is proper , s●il , when people have been long taught and made to believe , that the use of it is superstitious , to place a great part of their religion in the dislike of it ; to think this a principal ground of non-conformity , and a distinguishing badge of a dissenter ; or , that it is too vain a formality to comport w●●h the spirit of devotion . then , if ever , it is high time to correct such a prejudice , and to show the people it may be used without superstition , and that neither the spirit of religion , nor yet the arguments for episcopacy , presbyteria●●sm nor independency are any ways concerned in this affair . here we would crave the readers patience for one quotation , and the rather inasmuch as the n●●● of mr. philip henry may be of more authority with the reverend author , than many arguments , when barely offered by us . it is said in the 97th page of mr henry's life , that he looked upon the lords prayer to be not only a directory or pattern for prayer , but ( according to the advice of the assembly of divines ) proper to be used as a form. he thought it was an error on the o●e hand to lay so much stress upon it , as some do , who think no solemn prayer accepted , nor ●o solemn administration of worship compleat without it ; and he thought it an error on the other hand not to use it at all , since it is a prayer , a compendious comprehensive prayer , and may be of use to us , at least , as other scripture prayers ; but he thought it a much greater error to be angry at those who do use i● , to judge and censure them , and for no other reason to conceive prejudices against them and their ministry . a great strait ( faith he ) poor ministers are in , when some will not hear them , if they do not use the lords prayer , and others will no● hear them it they do ! what is to be done in this case ? we must walk according to the light we have , and approve our selves to god , either in using or no● using it , and wait for the day when god will mend the matter , which i 〈…〉 he will do in his own due time . — — thus spake the holy and heavenly mr henry , and with ●i● the late reverend dr. bates , who writ●s the dedication of his life , and as h● hath fully expressed our sense in this matter , so we would wait and pray with him , for the happy day . well , but if the case be so circumstanced , says the author , pag. 135. that it cannot be done without offence , it is rather a duty , and will be most pleasing to christ , not to use it as a ●orm . but then such offence must be manifested , and appear to be conscientious . this confirms what i before suggested , that there is a riv●●ed prejudice people are educated in against this practice , that they start at it as a thing in it self sinful and scandalous . but to show we are in charity with the author , and all those who omit the use of this excellent form of prayer , we shall close this chapter in the words of st. paul , rom 14. 3. let u●● h●m that ca●●th de●p●●● him that ●a●e●● no● ; and let not ●●m that ●a●eth no● , judge him that ●ateth . qu. 17. may the churches under the presbyterian and congregational discipline maintain communion with one another , notwithstanding their different sentiments , as 〈◊〉 church government ? the author answers , that they may and ought to do so . and truly , had this book contained only this one question and answer , it might have turned to more edification than the whole . he tells us , there was greater differences than these in the apostolick churches 〈◊〉 thinks then we of latter days may the better ●ear with one another ▪ the effusions of the spirit of peace and truth being since much restrained the reverend author observes further , that both perswasions have been confessors and fellow sufferers , and he thinks this should endear them . we think so too , but to our sorrow , some of us have heard ho●● it hath been in england , & now , alas ! we see it verified in our ●uthor ▪ that when their own persecution ceases , they carry on the tragedy on others ▪ we do not wonder at what the author saith mr. baxter told him , that if all independants were like n. england independants , he would soon be 〈◊〉 ▪ for we can easily guess what deceived that excellent person ( whose moderation s●ited his pie●y & devotion ) into so endearing an expression . he form'd his idea of new-england independency by the authors plausible carriage when in london , which though for that time might be very sincere , yet either the difference of the climate , or that his dominion here is more rightful , quite a●e●● him . we are assured , the author is esteemed more a presbyterian than a cengregational man , by scores of his friends in london ▪ 〈◊〉 is lov'd and reverenced for a moderate spirit , a peaceable disposition , and a temper so widely different from his late brothers in lo●don . he was most conversant at the presbyterian board , and of●●●est in their pulpits , and professed the greatest reverence for their persons . and no wonder mr. baxter should be so e●amoured of such independents ! did our reverend author appear the same here , we should be his 〈◊〉 p●oselites too . but we are loath to say how he forfeits that venerable character , which might have consecrated his name to posterity , more than his learning , or other honorary titles can . to confirm what we have here said , the author deelar●s how instrumental he was to promote the union betwixt the united brethren in london . we only wish he would be as cordial and active to keep it , as he was to make it ; or else the world will think his zeal 〈◊〉 it was , because far enough from home , where interest was not touched . as for the three articles of vnion , which the author transcribes , we would endeavour to maintain them , and all the rest . but there are some cases and times , when ministers of some particular opinions will not bear to be consulted with . or if there is a necessity of disobeying their opinions for once , it is best not to consult them , meerly to do their counsels the more despight . we think this modest and ingenuous . nor can it be reasonably expected that a congregational classis ( if such there be ) should be consulted in those things which are properly presbyterian , their prejudice , in favour of their own opinions , rendering them unfit to advise with in that matter ; and the more serious the application to such is , the more severely would they think themselves ●antered . as to his query , whether the embodying into a church state be not a mighty matter ? we must needs profess , we want some better account what that is , before we can so esteem it . we read nothing in scripture of gathering a church , or embodying it into a church state , unless it refers to the converting and baptizing of heathen , and then administring the ordinances of the gospel in a stated way to competent numbers , whose convenience will permit them to meet constantly at one and the same place of worship . all further solemnity in this matter is ex abundant● , and therefore the matter seems not so very weighty . vve now humbly take leave of the author and his book , wishing there had been no occasion for these reflections , and accounting it a sufficient apology , that we have been contending for what we apprehend to be the truth ; and it became the more necessary to vindicate it , lest it should suffer more by the reverend author's name and authority , than by 〈◊〉 arguments . so far is the presidency of the colledge from being a protection , that it is the lo 〈…〉 est argument in on 〈◊〉 for a zealous us con●u●●tion . not can the reverend author much resent this our search after truth , if he remembers the liberty that the humble and ho●y mr. baxter once pray'd him to take , in 〈◊〉 and re●uting any errors he should find in his books , or should the author 〈◊〉 angry , it would but cause us to suspect ( what a bundance of people have 〈◊〉 obstinately believed ) that the contest for his part is more for lordship and dominion than for truth . 't is possible some good people may blame us , for carrying on the c●●t●●tion , wherein , as one saith , though there be but little truth gain'd yet a great deal of charity may be 〈◊〉 . we hope the best , as to both these ; but however it happens , we are willing to promise the reader , that scarce any thing shall provoke us further to concern our selves in these disputes : no , not so much as to make any return , should a thousand pretended answers be published ; for we love not to be contentions , b 〈…〉 s the reverend author is wont to say in like cases ▪ it suffices that 〈◊〉 have born our testimony . and here we must do justice also to those who have first openly asserted and practised those truths among us . they deserve well of the churches of christ , and though at present decryed as apostates and back●●●ders , the generations to come will bless them . so a score of years or more p●st , the enlargement of baptism was cryed out upon , as a woful declension ▪ but the present generation feels the happy effects of it , and rising up at the reformers names , do call them blessed . to concluds all it is the answerers sincere desire and design , if it be possible , and as far as in them is , to live peaceably with all men . 〈…〉 is then prayer , that god would grant peace and truth in our dayes , rebuke the evil spirit of pride , uncharitableness , co 〈…〉 on and contempt of others , and pour forth on us all his spirit of grace and love. and now the god of peace , that brought again from the dead our lord jesus christ , the great shepherd of the sheep , through the blood of the everlasting covenant , make us perfect in every good work to do his will , working in us that which is well pleasing in his sight , through jesus christ , to whom be glory forever . amen . postscript . it is strange that our review should be assaulted before it can be p 〈…〉 . yet so it happens in a late pam 〈…〉 , en 〈…〉 , a ●o●t answer to the do 〈…〉 o instituted churches . let them can it soft who have lo●● their feeling ! for th● ' t is confessed there are no very ●●rd arguments , yet jealousie , censures , contempts there are , which greate hard enough . in pag. 12. the reverend authors seem jealous of some injurious treatment in this our review ; whereas their soft treatise is in 〈…〉 ▪ us not to us only , but to whole synods and nations of presbyterians . they dare to say , that their gospel order , which is here answered , is vindicated in every point , from the concessions of the reforming presbyterians beyond sea ; and that not only from particular authors of great fame among them , but w 〈…〉 le synods , whole nations of them . o injury to truth and modesty ! tell us ( sirs ) we beseech you , what synods , what nations of presbyterians do oppose reading gods word in publick worship , ●o● the using the lords prayer , that excellent , perfect and most comprehensive fo●m ? that limit the right of chusing a minister to a particular church covenant ? that say , the ●ssence of the ministerial ca● co●fist● not in the imposition of the hands of the presbytery , or that the brethren may lay on hands , or that there shou'd be no ordination but to a particular church . you reasonably add , optimus ille qui ●urre novit injurias plarim●● — , though the best men in the world 〈◊〉 hard bear all this could 〈◊〉 authors perswade us to believe , this we would obey him , and name our selv●● no more presbyterians . we appeal ( in our authors words , pag. 16. ) to all the presbyterians in the world , say , o ye men of god , and of order ! what reparation can our authors make you for this wrong ▪ in making your name the vmbrage of these their errors . we are , moreover oblig'd to the reverend authors for their ci 〈…〉 ies , pag 7 ' 〈◊〉 a g●●ding , unstudyed , unstable generation , full of ●●vity , bleating ▪ and lo●i●g an●i●a●● , raw ●out● , pag. 15. they me 〈…〉 ( fo●●o●th ! ) this contempt for calling themselves presbyterians ▪ but even let the calf be known by its bleating . too late that 〈◊〉 came to mind , pag. 50. being reviled , we bless , being defamed , we entreat . in pag. 14. the authors complain ▪ that we pay not due deference to the classis of the pastors in the vicinity , and yet they assume not any power of a classis , any further than to forbid us to be presbyterians . we highly approve of many particulars in pag. 17. that the proponant for the lords ●able be examined of his baptismal vow , his sense of spiritual wants ▪ sinfulness and wretchedness , his hope , faith , experiences , resolutions through the grace of god but then come two words , covenant and brethren , in capital letters , as a lyon rampant , insulting a couching classis , a bleeding presbytery . but if we look over the answer to the last question in the young mans claim to the sacrament ( whereto these words in our author do refer ) we shall find , that the proponant promises nothing more than to be subject to the censures administred unto him by the poster of the church and its officers . so , sirs , the brethren are dropt , wittingly , no doubt , by the quick-sighted author . and indeed , for the brethren to be named in the question , and neglected in the answer , is a fair negative on them . the proponant promises no subjection to them , and the reverend authors sagacity is wonderful in that answer , for the question takes the congregational brother , the answer satisfies a presbyterian . it seems also that the adversaries of this gospel order multiply a pace ; for in pag. 22. they are meerly a few gentlemen at boston and new-york . but by that time you come to pag 30. our brethren of connecticut exceed all the rest of new-england in proclaiming their indisposition to it . and by the following exclamation , o tim●● and manners ! ●t seems that cicero must be called from the grave to i●●●●gh against these raw-yo●●●s , th●se licentious ca●al●es . we can't pass over pag. 61. without a remark . the apostacy of our young men ( say our authors ▪ ) is great before the lord. the apostacy ( it seem ) respects the examination and qualifications of comm●●●●●nts at the lords table , which is suggested to be in d●●●ying the necessity of mens coming to the holy table with repentance , fait and love. god forbid we should so accuse , or not vindicate our brethren . this is to a●ledg a crime abhorred by the generation 〈◊〉 . — well , but they zealously disperse unhappy pamphlets . if the doctrine of instituted churches ●● referred to , that is but one ; and what other the reverend authors mean , we cannot guess ; and that tr●ati●● in most parts is a mine of gold , and a rich treasury of right thoughts . the next surmize is a meer defamation , that go●ge , roberts , dolittles books must be h●●s'd back to europe again . a pre●●● device to praise the gentlemen beyond sea , and at the same time condemn those here that conform to their constant practice . had the attestation in pag 63 ▪ been only to recommend the following treatise of the excellent mr. quick's to our perusal and practice , no minister in new england , that c●●●s himself a presbyterian , but would chearfully subscribe it ; but we believe few would confederate in its reflections on the reverend mr. s●●ddard , or favour that worse report , that under the vmbrage of the name of presbyterians some would bring in innovations , ruinous to our churches , and contrary to the doctrine and spirit of mr. quick'● book . and to add one guess h●re , it s twenty to one if any one of the attestators knew what a soft answer was to be prefixed to their attestation . for this would not be the first time that men have subscribed a paper , which had they known would have been placed to such advantage , as to the less discerning r●ad●● to seem an attestation to the whole book , they would have refused their names with indignation . what remains is to recommend that treatise , the young man's claim to the sacrament , to the serious and diligent perusal of our youth . a performance , for its kind , very perfect , and highly profitable . but the reverend author and his treatise are both abused in this impression ▪ mr. quick is here betrayed in a specious show of reverence and friendship ; while his name is used to combate those very men and their principles , which he most values and honours . and were mr. quick here among us , and should continue what is his stated practice in the worship of god , he would be decryed among the presbyterian formalists , in pag 9. as much as he is now magnified for a reformer . for our parts , we do sincerely believe him to be our exemplary reformer , and wi●h our reverend authors would credit their character of him , and follow his example ; for he is conscientious to have the scriptures reed ●very sabbath in the publick worship of god , together with 〈◊〉 ten commandments , and he as often uses the lords prayer . nay 〈…〉 few years since this reverend and holy person took leave of a reverend minister , returning to us , in words to this effect , sir , 〈◊〉 our reverend brethren in new-england that they must come over to the presbyteri●● ▪ government , if they would perserve their churches . and would it not now provoke a just indignation to see people so deluded , and a gentlemans name ( so dear and venerable as it is with us ) advanced against his own principles ? and will it not turn unto us for a testimony to use the authors words ▪ pag 5●● ) not only that we have endeavoured to vindicate the truth , but also to do 〈◊〉 ▪ quick justice ? finis . a description of new england: or the obseruations, and discoueries, of captain iohn smith (admirall of that country) in the north of america, in the year of our lord 1614 with the successe of sixe ships, that went the next yeare 1615; and the accidents befell him among the french men of warre: with the proofe of the present benefit this countrey affoords: whither this present yeare, 1616, eight voluntary ships are gone to make further tryall. smith, john, 1580-1631. 1616 approx. 124 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 42 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a12460 stc 22788 estc s111023 99846455 99846455 11424 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a12460) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 11424) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1084:10) a description of new england: or the obseruations, and discoueries, of captain iohn smith (admirall of that country) in the north of america, in the year of our lord 1614 with the successe of sixe ships, that went the next yeare 1615; and the accidents befell him among the french men of warre: with the proofe of the present benefit this countrey affoords: whither this present yeare, 1616, eight voluntary ships are gone to make further tryall. smith, john, 1580-1631. pass, simon van de, 1595?-1647, engraver. [16], 61, [5] p., folded plate : map printed by humfrey lownes, for robert clerke; and are to be sould at his house called the lodge, in chancery lane, ouer against lincolnes inne, at london : 1616. with an additional leaf of prince charles's new names for new england places. variant: lacking this leaf. the map has heading "new england", imprint "london printed by geor: low [or "iames reeue"]"; most states dated 1614. it is signed "simon passæus sculpsit. robert clerke excudit". for a fuller discussion of states of the map see sabin 82819 and 82823. running title reads: the description of new england, by captaine iohn smith. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng new england -description and travel -early works to 1800. 2005-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-07 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-07 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a description of new england : or the observations , and discoueries , of captain iohn smith ( admirall of that country ) in the north of america , in the year of our lord 1614 : with the successe of sixe ships , that went the next yeare 1615 ; and the accidents be fell him among the french men of warre : with the proofe of the present benefit this countrey affoords : whither this present yeare , 1616 , eight voluntary ships are gone to make further tryall . at london printed by humfrey lownes , for robert clerke ; and are to be sould at his house called the lodge , in chancery lane , ouer against lincolnes inne . 1616. to the high hopefvl charles , prince of great britaine . sir : so fauourable was your most renowned and memorable brother , prince henry , to all generous designes ; that in my discouery of virginia , i presumed to call two namelesse headlands after my soueraignes heires , cape henry , and cape charles . since then , it beeing my chance to range some other parts of america , whereof i heere present your highness the description in a map ; my humble sute is , you would please to change their barbarous names , for such english , as posterity may say , prince charles was their godfather . what here in this relation i promise my countrey , let mee liue or die the slaue of scorne & infamy , if ( hauing meanes ) i make it not apparent ; please god to blesse me but from such accidents as are beyond my power and reason to preuent . for my labours , i desire but such conditions as were promised me out of the gaines ; and that your highnesse would daigne to grace this work , by your princely and fauourable respect vnto it , and know mee to be your highnesse true and faithfull seruant , iohn smith . to the right honourable and worthy lords , knights , & gentlemen , of his maiesties councell , for all plantations and discoueries ; especially , of new england . seeing the deedes of the most iust , and the writings of the most wise , not onely of men , but of god himselfe , haue beene diuersly traduced by variable iudgements of the times opinionists ; what shall such an ignorant as i expect ? yet reposing my selfe on your fauours , i present this rude discourse , to the worldes construction ; though i am perswaded , that few do think there may be had from new england staple commodities , well worth 3 or 400000 pound a yeare , with so small charge , and such facilitie , as this discourse will acquaint you . but , lest your honours , that know mee not , should thinke i goe by hearesay or affection ; i intreat your pardons to say thus much of my selfe : neere twice nine yeares , i haue beene taught by lamentable experience , aswell in europe and asia , as affrick , and america , such honest aduentures as the chance of warre doth cast vpon poore souldiers . so that , if i bee not able to iudge of what i haue seene , contriued , and done ; it is not the fault either of my eyes , or foure quarters . and these nine yeares , i haue bent my endeauours to finde a sure foundation to begin these ensuing protects : which though i neuer so plainely and seriously propound ; yet it resteth in god , and you ▪ still to dispose of . not doubting but your goodnesse will pardon my rudenesse , and ponder errours in the balance of good will ▪ no more : but sacring all my best abilities to the good of my prince , and countrey , and submitting my selfe to the exquisit iudgements of your renowned vertue , i euer rest your honours , in all honest seruice , i. s. to the right vvorshipfull aduenturers for the countrey of new england , in the cities of london , bristow , exceter , plimouth , dartmouth , bastable , totneys , &c. and in all other cities and ports , in the kingdome of england . if the little ant , & the sillie bee seek by their diligence the good of their commonwealth ; much more ought man. if they punish the drones and sting them steales their labour ; then blame not man. little hony hath that hiue , where there are more drones then bees : and miserable is that land , where more are idle then well imployed . if the indeauours of those vermin be acceptable , i hope mine may be excuseable ; though i confesse it were more proper for mee , to be doing what i say , then writing what i knowe . had i returned rich , i could not haue erred : now hauing onely such fish as came to my net , i must be taxed . but , i would my taxers were as ready to aduenture their purse● , as i , purse , life , and all i haue : or as diligent to furnish the charge , as i know they are vigilant to crop the fruits of my labours . then would i not doubt ( did god please i might safely arriue in new england , and safely returne ) but to performe somewhat more then i haue promised , & approue my words by deeds , according to proportion . i am not the first hath beene betrayed by pirats : and foure men of warre , prouided as they were , had beene sufficient to haue taken sampson , hercules , and alexander the great , no other way furnisht then i was . i knowe not what assurance any haue do passe the seas , not to bee subiect to casualty as well as my selfe : but least this disaster may hinder my proceedings , or ill will ( by rumour ) the behoofefull worke i pretend ; i haue writ this little : which i did thinke to haue concealed from any publike vse , till i had made my returnes speake as much , as my pen now doth . but because i speake so much of fishing , if any take mee for such a deuote fisher , as i dreame of nought else , they mistake mee . i know a ring of golde from a graine of barley , aswell as a goldesmith : and nothing is there to bee had which fishing doth hinder , but furder vs to obtaine . now for that i haue made knowne vnto you a fit place for plantation , limited within the bounds of your patent and commission ; hauing also receiued meanes , power , and authority by your directions , to plant there a colony , and make further search , and discouery in those parts there yet vnknowne : considering , withall , first those of his maiesties councell , then those cities aboue named , and diuerse others that haue beene moued to lend their assistance to so great a worke , doe expect ( especially the aduenturers ) the true relation or euent of my proceedings which i heare are so abused ; i am inforced for all these respects , rather to expose my imbecillitie to contempt , by the testimonie of these rude lines , then all should condemne me for so bad a factor , as could neither giue reason nor account of my actions and designes . yours to command , iohn smith . in the deserued honour of the author , captaine iohn smith , and his worke. damn'd enuie is a sp'rite , that euer haunts beasts , mis-nam'd men ; cowards or ignorants . but , onely such shee followes , whose deere worth ( maugre her malice ) sets their glorie forth . if this faire ouerture , then , take not ; it is enuie's spight ( dear friend ) in men-of-wit ; or feare , lest morsels , which our mouthes possesse , might fall from thence ; or elsetis sottishnesse . if either ; ( i hope neither ) thee they raise ; thy * letters are as letters in thy praise ; who , by their vice , improue ( when they reprooue ) thy vertue ; so , in hate , procure thee loue. then , on firme worth : this monument i frame ; scorning for any smith to sorge such fame . io : dauies , heref : to his worthy captaine the author . that which wee call the subiect of all storie , is truth , which in this worke of thine giues glorie to all that tho-hast done . then , scorne the spight of enuie ; which doth no mans merits right . my sword may helpe the rest : my pen no more can doe , but this ; i 'aue said enough before . your sometime souldier , i. codrinton , now templer . to my worthy friend and coson , captaine iohn smith . it ouer-ioyes my heart , when as thy words of these designes , with deeds i doe compare . heere is a booke , such worthy truth affords , none should the due desert there of impare ; sith thou , the man , deseruing of these ages , much paine hast ta'en for this our kingdoms good , in climes vnknowne , mongst turks and saluages , t' inlarge our bounds ; though with thy losse of blood . hence damn'd detraction : stand not in our way . enuie , it selfe , will not the truth gainesay . n. smith . to that worthy and generous gentleman , my verie good friend , captaine smith . may fate thy proiect prosper , that thy name may be eternised with liuing fame : though soule detraction honour would peruert , and enuie euer waits vpon desert : in spight of pelias , when his hate lies colde , returne as iason with a sleece of golde . then after-ages shall record thy praise , that a new england to this i le didst raise : and when thou dy'st ( as all that liue must die ) thy fame liue heere ; thou , with eternitie . r : gunnell . to his friend cap : smith , vpon his description of new england . sir ; your relations i haue read : which shewe , ther 's reason i should honour them and you : and if their meaning i haue vnderstood , i dare to censure , thus : your proiect 's good ; and may ( if follow'd ) doubtlesse quit the paine , with honour , pleasure and a trebble gaine ; beside the benefit that shall arise to make more happie our posterities . for would we daigne to spare , though 't were no more then what o're-filles , and surfets vs in store , to order nature's fruitfulnesse a while in that rude garden , you new england stile ; with present good , ther 's hope in after-daies thence to repaire what time and pride decaies in this rich kingdome . and the spatious west beeing still more with english blood possest , the proud iberians shall not rule those seas , to checke our ships from sayling where they please ; nor future times make any forraine power become so great to force a bound to our . much good my minde fore-tels would follow hence with little labour , and with lesse expence . thriue therefore thy designe , who ere enuie : england may ioy in england's colony , virginia seeke her virgine sisters good , be blessed in such happie neighbourhood : or , what-soere fate pleaseth to permit , be thou still honor'd for first moouing it . george wither , è societate lincol. in the deserued honour of my honest and worthie captaine , iohn smith , and his worke. captaine and friends when i peruse thy booke ( with iudgements eyes ) into thy heart i looke : and there i finde ( what sometimes albyon ) knew ) a souldier , to his countries-honour , true . some fight for wealth ; and some for emptie praise ; but thou alone thy countries fame to raise . with due discretion , and vndanted heart , i ( oft ) so well haue seene thee act thy part in deepest plunge of hard extreamitie , as forc't the troups of proudest foes to flie . though men of greater ranke and lesse desert would pish-away thy praise , it can not start from the true owner : for , all good-mens tongues shall keepe the same . to them that part belongs . if , then , wit , courage , and successe should get thee fame ; the muse for that is in thy debt : a part whereof ( least able though i bee ) thus heere i doe disburse , to honor thee . rawly croshaw . michael phettiplace , william phettiplace , & richard wisfing , gentlemen , and souldiers vnder captaine smiths command : in his deserued honor for his worke , and worth . vvhy may not we in this worke haue our mite , that had our share in each black day and night , when thou virginia foildst , yet kept'st vnstaind ; and held'st the king of paspeheh enchaind . thou all alone this saluage sterne didst take . pamunkes king wee saw thee captiue make among seauen hundred of his stoutest men , to murther thee and vs resolued ; when fast by the hand thou ledst this saluage grim , thy pistoll at his breast to gouerne him : which did infuse such awe in all the rest ( sith their drad soueraigne thou had'st so distrest ) that thou and wee ( poore sixteene ) safe retir'd vnto our helplesse ships . thou ( thus admir'd ) didst make proud powhatan , his subiects send to lames his towne , thy censure to attend : and all virginia's lords , and pettie kings , aw'd by thy vertue , crouch , and presents brings to gaine thy grace ; so dreaded thou hast beene : and yet a heart more milde is seldome seene ; so , making valour vertue , really ; who hast nought in thee counterfet , or slie ; if in the sleight bee not the truest art , that makes men famoused for faire desert . who saith of thee , this sauors of vaine-glorie , mistakes both thee and vs , and this true storie . if it bee ill in thee , so well to doe ; then , is it ill in vs , to praise thee too . but , if the first bee well done ; it is well , to say it doth ( if so it doth ) excell ! praise is the guerdon of each deere desert , making the praised act the praised part with more alacritie : honours spurre is praise ; without which , it ( regardlesse ) soone decaies . and for this paines of thine wee praise thee rather , that future times may know who was the father of this rare worke ( new england ) which may bring praise to thy god , and profit to thy king. a description of new-england , by captaine iohn smith . in the moneth of aprill , 1614. with two ships from london , of a few marchants , i chanced to arriue in new-england , a parte of ameryca , at the i le of monahiggan , in 43 of northerly latitude : our plot was there to take whales and make tryalls of a myne of gold and copper . if those failed , fish and furres was then our refuge , to make our selues sauers howsoeuer : we found this whale-fishing a costly conclusion : we saw many , and spent much time in chasing them ; but could not kill any : they beeing a kinde of iubartes , and not the whale that yeeldes finnes and oyle as wee expected . for our golde , it was rather the masters deuice to get a voyage that proiected it , then any knowledge hee had at all of any such matter . fish & furres was now our guard : & by our late arriual , and long lingring about the whale , the prime of both those seasons were past ere wee perceiued it ; we thinking that their seasons serued at all times : but wee found it otherwise ; for , by the midst of iune , the fishing failed . yet in iuly and august some was taken , but not sufficient to defray so great a charge as our stay required . of dry fish we made about 40000. of cor fish about 7000. whilest the sailers fished , my selfe with eight or nine others of them might best bee spared ; ranging the coast in a small boat , wee got for trifles neer 1100 beuer skinnes , 100 martins , and neer as many otters ; and the most of them within the distance of twenty leagues . we ranged the coast both east and west much furder ; but eastwards our commodities were not esteemed , they were so neare the french who affords them better : and right against vs in the main was a ship of sir frances popphames , that had there such acquaintance , hauing many yeares vsed onely that porte , that the most parte there was had by him . and 40 leagues westwards were two french ships , that had made there a great voyage by trade , during the time wee tryed those conclusions , not knowing the coast , nor saluages habitation . with these furres , the traine , and cor-fish i returned for england in the bark : where within six monthes after our departure from the downes , we safe arriued back . the best of this fish was solde for fiue pound the hundreth , the rest by ill vsage betwixt three pound and fifty shillings . the other ship staied to fit herselfe for spaine with the dry fish which was sould , by the sailers reporte that returned , at forty ryalls the quintall , each hundred weighing two quintalls and a halfe . new england is that part of america in the ocean sea opposite to noua albyon in the south sea ; discouered by the most memorable sir francis drake in his voyage about the worlde . in regarde whereto this is stiled new england , beeing in the same latitude . new france , off it , is northward : southwardes is virginia , and all the adioyning continent , with new granado , new spain , new andolosia and the west indies . now because i haue beene so oft asked such strange questions , of the goodnesse and greatnesse of those spatious tracts of land , how they can bee thus long vnknown , or nor possessed by the spaniard , and many such like demands ; i intreat your pardons , if i chance to be too plaine , or tedious in relating my knowledge for plaine mens satisfaction . florida is the next adioyning to the indes , which vnprosperously was attempted to bee planted by the french. a country farre bigger then england , scotland , france and ireland , yet little knowne to any christian , but by the wonderful endeuours of ferdinando de soto a valiant spaniard : whose writings in this age is the best guide knowne to search those parts . virginia is no ile ( as many doe imagine ) but part of the continent adioyning to florida ; whose bounds may be stretched to the magnitude thereof without offence to any christian inhabitant . for from the degrees of 30. to 45. his maiestie hath granted his letters parents , the coast extending south-west and north-east aboute 1500 miles ; but to follow it aboard , the shore may well be 2000. at the least : of which , 20. miles is the most giues entrance into the bay of chisapeak , where is the london plantation : within which is a country ( as you may perceiue by the description in a booke and map printed in my name of that little i there discouered ) may well suffice 300000 people to inhabit . and southward adioyneth that part discouered at the charge of sir walter rawley , by sir ralph lane , and that learned mathematician mr. thomas heryot . northward six or seauen degrees is the riuer sadagahock , where was planted the westerne colony , by that honourable patrone of vertue sir iohn poppham lord chief iustice of england . ther is also a relation printed by captaine bartholomew gosnould , of elizabeths iles : and an other by captaine waymoth , of pemmaquid . from all these diligent obseruers , posterity may be bettered by the fruits of their labours . but for diuers others that long before and since haue ranged those parts , within a kenning sometimes of the shore , some touching in one place some in another , i must entreat them pardon me for omitting them ; or if i offend in saying that their true descriptions are concealed , or neuer well obserued , or died with the authors : so that the coast is yet still but euen as a coast vnknowne and vndiscouered . i haue had six or seauen seuerall plots of those northren parts , so vnlike each to other , and most sodiffering from any true proportion , or resemblance of the countrey , as they did mee no more good , then so much waste paper , though they cost me more . it may be it was not my chance to see the best ; but least others may be deceiued as i was , or through dangerous ignorance hazard themselues as i did , i haue drawen a map from point to point , i le to i le , and harbour to harbour , with the soundings , sands , rocks , & land-marks as i passed close aboard the shore in a little boat ; although there bemany things to bee obserued which the haste of other affaires did cause me omit : for , being sent more to get present commodities , then knowledge by discoueries for any future good , i had not power to search as i would : yet it will serue to direct any shall goe that waies , to safe harbours and the saluages habitations : what marchandize and commodities for their labour they may finde , this following discourse shall plainely demonstrate . thus you may see , of this 2000. miles more then halfe is yet vnknowne to any purpose : no not so much as the borders of the sea are yet certainly discouered . as for the goodnes and true substances of the land , wee are for most part yet altogether ignorant of them , vnlesse it bee those parts about the bay of chisapeack and sagadahock : but onely here and there wee touched or haue seene a little the edges of those large dominions , which doe stretch themselues into the maine , god doth know how many thousand miles ; whereof we can yet no more iudge , then a stranger that saileth betwixt england and france can describe the harbors and dangers by landing here or there in some riuer or bay , tell thereby the goodnesse and substances of spaine , italy , germany , bohemia , hungaria & the rest . by this you may perceiue how much they erre , that think euery one which hath bin at virginia vnderstandeth or knowes what virginia is : or that the spaniards know one halfe quarter of those territories they possesse ; no , not so much as the true circumference of terra incognita , whose large dominions may equalize the greatnesse and goodnes of america , for any thing yet known . it is strange with what small power hee hath raigned in the east indes ; and few will vnderstand the truth of his strength in america : where he hauing so much to keepe with such a pampered force , they neede not greatly feare his furie , in the bermudas , virginia , new france , or new england ; beyond whose bounds america doth stretch many thousand miles : into the frozen partes whereof one master hutson an english mariner did make the greatest discouerie of any christian i knowe of , where he vnfortunately died . for affrica , had not the industrious portugales ranged her vnknowne parts , who would haue sought for wealth among those fryed regions of blacke brutish negers , where not withstanding all the wealth and admirable aduentures & endeauours more then 140 yeares , they knowe not one third of those blacke habitations . but it is not a worke for euery one , to manage such an affaire as makes a discouerie , and plants a colony : it requires all the best parts of art , iudgement , courage , honesty , cōstancy , diligence and industrie , to doe but neere well . some are more proper for one thing then another ; and therein are to be imployed : and nothing breedes more confusion then misplacing and misimploying men in their vndertakings . columbus , cortez , pitzara , soto , magellanes , and the rest serued more then a prentiship to learne how to begin their most memorable attempts in the west indes : which to the wonder of all ages succesfully they effected , when many hundreds of others farre aboue them in the worlds opinion , beeing instructed but by relation , came to shame and confusion in actions of small moment , who doubtlesse in other matters , were both wise , discreet , generous , and couragious . i say not this to detract any thing from their incomparable merits , but to answer those questionlesse questions that keep vs back from imitating the worthinesse of their braue spirits that aduanced themselues from poore souldiers to great captaines , their posterity to great lords , their king to be one of the greatest potentates on earth , and the fruites of their labours , his greatest glory , power and renowne . that part wee call new england is betwixt the degrees of 41. and 45 : but that parte this discourse speaketh of , stretcheth but from pennobscot to cape cod , some 75 leagues by a right line distant each from other : within which bounds i haue seene at least 40. seuerall habitations vpon the sea coast , and sounded about 25 excellent good harbours ; in many whereof there is ancorage for 500. sayle of ships of any burthen ; in some of them for 5000 : and more then 200 iles ouergrowne with good timber , of diuers sorts of wood , which doe make so many harbours as requireth a longer time then i had , to be well discouered . the principall habitation northward we were at , was pennobscot ▪ southward along the coast and vp the riuers we found mecadacut , segocket , pemmaquid , nusconcus , kenebeck , sagadahock , and aumoughaawgen ; and to those countries belong the people of segotago , paghhuntanuck , pocopassum , taughtanakagnet , warbigganus , nassaque , masherosqueck , wawrigweck , moshoquen , wakcogo , passharanack , &c. to these are allied the countries of aucocisco , accominticus , passataquack , aggawom , & naemkeck : all these , i could perceiue , differ little in language , fashion , or gouernment : though most be lords of themselues , yet they hold the bashabes of pennobscot , the chiefe and greatestamongst them . the next i can remēber by name are mattahunts ; two pleasant iles of groues , gardens and corne fields a league in the sea from the mayne . then totant , massachuset , pocapawmet , quonahassit , sagoquas , nahapassumkeck , topeent , seccasaw , totheet , nasnocomacack , accomack , chawum ; then cape cod by which is pawmet and the i le nawset , of the language , & alliance of them of chawum : the others are called massachusets ; of another language , humor and condition : for their trade and marchandize ; to each of their habitations they haue diuerse townes and people belonging ; and by their relations and desriptions , more then 20 seuerall habitations and riuers that stretch themselues farre vp into the countrey , euen to the borders of diuerse great lakes , where they kill and take most of their beuers and ouers . from pennobscot to sagadahock this coast is all mountainous and iles of huge rocks , but ouergrowen with all sorts of excellent good woodes for building houses , boats , barks or shippes ; with an incredible abundance of most sorts of fish , much fowle , and sundry sorts of good fruites for mans vse . betwixt sagadahock and sowocatuck there is but two or three sandy bayes , but betwixt that and cape god very many : especialy the coast of the massachusets is so indifferently mixed with high clayie or sandy cliffes in one place , & then tracts of large long ledges of diuers sorts , and quarries of stones in other places so strangely diuided with tinctured veines of diuers colours : as , free stone for building , slate for tiling , smooth stone to make fornaces and forges for glasse or iron , and iron ore sufficient , conueniently to melt in them : but the most part so resembleth the coast of deuonshire , i thinke most of the cliffes would make such lime-stone : if they be not of these qualities , they are so like , they may deceiue a better iudgement then mine ; all which are so neere adioyning to those other aduantages i obserued in these parts , that if the ore proue as good iron & steele 〈◊〉 those parts , as i know it is within the bounds of the countrey , i dare engage my head ( hauing but men skilfull to worke the simples there growing ) to haue all things belonging to the building the rigging of shippes of any proportion , and and good marchandize for the fraught , within a square of 10 or 14 leagues : and were it for a good rewarde , i would not feare to prooue it in a lesse limitation . and surely by reason of those sandy cliffes and cliffes of rocks , both which we saw so planted with gardens and corne fields , and so well inhabited with a goodly , strong and well proportioned people , besides the greatnesse of the timber growing on them , the greatnesse of the fish and the moderate temper of the ayre ( for of twentie fiue , not any was sicke , but two that were many yeares diseased before they went , not withstanding our bad lodging and accidentall diet ) who can but approoue this a most excellent place , both for health & fertility ? and of all the foure parts of the world that i haue yet seene not inhabited , could i haue but meanes to transport a colonie , i would rather liue here then any where : and if it did not maintaine if selfe , were wee but once indifferently well fitted , let vs starue . the maine staple , from hence to bee extracted for the present to produce the rest , is fish ; which howeuet it may seeme a mean and a base commoditie : yet who who will but truely take the pains and consider the sequell , i thinke will allow it well worth the labour . it is strange to see what great aduentures the hopes of setting forth men of war to rob the industrious innocent , would procure ; or such massie promises in grosse : though more are choked then well fedde with such hastie hopes . but who doth not know that the poore hollanders , chiefly by fishing , at a great charge and labour in all weathers in the open sea , are made a people so hardy , and industrious ? and by the venting this poore commodity to the easterlings for as meane , which is wood , flax , pitch , tarre , rosin , cordage , and such like ( which they exchange againe , to the french , spaniards , portugales , and english , &c. for what they want ) are made so mighty , strong and rich , as no state but venice , of twice their magnitude , is so well furnished with so many faire cities , goodly townes , strong fortresses , & that aboundance of shipping and all sorts of marchandize , as well of golde , siluer , pearles , diamonds , pretious stones , silkes , veluets , and cloth of golde ; as fish , pitch , wood , or such grosse commodities ? what voyages and discoueries , east and west , north and south , yea about the world , make they ? what an army by sea and land , haue they long maintained in despite of one of the greatest princes of the world ? and neuer could the spaniard with all his mynes of golde and siluer , pay his debts , his friends , & army , halfe so truly , as the hollanders stil haue done by this contemptible trade of fish . diuers ( i know ) may alledge , many other assistances : but this is their myne ; and the sea the source of those siluered streames of all their vertue ; which hath made them now the very miracle of industrie , the pattern of perfection for these affaires : and the benefit of fishing is that primum mobile that turnes all their spheres to this height of plentie , strength , honour and admiration . herring , cod , and ling , is that triplicitie that makes their wealth & shippings multiplicities , such as it is , and from which ( few would thinke it ) they yearly draw at least one million & a halfe of pounds starling ; yet it is most certaine ( if records be true ) : and in this faculty they are so naturalized , and of their vents so certainely acquainted , as there is no likelihood they will euer bee paralleld , hauing 2 or 3000 busses , flat bottomes , sword pinks , todes , and such like , that breedes them saylers , mariners , souldiers and marchants , neuer to be wrought out of that trade , and fit for any other . i will not deny but others may gaine as well as they , that will vse it , though not so certainely , nor so much in quantity ; for want of experience . and this herring they take vpon the coast of scotland and england ; their cod and ling , vpon the coast of izeland and in the north seas . hamborough , & the east countries , for sturgion and cauiare , gets many thousands of pounds from england , and the straites : portugale , the biskaines , and the spaniards , make 40 or 50 saile yearely to cape-blank , to hooke for porgos , mullet , and make puttardo : and new found land , doth yearely fraught neere 800 sayle of ships with a sillie leane skinny poore-iohn , and corfish , which at least yearely amounts to 3 or 400000 pound . if from all those parts such paines is taken for this poore gaines of fish , and by them hath neither meate , drinke , nor clothes , wood , iron , nor steele , pitch , tarre , nets , leades , salt , hookes , nor lines , for shipping , fishing , nor prouision , but at the second , third , fourth , or fift hand , drawne from so many seuerall parts of the world ere they come together to be vsed in this voyage : if these i say can gaine , and the saylers liue going for shares , lesse then the third part of their labours , and yet spend as much time in going and comming , as in staying there , so short is the season of fishing ; why should wee more doubt , then holland , portugale , spaniard , french , or other , but to doe much better then they , where there is victuall to feede vs , wood of all sorts , to build boats , ships , or barks ; the fish at our doores , pitch , tarre , masts , yards , and most of other necessaries onely for making ? and here are no hard landlords to racke vs with high rents , or extorted fines to consume vs , no tedious pleas in law to consume vs with their many years disputations for iustice : no multitudes to occasion such impediments to good orders , as in popular states . so freely hath god & his maiesty bestowed those blessings on thē that will attempt to obtaine them , as here euery man may be master and owner of his owne labour and land ; or the greatest part in a small time . if hee haue nothing but his hands , he may set vp this trade ; and by industrie quickly grow rich ; spending but halfe that time wel , which in england we abuse in idlenes , worse or as ill . here is ground also as good as any lyeth in the height of forty one , forty two , forty three , &c. which is as temperate and as fruitfull as any other paralell in the world . as for example , on this side the line west of it in the south sea , is noua albion , discouered as is said , by sir francis drake . east from it , is the most temperate part of portugale , the ancient kingdomes of galazia , biskey , nauarre , arragon , catalonia , castilia the olde , and the most moderatest of castilia the new , and valentia , which is the greatest part of spain : which if the spanish histories bee true , in the romanes time abounded no lesse with golde and siluer mines , then now the west indies ; the romanes then vsing the spaniards to work in those mines , as now the spaniard doth the indians . in france , the prouinces of gasconie , langadock , auignon , prouince , dolphine , pyamont , and turyne , are in the same paralel : which are the best & richest parts of france . in italy , the prouinces of genua , lumbardy , & verona , with a great part of the most famous sate of venice , the dukedoms of bononia , mantua , ferrara , rauenna , bolognia , florence , pisa , sienna , vrbine , ancona , and the ancient citie and countrey of rome , with a great part of the great kingdome of naples . in slauonia , istrya , and dalmatia , with the kingdomes of albania . in grecia , that famous kingdome of macedonia , bulgaria , thessalia , thracia , or romania , where is seated the most pleasant and plētifull citie in europe , constantinople . in asia also , in the same latitude , are the temperatest parts of natolia , armenia , persia , and china , besides diuers other large countries and kingdomes in these most milde and temperate regions of asia . southward , in the same height , is the richest of golde mynes , chily and baldiuia , & the mouth of the great riuer of plate , &c : for all the rest of the world in that height is yet vnknown . besides these reasons , mine owne eyes that haue seene a great part of those cities and their kingdomes , as well as it , can finde no aduantage they haue in nature , but this , they are beautified by the long labour and diligence of industrious people and art. this is onely as god made it , when he created the worlde . therefore i conclude , if the heart and intralls of those regions were sought : if their land were cultured , planted and manured by men of industrie , iudgement , and experience ; what hope is there , or what neede they doubt , hauing those aduantages of the sea , but it might equalize any of those famous kingdomes , in all commodities , pleasures , and conditions ? seeing euen the very edges doe naturally afford vs such plenty , as no ship need returne away empty : and onely vse but the season of the sea , fish will returne an honest gaine , beside all other aduantages ; her treasures hauing yet neuer beene opened , nor her originalls wasted , consumed , nor abused . and whereas it is said , the hollanders serue the easterlings themselues , and other parts that want , with herring , ling , and wet cod ; the easterlings , a great part of europe , with sturgion and cauiate ; cape-blanke , spaine , portugale , and the leuant , with mullet , and puttargo ; new found land , all europe , with a thin poore iohn : yet all is so ouerlaide with fishers , as the fishing decayeth , and many are constrained to returne with a small fraught . norway , and polonia , pitch , tar , masts , and yardes ; sweathland , and russia iron , and ropes ; france , and spaine , canuas , wine , steele , iron , and oyle ; italy and greece , silks , and fruites . i dare boldly say , because i haue seen naturally growing , or breeding in those parts the same materialls that all those are made of , they may as well be had here , or the most part of them , within the distance of 70 leagues for some few ages , as from all those parts ; vsing but the same meanes to haue them that they doe , & with all those aduantages . first , the ground is so fertill , that questionless it is capable of producing any grain , fruits , or seeds you will sow or plant , growing in the regions afore named : but it may be , not euery kinde to that perfection of delicacy ; or some tender plants may miscarie , because the summer is not so hot , and the winter is more colde in those parts wee haue yet tryed neere the sea side , then we finde in the same height in europe or asia ; yet i made a garden vpon the top of a rockie i le in 43. ½ , 4 leagues from the main , in may , that grew so well , as it serued vs for sallets in iune and iuly . all sorts of cattell may here be bred and fed in the iles , or peninsulaes , securely for nothing . in the interim till they encrease if need be ( obseruing the seasons ) i durst vndertake to haue corne enough from the saluages for 300 men , for a few trifles ; and if they should bee vntoward ( as it is most certaine they are ) thirty or forty good men will be sufficient to bring them all in subiection , and make this prouision ; if they vnderstand what they doe : 200 whereof may nine monethes in the yeare be imployed in making marchandable fish , till the rest prouide other necessaries , fit to furnish vs with other commodities . in march , aprill , may , and halfe iune , here is cod in abundance ; in may , iune , iuly , and august mullet and sturgion ; whose roes doe make cauiare and puttargo . herring , if any desire them , i haue taken many out of the bellies of cods , some in nets ; but the saluages compare their store in the sea , to the haires of their heads : and surely there are an incredible abundance vpon this coast . in the end of august , september , october , and nouember , you haue cod againe , to make cor fish , or poore iohn : and each hundred is as good as two or three hundred in the new-found land. so that halfe the labour in hooking , splitting , and turning , is saued : and you may haue your fish at what market you will , before they can haue any in new-found land ; where their fishing is chiefly but in iune and iuly : whereas it is heere in march , aprill , may , september , october , and nouember , as is said . so that by reason of this plantation , the marchants may haue fraught both out and home : which yeelds an aduantage worth consideration . your cor-fish you may in like manner transport as you see cause , to serue the ports in portugale ( as lisbon , auera , porta port , and diuers others , or what market you please ) before your ilanders returne : they being tyed to the season in the open sea ; you hauing a double season , and fishing before your doors , may euery night sleep quietly a shore with good cheare and what fires you will , or when you please with your wiues and familie : they onely , their ships in the maine ocean . the mullets heere are in that abundance , you may take them with nets , sometimes by hundreds , where at cape blank they hooke them ; yet those but one foot and a halfe in length ; these two , three , or foure , as oft i haue measured : much salmon some haue found vp the riuers , as they haue passed : and heer the ayre is so temperate , as all these at any time may well be preserued . now , young boyes and girles saluages , or any other , be they neuer such idlers , may turne , carry , and return fish , without either shame , or any great paine : hee is very idle that is past twelue yeares of age and cannot doe so much : and she is very olde , that cannot spin a thred to make engines to catch them . for their transportation , the ships that go there to fish may transport the first : who for their passage will spare the charge of double manning their ships , which they must doe in the new-found land , to get their fraught ; but one third part of that companie are onely but proper to serue a stage , carry a barrow , and turne poor iohn : notwithstanding , they must haue meate , drinke , clothes , & passage , as well as the rest . now all i desire , is but this ; that those that voluntarily will send shipping , should make here the best choise they can , or accept such as are presented them , to serue them at that rate : and their ships returning leaue such with me , with the value of that they should receiue comming home , in such prouisions and necessarie tooles , armes , bedding and apparell , salt , hookes , nets , lines , and such like as they spare of the remainings ; who till the next returne may keepe their boates and doe them many other profitable offices : prouided i haue men of ability to teach them their functions , and a company fit for souldiers to be ready vpon an occasion ; because of the abuses which haue beene offered the poore saluages , and the liberty both french , or any that will , hath to deale with them as they please : whose disorders will be hard to reforme ; and the longer the worse . now such order with facilitie might be taken , with euery port towne or citie , to obserue but this order , with free power to conuert the benefits of their fraughts to what aduantage they please , and increase their numbers as they see occasion ; who euer as they are able to subsist of themselues , may beginne the new townes in new england in memory of their olde : which freedome being confined but to the necessity of the generall good , the euent ( with gods helpe ) might produce an honest , a noble , and a profitable emulation . salt vpon salt may assuredly be made ; if not at the first in ponds , yet till they bee prouided this may be vsed : then the ships may transport kine , horse , goates , course cloath , and such commodities as we want ; by whose arriuall may be made that prouision of fish to fraught the ships that they stay not : and then if the sailers goe for wages , it matters not . it is hard if this returne defray not the charge : but care must be had , they arriue in the spring , or else prouision be made for them against the winter . of certaine red berries called alkermes which is worth ten shillings a pound , but of these hath been sould for thirty or forty shillings the pound , may yearely be gathered a good quantitie . of the musk rat may bee weil raised gaines , well worth their labour , that will endeuor to make tryall of their goodnesse . of beuers , otters , martins , blacke foxes , and furres of price , may yearely be had 6 or 7000 : and if the trade of the french were preuented , many more : 25000 this yeare were brought from those northren parts into france ; of which trade we may haue as good part as the french , if we take good courses . of mynes of golde and siluer , copper , and probabilities of lead , christall and allum , i could say much if relations were good assurances . it is true indeed , i made many trials according to those instructions i had , which doe perswade mee i need not despaire , but there are metalls in the countrey : but i am no alchymist , nor will promise more then i know : which is , who will vndertake the rectifying of an iron forge , if those that buy meate , drinke , coals , ore , and all necessaries at a deer rate gaine ; where all these things are to be had for the taking vp , in my opinion cannot lose . of woods seeing there is such plenty of all sorts , if those that build ships and boates , buy wood at so great a price , as it is in england , spaine , france , italy , and holland , and all other prouisions for the nourishing of mans life ; liue well by their trade : when labour is all required to take those necessaries without any other tax ; what hazard will be here , but doe much better ? and what commoditie in europe doth more decay then wood ? for the goodnesse of the ground , let vs take it fertill , or barren , or as it is : seeing it is certaine it beares fruites , to nourish and feed man and beast , as well as england , and the sea those seuerall sorts of fish i haue related . thus seeing all good prouisions for mans sustenance , may with this facility be had , by a little extraordinarie labour , till that transported be increased ; and all necessaries for shipping , onely for labour : to which may bee added the assistance of the saluages , which may easily be had , if they be discreetly handled in their kindes ; towards fishing , planting , and destroying woods . what gaines might be raised if this were followed ( when there is but once men to fill your store houses , dwelling there , you may serue all europe better and farre cheaper , then can the izeland fishers , or the hollanders , cape blank , or new found land : who must be at as much more charge , then you ) may easily be coniectured by this example . 2000. pound will fit out a ship of 200. & 1 of a 100 tuns : if the dry fish they both make , fraught that of 200. and goe for spaine , sell it but at ten shillings a quintall ; but commonly it giueth fifteen , or twentie : especially when it commeth first , which amounts to 3 or 4000 pound : but say but tenne , which is the lowest , allowing the rest for waste , it amounts at that rate , to 2000 pound , which is the whole charge of your two ships , and their equipage : then the returne of the money , and the fraught of the ship for the vintage , or any other voyage , is cleere gaine , with your shippe of a 100 tuns of train and oyle , besides the beuers , and other commodities ; and that you may haue at home within six monethes , if god please but to send an ordinarie passage . then sauing halfe this charge by the not staying of your ships , your victual , ouerplus of men & wages ; with her fraught thither of things necessarie for the planters , the salt being there made : as also may the nets & lines , within a short time : if nothing were to bee expected but this , it might in time equalize your hollanders gaines , if not exceed them : they returning but wood , pitch , tarre , and such grosse commodities ; you wines , oyles , fruits , silkes , and such straits commodities , as you please to prouide by your factors , against such times as your shippes arriue with them . this would so increase our shipping and sailers , and so employ and encourage a great part of our idlers and others that want imployments fitting their qualities at home , where they shame to doe that they would doe abroad ; that could they but once taste the sweet fruites of their owne labours , doubtlesse many thousands would be aduised by good discipline , to take more pleasure in honest industrie , then in their humours of dissolute idlenesse . but , to returne a little more to the particulars of this countrey , which i intermingle thus with my proiects and reasons , not being so sufficiently yet acquainted in those parts , to write fully the estate of the sea , the ayre , the land , the fruites , the rocks , the people , the gouernment , religion , territories , and limitations , friends , and foes : but , as i gathered from the niggardly relations in a broken language to my vnderstanding , during the time i ranged those countries &c. the most northren part i was at , was the bay of pennobscot , which is east and west , north and south , more then ten leagues : but such were my occasions , i was constrained to be satisfied of them i found in the bay , that the riuer ranne farre vp into the land , and was well inhabited with many people , but they were from their habitations , either fishing among the iles , or hunting the lakes and woods , for deer and beners . the bay is full of great ilands , of one , two , six , eight , or ten miles in length , which diuides it into many faire and excellent good harbours . on the east of it , are the tarrantines , their mortall enemies , where inhabit the french , as they report that liue with those people , as one nation or family . and northwest of pennobscot is mecaddacut , at the foot of a high mountaine , a kinde of fortresse against the tarrantines , adioyning to the high mountaines of pennobscot , against whose feet doth beat the sea : but ouer all the land , iles , or other impediments , you may well see them sixteene or eighteene leagues from their situation . segocket is the next ; then nusconcus , pemmaquid , and sagadahock . vp this riuer where was the westerne plantation are aumuckcawgen , kinnebeck , and diuers others , where there is planted some corne fields . along this riuer 40 or 50 miles , i saw nothing but great high cliffes of barren rocks , ouergrowne with wood : but where the saluages dwelt there the ground is exceeding fat & fertill . westward of this riuer , is the countrey of aucocisco , in the bottome of a large deepe bay , full of many great iles , which diuides it into many good harbours . sowocotuck is the next , in the edge of a large sandy bay , which hath many rocks and iles , but few good harbours , but for barks , i yet know . but all this coast to pennobscot , and as farre i could see eastward of it is nothing but such high craggy cliffy rocks & stony iles that i wondered such great trees could growe vpon so hard foundations . it is a countrie rather to affright , then delight one . and how to describe a more plaine spectacle of desolation or more barren i knowe not . yet the sea there is the strangest fish-pond i euer saw ; and those barren iles so furnished with good woods , springs , fruits , fish , and foule , that it makes mee thinke though the coast be rockie , and thus affrightable ; the vallies , plaines , and and interior parts , may well ( notwithstanding ) be verie fertile . but there is no kingdome so fertile hath not some part barren : and new england is great enough , to make many kingdomes and countries , were it all inhabited . as you passe the coast still westward , accominticus and passataquack are two conuenient harbors for small barks ; and a good countrie , within their craggie cliffs . angoam is the next ; this place might content a right curious iudgement : but there are many sands at the entrance of the harbor : and the worst is , it is inbayed too farre from the deepe sea. heere are many rising hilles , and on their tops and descents many corne fields , and delightfull groues . on the east , is an i le of two or three leagues in length ; the one halfe , plaine morish grasse fit for pasture , with many faire high groues of mulberrie trees gardens : and there is also okes , pines , and other woods to make this place an excellent habitation , beeing a good and safe harbor . naimkeck though it be more rockie ground ( for angoam is sandie ) not much inferior ; neither for the harbor , nor any thing i could perceiue , but the multitude of people . from hence doth stretch into the sea the faire headland tragabigzanda , fronted with three iles called the three turks heads : to the north of this , doth enter a great bay , where wee founde some habitations and corne fields : they report a great riuer , and at least thirtie habitations , doo possesse this countrie . but because the french had got their trade , i had no leasure to discouer it . the iles of mattahunts are on the west side of this bay , where are many iles , and questionlesse good harbors : and then the countrie of the massachusets , which is the paradise of all those parts : for , heere are many iles all planted with corne ; groues , mulberries , saluage gardens , and good harbors : the coast is for the most part , high clayie sandie cliffs . the sea coast as you passe , shewes you all along large corne fields , and great troupes of well proportioned people : but the french hauing remained heere neere sixe weekes , left nothing , for vs to take occasion to examine the inhabitants relations , viz. if there be neer three thousand people vpon these iles ; and that the riuer doth pearce many daies iourneies the intralles of that countrey . we found the people in those parts verie kinde ; but in their furie no lesse valiant . for , vpon a quarrell wee had with one of them , hee onely with three others crossed the harbor of quonahassit to certaine rocks whereby wee must passe ; and there let flie their arrowes for our shot , till we were out of danger . then come you to accomack , an excellent good harbor , good land ; and no want of any thing , but industrious people . after much kindnesse , vpon a small occasion , wee fought also with fortie or fiftie of those : though some were hurt , and some slaine ; yet within an houre after they became friendes . cape cod is the next presents it selfe : which is onely a headland of high hils of sand , ouergrowne with shrubbie pines , hurts , and such trash ; but an excellent harbor for all weathers . this cape is made by the maine sea on the one side , and a great bay on the other in forme of a sickle : on it doth inhabit the people of pawmet : and in the bottome of the bay , the people of chawum . towards the south and southwest of this cape , is found a long and dangerous shoale of sands and rocks . but so farte as i incircled it , i found thirtie fadom water aboard the shore , and a strong current : which makes mee thinke there is a channell about this shoale ; where is the best and greatest fish to be had , winter and summer , in all that countrie . but , the saluages say there is no channell , but that the shoales beginne from the maine at pawmet , to the i le of nausit ; and so extends beyond their knowledge into the sea. the next to this is capawack , and those abounding countries of copper , corne , people , and mineralls ; which i went to discouer this last yeare : but because i miscarried by the way , i will leaue them , till god please i haue better acquaintance with them . the massachusets , they report , sometimes haue warres with the bashabes of pennobskot ; and are not alwaies friends with them of chawun and their alliants : but now they are all friends , and haue each trade with other , so farre as they haue societie , on each others frontiers . for they make no such voiages as from pennobskot to cape cod ; seldom to massachewset . in the north ( as i haue said ) they begunne to plant corne , whereof the south part hath such plentie , as they haue what they will from them of the north ; and in the winter much more plenty of fish and foule : but both winter and summer hath it in the one part or other all the yeare ; being the meane and most indifferent temper , betwixt heat and colde , of all the regions betwixt the lyne and the pole : but the furs northward are much better , and in much more plentie , then southward . the remarkeablest iles & mountains for land-markes are these ; the highest ile is sorico , in the bay of pennobskot : but the three iles and a rock of matinnack are much furder in the sea ; metinicus is also three plaine iles & a rock , betwixt it & monahigan : monahigan is a rounde high i le ; and close by it monanis , betwixt which is a small harbor where we ride . in damerils iles is such another : sagadahock is knowne by satquin , and foure or fiue iles in the mouth . smyths iles are a heape together , none neere them , against accominticus . the three turks heads are three iles seen fa● to sea-ward in regard of the headland . the cheefe headlands are onely cape tragabig●anda and cape cod. the cheefe mountaines , them of pennobscot : the twinkling mountaine of aucocisco ; the greate mountaine of sasanon ; and the high mountaine of massachusit : each of which you shall finde in the mappe ; their places , formes , and altitude . the waters are most pure , proceeding from the intrals of rockie mountaines ; the hearbes and fruits are of many sorts and kindes : as alkermes , currans , or a fruit like currans , mulberries , vines , respices , goosberries , plummes , walnuts , chesnuts , small nuts , &c. pumpions , gourds , strawberries , beans , pease , and mayze ; a kinde or two of flax , wherewith they make nets , lines and ropes both small and great , verie strong for their quantities . oke , is the chiefe wood ; of which there is great difference in regard of the soyle where it groweth . firre , pyne , walnut , chesnut , birch , ash , elme , cypresse , ceder , mulberrie , plumtree , hazell , saxefrage , and many other sorts . eagles , gripes , diuerse sorts of haukes , cranes , geese , brants , cormorants , ducks , sheldrakes , teale , meawes , guls , turkies , diue-doppers , and many other sorts , whose names i knowe not . whales , grampus , porkpisces , turbut , sturgion , cod , hake , haddock , cole , cusk , or small ling , shark , mackerell , herring , mullet , base , pinacks , cunners , pearch , eels , crabs , lobsters , muskles , wilkes , oysters , and diuerse others &c. moos , a beast bigger then a stagge ; deere , red , and fallow ; beuers , wolues , foxes , both blacke and other ; aroughconds , wild-cats , beares , otters , martins , fitches , musquaslus , & diuerse sorts of vermine , whose names i know not . all these and diuerse other good things do heese , for want of vse , still increase , & decrease with little diminution , whereby they growe to that abundance . you shall scarce finde any baye , shallow shore , or coue of sand , where you may not take many clampes , or lobsters , or both at your pleasure , and in many places lode your boat if you please ; nor iles where you finde not fruits , birds , crabs , and muskles , or all of them , for taking , at a lowe water . and in the harbors we frequented , a little boye might take of cunners , and pinacks , and such delicate fish , at the ships sterne , more then sixe or tenne can eate in a daie ; but with a casting-net , thousands when wee pleased : and scarce any place , but cod , cuske , holybut , mackerell , scate , or such like , a man may take with a hooke or line what he will. and , in diuerse sandy baies , a man may draw with a net great store of mullets , bases , and diuerse other sorts of such excellent fish , as many as his net can drawe on shore : no riuer where there is not plentie of sturgion , or salmon , or both ; all which are to be had in abundance obseruing but their seasons . but if a man will goe at christmasse to gather cherries in kent , he may be deceiued ; though there be plentie in summer : so , heere these plenties haue each their seasons , as i haue expressed . we for the most part had little but bread and vineger : and though the most part of iuly when the fishing decaied they wrought all day , laie abroade in the iles all night , and liued on what they found , yet were not sicke : but i would wish none put himself long to such plunges ; except necessitie constraine it : yet worthy is that person to starue that heere cannot liue ; if he haue sense , strength and health : for , there is no such penury of these blessings in any place , but that a hundred men may , in one houre or two , make their prouisions for a day : and hee that hath experience to mannage well these affaires , with fortie or thirtie honest industrious men , might well vndertake ( if they dwell in these parts ) to subject the saluages , and feed daily two or three hundred men , with as good corne , fish , and flesh , as the earth hath of those kindes , and yet make that labor but their pleasure : prouided that they haue engins , that be proper for their purposes . who can desire more content , that hath small meanes ; or but only his merit to aduance his fortune , then to tread , and plant that ground hee hath purchased by the hazard of his life ? if he haue but the taste of virtue , and magnanimitie , what to such a minde can bee more pleasant , then planting and building a foundation for his posteritie , gotte from the rude earth , by gods blessing & his owne industrie , without preiudice to any ? if hee haue any graine of faith or zeale in religion , what can hee doe lesse hurtfull to any ; or more agreeable to god , then to seeke to conuert those poore saluages to know christ , and humanitie , whose labors with discretion will triple requite thy charge and paines ? what so truely sutes with honour and honestie , as the discouering things vnknowne ? erecting townes , peopling countries , informing the ignorant , reforming things vniust , teaching virtue ; & gaine to out natiuemother-countrie a kingdom to attend her ; finde imployment for those that are idle , because they know not what to doe : so farre from wronging any , as to cause posteritie to remember thee ; and remembring thee , euer honour that remembrance with praise ? consider : what were the beginnings and endings of the monarkies of the chaldeans , the syrians , the grecians , and romanes , but this one rule ; what was it they would not doe , for the good of the commonwealth , or their mother-citie ? for example : rome , what made her such a monarchesse , but onely the aduentures of her youth , not in riots at home , but in dangers abroade ? and the iustice and iudgement out of their experience , when they grewe aged . what was their ruine and hurt , but this ; the excesse of idlenesse , the fondnesse of parents , the want of experience in magistrates , the admiration of their vndeserued honours , the contempt of true merit , their vniust iealosies , their politicke incredulities , their hypocriticall seeming goodnesse , and their deeds of secret lewdnesse ? finally , in fine , growing onely formall temporists , all that their predecessors got in many years , they lost in few daies . those by their pains & vertues became lords of the world ; they by their ease and vices became slaues to their seruants . this is the difference betwixt the vse of armes in the field , & on the monuments of stones ; the golden age and the leaden age , prosperity and miserie , iustice and corruption , substance and shadowes , words and deeds , experience and imagination , making commonwealths and marring commonwealths , the fruits of vertue and the conclusions of vice . then , who would liue at home idly ( or thinke in himselfe any worth to liue ) onely to eate , drink , and sleepe , and so die ? or by consuming that carelesly , his friends got worthily ? or by vsing that miserably , that maintained vertue honestly ? or , for being descended nobly , pine with the vaine vaunt of great kindred , in penurie ? or ( to maintaine a silly shewe of brauery ) toyle out thy heart , soule , and time , basely , by shifts , tricks , cards , & dice ? or by relating newes of others actions , sharke here or there for a dinner , or supper ; deceiue thy friends , by faire promises , and dissimulation , in borrowing where thou neuer intendest to pay ; offend the lawes , surfeit with excesse , burden thy country , abuse thy selfe , despaire in want , and then couzen thy kindred , yea euen thine owne brother , and wish thy parents death ( i will not say damnation ) to haue their estates ? though thou seest what honours , and rewards , the world yet hath for them will seeke them and worthily deserue them . i would be sory to offend , or that any should mistake my honest meaning : for i wish good to all , hurt to none . but rich men for the most part are growne to that dotage , through their pride in their wealth , as though there were no accident could end it , or their life . and what hellish care do such take to make it their owne miserie , and their countries spoile , especially when there is most neede of their imployment ? drawing by all manner of inuentions , from the prince and his honest subiects , euen the vitall spirits of their powers and estates : as if their bagges , or bragges , were so powerfull a defence , the malicious could not assault them ; when they are the onely baite , to cause vs not to be onely assaulted ; but betrayed and murdered in our owne security , ere we well perceiue it . may not the miserable ruine of constantinople , their impregnable walles , riches , and pleasures last taken by the turke ( which are but a bit , in comparison of their now mightines ) remember vs , of the effects of priuate couetousness ? at which time the good emperour held himselfe rich enough , to haue such rich subiects , so formall in all excesse of vanity , all kinde of delicacie , and prodigalitie . his pouertie when the turke besieged , the citizens ( whose marchandizing thoughts were onely to get wealth , little conceiuing the desperate resolution of a valiant expert enemy ) left the emp. so long to his conclusions , hauing spent all he had to pay his young , raw , discontented souldiers ; that sodainly he , they , and their citie were all a prey to the deuouring turke . and what they would not spare for the maintenance of them who aduentured their liues to defend them , did serue onely their enemies to torment them , their friends , and countrey , and all christendome to this present day . let this lamentable example remember you that are rich ( seeing there are such great theeues in the world to robbe you ) not grudge to lend some proportion , to breed them that haue little , yet willing to learne how to defend you : for , it is too late when the deede is a-doing . the romanes estate hath beene worse then this : for , the meere couetousnesse and extortion of a few of them , so mooued the rest , that not hauing any imployment , but contemplation ; their great iudgements grew to so great malice , as themselues were sufficient to destroy themselues by faction : let this mooue you to embrace imployment , for those whose educations , spirits , and iudgements , want but your purses ; not onely to preuent such accustomed dangers , but also to gaine more thereby then you haue . and you fathers that are either so foolishly fond , or so miserably couetous , or so willfully ignorant , or so negligently carelesse , as that you will rather maintaine your children in idle wantonness , till they growe your masters ; or become so basely vnkinde , as they wish nothing but your deaths ; so that both sorts growe dissolute : and although you would wish them any where to escape the gallowes , and ease your cares ; though they spend you here one , two , or three hundred pound a yeer ; you would grudge to giue halfe so much in aduenture with them , to obtaine an estate , which in a small time but with a little assistance of your prouidence , might bee better then your owne . but if an angell should tell you , that any place yet vnknowne can afford such fortunes ; you would not beleeue him , no more then columbus was beleeued there was any such land as is now the well knowne abounding america ; much lesse such large regions as are yet vnknowne , as well in america , as in affrica , and asia , and terra incognita ; where were courses for gentlemen ( and them that would be so reputed ) more suiting their qualities , then begging from their princes generous disposition , the labours of his subiects , and the very marrow of his maintenance . i haue not beene so ill bred , but i haue tasted of plenty and pleasure , as well as want and miserie : nor doth necessity yet , or occasion of discontent , force me to these endeauors : nor am i ignorant what small thanke i shall haue for my paines ; o● that many would haue the worlde imagine them to be of great iudgement , that can but blemish these my designes , by their witty obiections and detractions : yet ( i hope ) my reasons with my deeds , will so preuaile with some , that i shall not want imployment in these affaires , to make the most blinde see his owne senselesnesse , & incredulity ; hoping that gaine will make them affect that , which religion , charity , and the common good cannot . it were but a poore deuice in me , to deceiue my selfe ; much more the king , & state , my friends , and countrey , with these inducements : which , seeing his maiestie hath giuen permission , i wish all sorts of worthie , honest , industrious spirits , would vnderstand : and if they desire any further satisfaction , i will doe my best to giue it : not to perswade them to goe onely ; but goe with them : not leaue them there ; but liue with them there . i will not say , but by ill prouiding and vndue managing , such courses may be taken , may make vs miserable enough : but if i may haue the execution of what i haue proiected ; if they want to eate , let them eate or neuer digest me. if i performe what i say , i desire but that reward out of the gaines may sute my paines , quality , and condition . and if i abuse you with my tongue , take my head for satisfaction . if any dislike at the yeares end , defraying their charge , by my consent they should freely returne . i feare not want of companie sufficient , were it but knowne what i know of those countries ; & by the proofe of that wealth i hope yearely to returne , if god please to blesse me from such accidents , as are beyond my power in reason to preuent : for , i am not so simple , to thinke , that euer any other motiue then wealth , will euer erect there a commonweale ; or draw companie from their ease and humours at home , to stay in new england to effect my purposes . and lest any should thinke the toile might be insupportable , though these things may be had by labour , and diligence : i assure my selfe there are who delight extreamly in vaine pleasure , that take much more paines in england , to enioy it , then i should doe heere to gaine wealth sufficient : and yet i thinke they should not haue halfe such sweet content : for , our pleasure here is still gaines ; in england charges and losse . heer nature and liberty affords vs that freely , which in england we want , or it costeth vs dearely . what pleasure can be more , then ( being tired with any occasion a-shore ) in planting vines , fruits , or hearbs , in contriuing their owne grounds , to the pleasure of their owne mindes , their fields , gardens , orchards , buildings , ships , and other works , &c. to recreate themselues before their owne doores , in their owne boates vpon the sea , where man woman and childe , with a small hooke and line , by angling , may take diuerse sorts of excellent fish , at their pleasures ? and is it not pretty sport , to pull vp two pence , six pence , and twelue pence , as fast as you can hale and veare a line ? he is a very bad fisher , cannot kill in one day with his hooke and line , one , two , or three hundred cods : which dressed and dryed , if they be sould there for ten shillings the hundred , though in england they will giue more then twentie ; may not both the seruant , the master , and marchant , be well content with this gaine ? if a man worke but three dayes in seauen , he may get more then hee can spend , vnlesse he will be excessiue . now that carpenter , mason , gardiner , taylor , smith , sailer , forgers , or what other , may they not make this a pretty recreation though they fish but an houre in a day , to take more then they eate in a weeke : or ? if they will not eate it , because there is so much better choise ; yet sell it , or change it , with the fisher men , or marchants , for any thing they want . and what sport doth yeeld a more pleasing content , and lesse hurt or charge then angling with a hooke , and crossing the sweete ayre from i le to i le , ouer the silent streames of a calme sea ? wherein the most curious may finde pleasure , profit , and content . thus , though all men be not fishers : yet all men , whatsoeuer , may in other matters doe as well . for necessity doth in these cases so rule a common wealth , and each in their seuerall functions , as their labours in their qualities may be as profitable , because there is a necessary mutuall vse of all . for gentlemen , what exercise should more delight them , then ranging dayly those vnknowne parts , vsing fowling and fishing , for hunting and hauking ? and yet you shall see the wilde haukes giue you some pleasure , in seeing them stoope ( six or seauen after one another ) an houre or two together , at the skuls of fish in the faire harbours , as those a-shore at a foule ; and neuer trouble nor torment your selues , with watching , mewing , feeding , and attending them : nor kill horse and man with running & crying , see you not a hauk ? for hunting also : the woods , lakes , and riuers , affoord not onely chase sufficient , for any that delights in that kinde of toyle , or pleasure ; but such beasts to hunt , that besides the delicacy of their bodies for food , their skins are so rich , as may well recompence thy dayly labour , with a captains pay . for labourers , if those that sowe hemp , rape , turnups , parsnips , carrats , cabidge , and such like ; giue 20 , 30 , 20 , 50 shillings yearely for an acre of ground , and meat drinke and wages to vse it , and yet grow rich : when better , or at least as good ground , may be had and cost nothing but labour ; it seemes strange to me , any such should there grow poore . my purpose is not to perswade children from their parents ; men from their wiues ; nor seruants from their masters : onely , such as with free consent may be spared : but that each parish , or village , in citie , or countrey , that will but apparell their fatherlesse children , of thirteene or fourteen years of age , or young maried people , that haue small wealth to liue on ; heere by their labour may liue exceeding well : prouided alwaies that first there bee a sufficient power to command them , houses to receiue them , meanes to defend them , and meet prouisions for them ; for , any place may bee ouerlain : and it is most necessarie to haue a fortresse ( ere this grow to practice ) and sufficient masters ( as , carpenters , masons , fishers , fowlers , gardiners , husbandmen , sawyers , smiths , spinsters , taylors , weauers , and such like ) to take ten , twelue , or twentie , or as ther is occasion , for apprentises . the masters by this may quicklie growe rich ; these may learne their trades themselues , to doe the like ; to a generall and an incredible benefit , for king , and countrey , master , and seruant . it would bee an historie of a large volume , to recite the aduentures of the spanyards , and portugals , their affronts , and defeats , their dangers and miseries ; which with such incomparable honour and constant resolution , so farre beyond beleefe , they haue attempted and indured in their discoueries & plantations , as may well condemne vs , of too much imbecillitie , sloth , and negligence : yet the authors of those new inuentions , were held as ridiculous , for a long time , as now are others , that doe but seek to imitate their vnparalleled vertues . and though we see daily their mountaines of wealth ( sprong from the plants of their generous indeuours ) yet is our sensualitie and vnto wardnesse such , and so great , that wee either ignorantly beleeue nothing ; or so curiously contest , to preuent wee knowe not what future euents ; that wee either so neglect , or oppresse and discourage the present , as wee spoile all in the making , crop all in the bloominig ; & building vpon faire sand , rather then rough rockes , iudge that wee knowe not , gouerne that wee haue not , feare that which is not ; and for feare some should doe too well , force such against their willes to be idle or as ill . and who is he hath iudgement , courage , and any industrie or qualitie with vnderstanding , will leaue his countrie , his hopes at home , his certaine estate , his friends , pleasures , libertie , & the preferment sweete england doth afford to all degrees , were it not to aduance his fortunes by inioying his deserts ? whose prosperitie once appearing , will incourage others : but it must be cherished as a childe , till it be able to goe , and vnderstand it selfe ; and not corrected , nor oppressed aboue it strength , ere it knowe wherefore . a child can neither performe the office , nor deedes of a man of strength , nor indure that affliction he is able ▪ nor can an apprentice at the first performe the part of a maister . and if twentie yeeres bee required to make a child a man , seuen yeares limited an apprentice for his trade : if scarce an age be sufficient to make a wise man , or a states man , and commonly , a man dies ere he hath learned to be discreet : if perfection be so hard to be obtained , as of necessirie there must bee practice , as well as theorick : let no man much condemne this paradox opinion , to say , that halfe seauen yeeres is scarce sufficient , for a good capacitie , to learne in these affaires , how to carrie himselfe : and who euer shall trie in these remote places the erecting of a colony , shall finde at the ende of seauen yeares occasion enough to vse all his discretion : and , in the interim all the content , rewards , games , and hopes will be necessarily required , to be giuen to the beginning , till it bee able to creepe , to stand , and goe , yet time enough to keepe it from running , for there is no feare it wil grow too fast , or euer to any thing ; except libertie profit , honor , and prosperitie there found , more binde the planters of those affaires , in deuotion to effect it ; then bondage , violence , tyranny , ingratitude , and such double dealing , as bindes free men to become slaues , and honest men turne knaues : which hath euer bin the ruine of the most popular common-weales ; and is verie vnlikelie euer well to begin in a new . who seeth not what is the greatest good of the spanyard , but these new conclusions , in searching those vnknowne parts of this vnknowne world ? by which meanes hee diues euen into the verie secret of all his neighbours , and the most part of the world : and when the portugale and spanyard had found the east and west indies ; how many did condemn themselues , that did not accept of that honest offer of noble columbus ? who , vpon our neglect , brought them to it , perswading our selues the world had no such places as they had found : and yet euer since wee finde , they still ( from time to time ) haue found new lands , new nations , and trades , and still daily dooe finde both in asia , africa , terra incognita , and america ; so that there is neither soldier nor mechanick , from the lord to the begger , but those parts afforde them all imploiment ; and discharge their natiue soile , of so many thousands of all sorts , that else , by their sloth , pride , and imperfections , would long ere this haue troubled their neighbours , or haue eaten the pride of spaine it selfe . now he knowes little , that knowes not england may well spare many more people then spaine , and is as well able to furnish them with all manner of necessaries . and seeing , for all they haue , they cease not still to search for that they haue not , and know not ; it is strange we should be so dull , as not maintaine that which wee haue , and pursue that wee knowe . surely i am sure many would taste it ill , to bee abridged of the titles and honours of their predecessors : when if but truely they would iudge themselues ; looke how inferior they are to their noble vertues , so much they are vnworthy of their honours and liuings : which neuer were ordained for showes and shadowes , to maintaine idlenesse & vice ; but to make them more able to abound in honor , by heroycall deeds of action , iudgement , pietie , and vertue . what was it , they would not doe both in purse and person , for the good of the commonwealth ? which might moue them presently to set out their spare kindred in these generous designes . religion , aboue all things , should moue vs ( especially the clergie ) if wee were religious , to shewe our faith by our workes ; in conuerting those poore saluages , to the knowledge of god , seeing what paines the spanyards take to bring them to their adulterated faith . honor might moue the gentrie , the valiant , and industrious ▪ and the hope and assurance of wealth , all ; if wee were that we would seeme , and be accounted . or be we so far inferior to other nations , or our spirits so far deiected , from our auncient predecessors , or our mindes so vpon spoile , piracie , and such villany , as to serue the portugall , spanyard , dutch , french , or turke ( as to the cost of europe , too many doo● ) rather then our god , our king , our country , & our selues ? excusing our idlenesse , and our base complaints , by want of impioiment ; when heere is such choise of all sorts , and for all degrees , in the planting and discouering these north parts of amemerica . now to make my words more apparent by my deeds ; i was , the last yeare , 1615. to haue staied in the countrie , to make a more ample triall of those conclusions with sixteene men ; whose names were gent. thomas dirmir . edward stalings . daniel cage . francis abbot . iohn gosling . souldiers . william ingram . robert miter . dauid cooper . iohn partridge , and two boies . sailers . thomass digbie . daniel baker . adam smith . thomas watson walter chissick iohn hall. i confesse , i could haue wished them as many thousands , had all other prouisions bin in like proportion : nor would i haue had so fewe , could i haue had meanes for more : yet ( would god haue pleased wee had safely arriued ) i neuer had the like authoritie , freedom , and prouision , to doe so well . the maine assistance next god , i had to this small number , was my acquaintance among the saluages ; especially , with dohannida , one of their greatest lords ; who had liued long in england . by the meanes of this proud saluage , i did not doubt but quickly to haue gotte that credit with the rest of his friends , and alliants , to haue had as many of them , as i desired in any designe i intended , and that trade also they had , by such a kind of exchange of their countrie commodities ; which both with ease & securitie in their seasons may be vsed . with him and diuerse others , i had concluded to inhabit , and defend them against the terentynes ; with a better power then the french did them ; whose tyranny did inforce them to imbrace my offer , with no small deuotion . and though many may thinke me more bolde then wise , in regard of their power , dexteritie , treacherie , and inconstancie , hauing so desperately assaulted & betraied many others : i say but this ( because with so many , i haue many times done much more in virginia , then i intended heere , when i wanted that experience virginia taught me ) that to mee it seemes no daunger more then ordinarie . and though i know my selfe the meanest of many thousands , whose apprehensiue inspection can pearce beyond the boundes of my habilities , into the hidden things of nature , art , and reason : yet i intreate such giue me leaue to excuse my selfe of so much imbecillitie , as to lay , that in these eight yeares which i haue been conuersant with these affairs , i haue not learned there is a great difference , betwixt the directions and iudgement of experimentall knowledge , and the superficiall coniecture of variable relation : wherein rumor , humor , or misprision haue such power , that oft times one is enough to beguile twentie , but twentie not sufficient to keep one from being deceiued . therefore i know no reason but to beleeue my own eies , before any mans imagination , that is but wrested from the conceits of my owne proiects , and indeauours . but i honor , with all affection , the counsell and instructions of iudiciall directions , or any other honest aduertisement ; so farre to obserue , as they tie mee not to the crueltie of vnknowne euents . these are the inducements that thus drew me to neglect all other imployments , and spend my time and best abilities in these aduentures . wherein , though i haue had many discouragements by the ingratitude of some , the malicious slanders of others , the falsenesse of friendes , the trechery of cowards , and slownesse of aduenturers ; but chiefly by one hunt , who was master of the ship , with whom oft arguing these proiects , for a plantation , howeuer hee seemed well in words to like it , yet he practiced to haue robbed mee of my plots , and obseruations : and so left mee alone in a desolate i le , to the fury of famine , and all other extreamities ( lest i should haue acquainted sir thomas smith , my honourable good friend , & the councell of virginia ) to the end , he and his associates , might secretly ingrosse it , ere it were knowne to to the state : yet that god that alway hath kept me from the worst of his dissimulations . notwithstanding after my departure , hee abused the saluages where hee came , and betrayed twenty seauen of these poore innocent soules , which he sould in spaine for slaues , to mooue , their hare against our nation , aswell as to cause my proceedings to be so much the more difficult . now , returning in the bark , in the fift of august i arriued at plimouth : where imparting those my purposes to my honourable friende sir ferdinando gorge , and some others ; i was so incouraged , and assured to haue the managing their authoritie in those parts , during my life , that i ingaged my selfe to vndertake it for them . arriuing at london , i found also many promise me such assistance , that i entertained michaell cooper the master , who returned with mee , and others of the company . how hee dealt with others , or others with him i know not : but my publike proceeding gaue such incouragement , that it became so well apprehended by some fewe of the southren company , as these proiects were liked , & he furnished from london with foure ships at sea , before they at plimouth had made any prouision at all , but onely a ship cheefely let out by sir ferdinando gorge ; which vpon hunts late trecherie among the saluages , returned as shee went , and did little or nothing , but lost her time . i must confesse i was beholden to the setters forth of the foure ships that went with cooper ; in that they offered mee that imploiment if i would accept it : and i finde , my refusall hath incurred some of their displeasures , whose fauor and loue i exceedingly desire , if i may honestly inioy it . and though they doe censure me as opposite to their proceedings ; they shall yet still in all my words and deedes finde , it is their error , not my fault , that occasions their dislike : for hauing ingaged my selfe in this businesse to the west countrie ; i had beene verie dishonest to haue broke my promise ; nor will i spend more time in discourie , or fishing , till i may goe with a companie for plantation : for , i know my grounds . yet euery one that reades this booke can not put it in practice ; though it may helpe any that haue seene those parts . and though they endeauour to worke me euen out of my owne designes , i will not much enuy their fortunes : but , i would bee sory , their intruding ignorance should , by their defailements , bring those certainties to doubtfulnesse : so that the businesse prosper , i haue my desire ; be it by londoner , scot , welch , or english , that are true subiects to our king and countrey : the good of my countrey is that i seeke ; and there is more then enough for all , if they could bee content but to proceed . at last it pleased sir ferdinando gorge , and master doctor sutliffe deane of exceter , to conceiue so well of these proiects , and my former imployments , as induced them to make a new aduenture with me in those parts , whither they haue so often sent to their cōtinuall losse . by whose example , many inhabitants of the west coūtry , made promises of much more then was looked for , but their priuate emulations quickly qualified that heat in the greater number ; so that the burden lay principally on them , and some few gentlemen my friends , in london . in the end i was furnished with a ship of 200. and another of 50. but ere i had sayled 120 leagues , shee broke all her masts ; pumping each watch 5 or 6000 strokes : onely her spret saile remayned to spoon before the wind , till we had re-accommodated a iury mast , & the rest , to returne for plimouth . my vice-admirall beeing lost , not knowing of this , proceeded her voyage : now with the remainder of those prouisions , i got out again in a small barke of 60 tuns with 30 men ( for this of 200 and prouision for 70 ) which were the 16 before named , and 14 other saylors for the ship . with those i set saile againe the 24 of iune : where what befell me ( because my actions and writings are so publicke to the world , enuy still seeking to scandalize my indeauours , & seeing no power but death , can stop the chat of ill tongues , nor imagination of mens mindes ) lest my owne relations of those hard euents , might by some constructors , be made doubtfull , i haue thought it best to insert the examinations of those proceedings , taken by sir lewis stukley a worthie knight , and vice admirall of deuonshire ; which were as followeth . the examination of daniel baker , late steward to captaine iohn smith in the returne of plimouth ; taken before sir lewis stukley knight , the eight of december 1615. who saith , being chased two dayes by one fry , an english pirate , that could not board vs , by reason of foule weather , edmund chambers , the master iohn miner , his mate , thomas digby the 〈◊〉 , and others importured his saide captaine to yeeld ; houlding it vnpossible hee should defend himselfe : and that the saide captaine should send them his boate , in that they had none : which at last he concluded vpon these conditions , that fry the pyrate should vow not to take any thing from captaine smith , that might ouerthrowe his voyage , nor send more pirats into his ship then hee liked off ; otherwaies , he would make sure of them he had , and defend himselfe against the rest as hee could . more : he confesseth that the quarter-masters & chambers receiued golde of those pirats ; but how much , he knoweth not : nor would his captain come out of his caben to entertaine them ; although a great many of them had beene his saylers , and for his loue would haue wasted vs to the iles of flowers . at fyall , wee were chased by two french pyrats , who commanded vs amaine . chambers , minter , digby , and others , importuned againe the captaine to yeeld ; alledging they were turks , and would make them all slaues : or frenchmen , and would throw them all ouer board if they shot but a peece ; and that they were entertained to fish , and not to fight : vntill the captaine vowed to fire the powder and split the ship , if they would not stand to their defence ; whereby at last wee went cleere of them , for all their shot . at flowers , wee were chased by foure french men of warre ; all with their close fights afore and after . and this examinants captaine hauing provided for our defence , chambers , minter , digby , and some others , againe importuned him to yeeld to the fauour of those , against whom there was nothing but ruine by fighting : but if he would goe aboard them , in that hee could speake french , by curtesie hee might goe cleere ; seeing they offered him such faire quarter , & vowed they were protestants , and all of rochell , and had the kings commission onely to take spaniards , portugales , and pyrats ; which at last hee did : but they kept this examinates captaine and some other of his company with him . the next day the french men of warre went aboard vs , and tooke what they listed , and diuided the company into their seuerall ships , and manned this examinates ship with the frenchmen ; and chased with her all the shippes they saw : vntill about fiue or six dayes after vpon better consideration , they surrendered the ship , and victualls , with the most part of our prouision , but not our weapons . more : he confesseth that his captain exhorted them to performe their voyage , or goe for new found land to returne fraughted with fish , where hee would finde meanes to proceed in his plantation : but chambers and minter grew vpon tearms they would not ; vntill those that were souldiers concluded with their captaines resolution , they would ; seeing they had clothes , victualls , salt , nets , & & lines sufficient , & expected their armes : and such other things as they wanted , the french men promised to restore , which the captaine the next day went to seeke , and sent them about loading of commodities , as powder , match , hookes , instruments , his sword and dagger , bedding , aqua vitae , his commission , apparell , and many other things ; the particulars he remembreth not : but , as for the cloath , canuas , and the captaines cloathes , chambers , and his associats diuided it amongst themselues , and to whom they best liked ; his captaine not hauing any thing , to his knowledge , but his wastecoat and breeches . and in this manner going from ship to ship , to regaine our armes , and the rest ; they seeing a sayle , gaue chase vntill night . the next day being very foule weather , this examinate came so neete with the ship vnto the french men of warre , that they split the maine sayle on the others spret sayle yard . chambers willed the captaine come aboard , or hee would leaue him : whereupon the captaine commanded chambers to send his boate for him . chambers replyed shee was split ( which was false ) telling him hee might come if he would in the admiralls boat . the captaines answer was , he could not command her , nor come when hee would : so this examinate fell on sterne ; and that night left his said captaine alone amongst the french men , in this manner , by the command of chambers , minter , and others . daniel cage , edward stalings , gentlemen ; walter chissell , dauid cooper , robert miller and iohn partridge , beeing examined , doe acknowledge and confesse , that daniel baker his examination aboue writen is true . now the cause why the french detayned me againe , was the suspicion this chambers and minter gaue them , that i would reuenge my selfe , vpon the bank , or in new found land , of all the french i could there incounter ; & how i would haue fired the ship , had they not ouerperswaded mee : and many other such like tricks to catch but opportunie in this maner of leaue me . and thus they returned to plimouth ; and perforce with the french i thus proceeded . being a fleet of eight or nine sayle , we watched for the w'est indies fleet , till ill weather separated vs from the other 8. still we spent our time about the iles neere fyall : where to keepe my perplexed thoughts from too much meditation of my miserable estate , i writ this discourse ; thinking to haue sent it you of his maiesties councell , by some ship or other : for i saw their purpose was to take all they could . at last we were chased by one captain barra , and english pyrat , in a small ship , with some twelue peeces of ordinance , about thirty men , and neer all starued . they sought by curtesie releefe of vs ; who gaue them such faire promises , as at last wee betrayed captaine wolliston ( his lieftenant ) and foure or fiue of their men aboard vs , and then prouided to take the rest perforce . now my part was to be prisoner in the gun-roum , & not to speake to any of them vpon my life : yet had barra knowledge what i was . then barra perceiuing wel these french intents , made ready to fight , and wolliston as resolutely regarded not their threats , which caused vs demurre vpon the matter longer , som sixteene houres ; and then returned their prisoners , and some victualls also , vpon a small composition . the next wee tooke was a small english man of poole from new found land. the great caben at this present , was my prison ; from whence i could see them pillage those poore men of all that they had , and halfe their fish when hee was gone , they sould his poore cloathes at the maine mast , by an outcry , which scarce gaue each man seauen pence a peece . not long after , wee tooke a scot fraught from saint michaels to bristow : hee had better fortune then the other . for , hauing but taken a boats loading of suger , marmelade , suckets , and such like , we discried foure sayle , after whom we stood ; who forling their maine sayles attended vs to fight . but our french spirits were content onely to perceiue they were english red crosles . within a very small time after , wee chased foure spanish shippes came from the indies : wee fought with them foure or fiue houres , tore their sayles and sides ; yet not daring to board them , lost them . a poore c●ruell of brasile , was the next we chased : and alter a small fight , thirteene or fourteen of her men being wounded , which was the better halfe , we tooke her , with 370 chests of sugar . the next was a west ind●es man , of 160 tuns , with 1200 hides , 50 chests of cutchanell , 14 coffers of wedges of siluer , 8000 ryalls of 8 , and fix offers of the king of spaines treasure , besides the pillage and rich coffers of many rich passengers . two monethes they kept me in this manner to manage their fights against the spaniards , and be a prisoner when they tooke any english . now though the captaine had oft broke his promise , which was to put me a-shore on the iles , or the next ship be tooke ; yet at last , he was intreated i should goe for france in the caruell of sugar : himself resolued still to keepe the seas . within two dayes after , we were haled by two west indy men : but when they saw vs waue them for the king of france , they gaue vs their broad sides , shot through our mayne mast and so left vs. hauing liued thus , neer three moneths among those french men of warre ; with much adoe , we arriued at the gulion , not far from rochel ; where instead of the great promises they alwaies fed me with , of double satisfaction , and full content , they kept me fiue or six daies prisoner in the caruell , accusing me to bee him that burnt their colony in new france ; to force mee giue them a discharge before the iudge of the admiralty , and so stand to their curtesie for satisfaction , or lie in prison , or a worse mischiefe . to preuent this choise , in the end of such a storme that beat them all vnder hatches , i watched my opportunity to get a-shore in their boat ; where-into , in the darke night , i secretly got : and with a halfe pike that lay by me , put a drift for rat ile : but the current was so strong and the sea so great , i went a drift to sea ; till it pleased god the winde so turned with the tide , that although i was all this fearefull night of gusts and raine , in the sea , the space of 12 houres , when many ships were driuen a shore , and diuerse split ( and being with sculling & bayling the water tired , i expected each minute would sinke mee ) at last i arriued in an oazie i le by charowne ; where certaine fowlers found mee neere drowned , and halfe dead , with water , colde , and hunger . by those , i sound meanes to gette to rochell ; where i vnderstood the man of warre which we left at sea , and the rich prize was split , the captaine drowned and halfe his companie the same night , within seauen leagues of that place , from whence i escaped alone , in the little boate , by the mercy of god ; far beyond all mens reason , or my expectation . arriuing at rochell , vpon my complaint to the iudge of the admiralitie , i founde many good words , and faire promises ; and ere long many of them that escaped drowning , tolde mee the newes they heard of my owne death : these i arresting , their seuerall examinations did so confirme my complaint , it was held proofe sufficient . all which being performed according to the order of iustice , from vnder the iudges hand ; i presented it to the english ambassador then at burdeaux , where it was my chance to see the arriuall of the kings great mariage brought from spaine . of the wrack of the rich prize some 36000. crownes worth of goods came a shore & was saued with the caruell , which i did my best to arrest : the iudge did promise me i shold haue iustice ; what will bee the conclusion as yet , i know not . but vnder the colour to take pirats and west-indie men ( because the spanyards will not suffer the french trade in the west-indies ) any goods from thence , thogh they take them vpon the coast of spaine , are law full prize ; or from any of his territories out of the limits of europe . leauing thus my businesse in france , i returned to plimouth , to find them that had thus buried me amongst the french : and not onely buried mee , but with so much infamy , as such trecherous cowards could suggest to excuse their villanies : but my clothes , bookes , instruments , armes , and what i had , they shared amongst them , and what they liked ; saying , the french had all was wanting ; and had throwne them into the sea , taken their ship , and all , had they not runne away & left me as they did . the cheeftaines of this mutinie that i could finde , i laied by the heeles ; the rest , like themselues , confessed the truth as you haue heard . now how i haue or could preuent these accidents , i rest at your censures . but to the matter . newfound-land at the first , i haue heard , was held as desperate a fishing , as this i proiect in new england . placentia , & the banke , were also as doubtfull to the french : but , for all the disasters happened mee , the businesse is the same it was : and the fiue ships ( whereof one was reported more then three hundred tunnes ) went forward ; & found fish so much , that neither izeland-man , nor new foundland-man , i could heare of hath beene there , will goe any more to either place , if they may goe thither . so , that vpon the returne of my viceadmirall that proceeded on her voyage when i spent my masts , from plimouth this yeare are gone foure or fiue saile : and from london as many ; onely to make voyages of profit : where the englishmen haue yet bneene , all their returnes together ( except sir fr. popphames ) would scarce make one a sauer of neere a douzen i could nominate ; though there be fish sufficient , as i perswade my selfe , to fraught yearely foure or fiue hundred sayle , or as many as will goe . for , this fishing stretcheth along the coast from cape cod to newfound-land , which is seauen or eight hundred miles at the least ; and hath his course in the deepes , and by the shore , all the yeare long ; keeping their hants and feedings as the beasts of the field , & the birds of the aire . but , all men are not such as they should bee , that haue vndertaken those voiages : and a man that hath but heard of an instrument , can hardly vse it so well , as hee that by vse hath contriued to make it . all the romanes were not scipioes : nor all the geneweses , columbuses : nor all spanyards , corteses : had they diued no deeper in the secrets of their discoueries , then wee , or stopped at such doubts and poore accidentall chances ; they had neuer beene remembred as they are : yet had they no such certainties to begin as wee . but , to conclude , adam and eue did first beginne this innocent worke , to plant the earth to remaine to posteritie : but not without labour , trouble & industrie . noe , and his family , beganne againe the second plantation ; and their seede as it still increased , hath still planted new countries , and one countrie another : and so the world to that estate it is . but not without much hazard , trauell , discontents , and many disasters . had those worthie fathers & their memorable off-spring not beene more diligent for vs now in these ages , then wee are to plant that yet vnplanted , for the after liuers : had the seede of abraham , our sauiour christ , and his apostles , exposed themselues to no more daungers to teach the gospell , and the will of god then wee ; euen wee our selues , had at this present been as saluage , and as miserable as the most barbarous saluage yet vnciuilized . the hebrewes , and lacedaemonians , the goths , the grecians , the romanes , and the rest , what was it they would not vndertake to inlarge their territories , enrich their subiects , resist their enemies ? those that were the founders of those great monarchies & their vertues , were no siluered idle golden pharises , but industrious iron-steeled publicans : they regarded more prouisions , and necessaries for their people , then iewels , riches , ease , or delight for themselues . riches were their seruants , not their maisters . they ruled ( as fathers , not as tyrantes ) their people as children , not as slaues : there was no disaster , could discourage them ; and let none thinke they incountered not with all manner of incumbrances . and what haue euer beene the workes of the greatest princes of the earth , but planting of countries , and ciuilizing barbarous and inhumane nations , to ciuilitie and humanitie ? whose eternall actions , fill our histories . lastly , the portugales , and spanyards : whose euerliuing actions , before our eyes will testifie with them our idlenesse , and ingratitude to all posterities , and the neglect of our duties in our pietie and religion we owe our god , our king , and countrie ; and of want charity to those poore saluages , whose countrie wee challenge , vse and possesse ; except wee bee but made to vse , and marre what our fore-fathers made , or but onely tell what they did , or esteeme our selues too good to take the like paines . was it vertue in them , to prouide that doth maintaine vs ? and basenesse for vs to doe the like for others ? surely no. then seeing we are not borne for our selues , but each to helpe other , and our abilities are much alike at the houre of our birth , and the minute of our death : seeing our good deedes , or our badde , by faith in christs merits , is all we haue to carrie our soules to heauen , or hell : seeing honour is our liues ambition ; and our ambition after death , to haue an honourable memorie of our life : and seeing by noe meanes wee would bee abated of the dignities & glories of our predecessors ; let vs imitate their vertues to bee worthily their successors . finis . at london printed the 18. of iune , in the yeere of our lord 1616. to his worthy captaine , the author . oft thou hast led , when i brought vp the rere in bloodie wars , where thousands haue bin slaine . then giue mee leaue , in this some part to beare ; and as thy seruant , heere to read my name . t is true , long time thou hast my captaine beene in the fierce wars of transiluania : long ere that thou america hadst seene , or led wast captiued in virginia ; thou that to passe the worlds foure parts dost deeme no more , then t' were to goe to bed , or drinke , and all thou yet hast done , thou dost esteeme as nothing . this doth cause mee thinke that thou i 'aue seene so oft approu'd in dangers ( and thrice captiu'd , thy valor still hath freed ) art yet preserued , to conuert those strangers : by god thy guide , i trust it is decreed . for mee : i not commend , but much admire the england yet vnknowne to passers by-her . for it will praise it selfe in spight of me ; thou it , it thou , to all posteritie . your true friend , and souldier , ed. robinson . to my honest captaine , the author . malignant times ! what can be said or don , but shall be censur'd and traduc't by some ! this worthy work , which thou hast bought so dear , ne thou nor it , detractors neede to fear . thy words by deedes so long thou hast approu'd , of thousands knowe thee not thou art belou'd . and this great plot will make thee ten times more knowne and beleu'd , than ere thou wert before . i neuer knew a warryer yet , but thee , from wine , tobacco , debts , dice , oaths , so free . i call thee warrier : and i make the bolder ; for , many a captaine now , was neuer souldier . some such may swell at this : but ( to their praise ) when they haue don like thee , my muse shall raise their due deserts to worthies yet to come , to liue like thine ( admir'd ) till day of doome . your true friend , somtimes your soldier , tho. carlton . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a12460-e440 * hioderers . notes for div a12460-e2570 my first voyage to new-england . the situation of new england . notes of florida . notes of virginia . the description of new england . the particular c●untries or gouernments . the mixture of an excellent soyle . a proofe of an excellent temper . a proofe of health . st●ple commodities present . the hollanders fishing . which is fifteen hundred thou and pound . examples of the altitude comparatiuely . the particular staple commodities that may be had . the nature of ground approoued . the seasons for fishing approoued . imployment for poore people and fatherlesse children . the facility of the plantation . 〈◊〉 commodities . an example of the gains vpon euery yeare or from one thes returne . a description of the countries in particular , and their situations . a good countrie . the land-markes . hearbs . woods . birds . fishes . beasts . a note for men that haue great spirits , and smal meanes an example of secure couetousness . the authors conditions . the planters pleasures , and profits . imployments for gentlemen . imployments for labourers . examples of the spanyard . the blisse of spaine . my second voyage to new england . the occasion of my returne . my reimbarkment , incounters with py●●●s and imprisonment by the french. captaine fry 〈…〉 the one of 200 , the other 20. the admirall 140 tuns , 12 peeces , 12 murderers , 90 men , with long pistols , pocket pistol , musket , sword and poniard , the vice-admirall 100 tuns , the rere-admiral 60 , the other 80 : all had 250 men most armed as is said . the gentlemen and souldiers were euer willing to fight . a double treachery . a ●●eet of nine french men of war , and ●ights with the spaniards . a prize worth 16000 crow● a prize worth 200000 crownes . my escape from the french men . sir thomas edmunds . they betraied mee hauing the broad seale of england and neere twentie sayle of english more , besiles them concealed in like manner were betrayed that year my returne for england , 1615 the successe of my vice admirall and the foure ships of london , from new england . plain dealing, or, nevves from new-england a short view of new-englands present government, both ecclesiasticall and civil, compared with the anciently-received and established government of england in some materiall points : fit for the gravest consideratin in these times / by thomas lechford ... plain dealing lechford, thomas, ca. 1590-1644? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a49890 of text r12846 in the english short title catalog (wing l810). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 141 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a49890 wing l810 estc r12846 12593635 ocm 12593635 63984 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49890) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63984) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e136, no 22) plain dealing, or, nevves from new-england a short view of new-englands present government, both ecclesiasticall and civil, compared with the anciently-received and established government of england in some materiall points : fit for the gravest consideratin in these times / by thomas lechford ... plain dealing lechford, thomas, ca. 1590-1644? [8], 80 p. printed by w. e. and i. g. for nath. butter ..., london : 1642. reprinted in 1644 with title "new-england's advice to old-england." and consists of same sheets as first edition. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng massachusetts -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. massachusetts -church history. new england -politics and government -to 1775. new england -church history. new england -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. a49890 r12846 (wing l810). civilwar no plain dealing: or, nevves from new-england. a short view of new-englands present government, both ecclesiasticall and civil, compared with t lechford, thomas 1642 25921 15 15 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion plain dealing : or , nevves from new-england . ( vivat rex angliae carolus , vivat anglia , vivantque eorum amici omnes . ) a short view of new-englands present government , both ecclesiasticall and civil , compared with the anciently-received and established government of england , in some materiall points ; fit for the gravest consideration in these times . by thomas lechford of clements inne , in the county of middlesex , gent. levis est dolor , qui capere consilium potest , et clepere sese ; magna non latitant mala . sen. london , printed by w. e. and i. g. for nath : butter , at the signe of the pyde bull neere s. austins gate . 1642. to the reader . every man is to approve himselfe , and answer to god for his actions his conscience leads him to ; and next , to good men , as much as in him lyeth . i have thus presumed to enter into publique , for these reasons : first , because it is well knowne unto many , that heretofore i suffered imprisonment , and a kind of banishment out of this good land , for some acts construed to oppose , and as tending to subvert episcopacie , and the setled ecclesiasticall government of england : therefore now i desired to purge my self of so great a scandall ; and wherein i have offended , to intreat all my superiours , and others , to impute it rather to my ignorance , for the time , then any wilfull stubbornnesse . secondly , seeing that since my comming home , i find that multitudes are corrupted with an opinion of the unlawfulnesse of the church-government by diocesan bishops , which opinion i beleeve is the root of much mischiefe ; having now had experience of divers governments , i see not how i could with faithfulnesse to god , my king and countrey , be any longer silent , especially considering some of these late troubles occasioned , among other sins , i fear , much through this evill opinion . happy shall i be , if any be made wiser by my harmes ; i wish all men to take heed , how they shake hands with the church of god , upon any such heedlesse grounds as i almost had done . thirdly , that i might ( though unworthy ) in a fit season , acquaint the learned and pious divines of england with these my slender observations , quaeres , and experiments , to the end they may come the better prepared , upon any publique occasion , for the consideration of such matters , and so at length , those good things that are shaken among us may be established , and truth confirmed . it is enough for me , being a student or practiser at law , faithfully to put a case , which will be this : whether the episcopall government by provinciall and diocesan bishops , in number about 26. in england , being , if not of absolute divine authority , yet nearest , and most like thereunto , and most anciently here embraced , is still safest to be continued ? or a presbyterian government , being ( as is humbly conceived ) but of humane authority , bringing in a numerous company of above 40000. presbyters to have chiefe rule in the keyes , in england , be fit to be newly set up here , a thing whereof we have had no experience , and which moderate wise men think to be lesse consonant to the divine patterne , and may prove more intolerable then the said episcopacie ? or an independent government of every congregationall church ruling it selfe , which introduceth not onely one absolute bishop in every parish , but in effect so many men , so many bishops , according to new-englands rule , which in england would be anarchie & confusion ? i would entreat those that stand for this last mentioned manner of government , to be pleased to consider , 1. that the very terme of leading , or ruling in the church , attributed to elders , forbids it ; for if all are rulers , who shall be ruled ? 2. the maine acts of rule consist of receiving into the church by baptisme , or otherwise , and ejection out of the church by censure , binding and loosing ; now these are committed to the apostles , and their successors , and not to all the members of the church . 3. all have not power to baptize , therefore not to receive into the church , nor to cast out of the church . my brethren , be not many masters , saith s. iames , 3.1 . the words of the wise are as goads , and as nayles , fastened by the masters of assemblies , which are given from one shepheard , eccles. 12.11 . and whereas some may say , that this power of ruling is but ministerially in the officers , and initiatively , conclusively , and virtually in the people : if so , what power ordinarily have the people to contradict the ministeriall works and acts of their officers ? must the whole church try all those whom their ministers convert abroad , suppose among indians , before they may baptize them ? how can all the church examine and try such ? all have not power , warrant , leisure , pleasure , ability , for , and in such works , nor can all speake indian language . doubtlesse the acts of rule by the officers is the rule of the whole church , and so to be taken ordinarily without contradiction , else there would be no end of jangling : and thus taken , the whole church of corinth , by s. pauls command , ( sc. by their ministers ) were to put away that wicked person , and deliver him up to satan , 1 cor. 5.13 . and restore him , and forgive him , 2 cor. 2. and so all the doubt on that text is ( neer i think ) resolved . now that the government at new-england seemeth to make so many church-members so many bishops , will be plaine by this ensuing discourse : for you shall here find , that the churches in the bay governe each by all their members unanimously , or else by the major part , wherein every one hath equall vote and superspection with their ministers : and that in their covenant it is expressed to be the duty of all the members , to watch over one another . and in time their churches will be more corrupted then now they are ; they cannot ( as there is reason to feare ) avoid it possibly . how can any now deny this to be anarchie and confusion ? nay , say some , we will keep out those that have not true grace . but how can they certainly discerne that true grace , and what measure god requireth ? besides , by this course , they will ( it is to be feared ) in stead of propagating the gospel , spread heathenisme ; in stead of gaining to the church , lose from the church : for when the major part are unbaptized , as in twenty years undoubtedly they will be , by such a course continued , what is like to become of it , but that either they may goe among their fellow-heathens the indians , or rise up against the church , and break forth into many grievous distempers among themselves ? which god , and the king forbid , i pray . and that you ( courteous reader ) may perceive i have from time to time dealt cordially in these things , by declaring them impartially to my friends , as i received light , i shall adde in the last place certaine passages out letters , sent by me into england to that purpose , and conclude . and i doe not this , god knoweth , as delighting to lay open the infirmities of these well-affected men , many of them my friends , but that it is necessary , at this time , for the whole church of god , and themselves , as i take it : besides , many of the things are not infirmities , but such as i am bound to protest against ; yet i acknowledge there are some wise men among them , who would help to mend things , if they were able , and i hope will do their endeavours . and i think that wiser men then they , going into a wildernesse to set up another strange government differing from the setled government here , might have falne into greater errors then they have done . neither have i the least aime to retard or hinder an happy and desired reformation of things amisse either in church or common-wealth , but daily and earnestly pray to god almighty , the god of wisdome and counsell , that he please so to direct his royall majesty , and his wise and honourable counsell , the high court of parliament , that they may fall upon so due and faire a moderation , as may be for the glory of god , and the peace and safety of his royall majesty , and all his majesties dominions , and good subjects . vale . clements inne , jan. 17. 1641. thomas lechford . a table of the chiefe heads of this discourse . 1. the church-government and administrations in the bay of the mattachusets . page 2. 2. their publique worship . 16 3. touching the government of the common-wealth there . 23 4. certaine propositions to the generall court , concerning recording of civill causes . 29 5. a paper of the church her liberties . 31 6. a paper intended for the worshipfull john winthrop , esquire , late governour , touching baptizing of those they terme without , and propagation of the gospel to the infidel natives . 34 7. the ministers and magistrates their names . 37 8. the state of the countrey in the bay and thereabouts . 47 9. a relation concerning the natives or indians . 49 10. some late occurrences touching episcopacie . 53 11. three questions to the elders of boston , and their answers . 55 12. a paper of exceptions to their government . 56 13. forty quaeres about planting and governing of churches , and other experiments . 58 14. an abstract of certaine letters . 68 15. the conclusion . 78 plaine dealing : or , newes from new-england . having been forth of my native countrey , almost for the space of foure yeeres last past , and now through the goodnesse of almighty god returned , many of my friends desiring to know of me the manner of governments , and state of things , in the place from whence i came , new england ; i thinke good to declare my knowledge in such things , as briefly as i may . i conceive , and hope , it may be profitable in these times of disquisition . for the church government , and administrations , in the bay of the mattachusets . a church is gathered there after this maner : a convenient , or competent number of christians , allowed by the generall court to plant together , at a day prefixed , come together , in publique manner , in some fit place , and there confesse their sins and professe their faith , one unto another , and being satisfied of one anothers faith & repentance , they solemlny enter into a covenant with god , and one an other ( which is called their church covenant , and held by them to constitute a church ) to this effect : viz. to forsake the devill , and all his workes , and the vanities of the sinfull world , and all their former lusts , and corruptions , they have lived and walked in , and to cleave unto , and obey the lord jesus christ , as their onely king and law-giver , their onely priest and prophet , and to walke together with that church , in the unity of the faith , and brotherly love , and to submit themselves one unto an other , in all the ordinances of christ , to mutuall edification , and comfort , to watch over , and support one another whereby they are called the chruch of such a place , which before they say were no church , nor of any church except the invisible : after this , they doe at the same time , or some other , all being together , elect their own officers , as pastor , teacher , elders , deacons , if they have fit men enough to supply those places ; else , as many of them as they can be provided of . then they set another day for the ordination of their said officers , and appoint some of themselves to impose hands upon their officers , which is done in a publique day of fasting and prayer . where there are ministers , or elders , before , they impose their hands upon the new officers : but where there is none , there some of their chiefest men , two or three , of good report amongst them , though not of the ministery , doe , by appointment of the said church , lay hands upon them . and after the said ordination , if there are any elders of other churches present , ( as of late i have knowne divers have been present , under the names of the messengers of the churches ) they give the new officers the right hand of fellowship , taking them by the right hand , every one severally , or else , sometimes , one forraine elder , in the name of all the rest , gives the right hand of fellowship , with a set speech unto them . notice is given in divers churches or other places , before-hand , of the gathering of every church , divers weeks before ; and so also of every ordination . and some ministers , or others , as messengers from other churches , are usually present at such gatherings of churches , and ordinations : for sometimes , magistrates , captains , gentlemen , and other meaner brethren , are made messengers of churches , for those and other purposes , never having had imposition of hands : and at planting of a church , or gathering , as they tearme it , one of the church messengers of forraine churches , examines and tries the men to be moulded into a church , discerns their faith and repentance , and their covenant being before ready made , written , subscribed , and here read and acknowledged , hee decerns and pronounceth them to be a true church of christ , and gives them the right hand of fellowship , and all this in the name of christ , and of all the church-messengers present , and their churches : so did master weld at the founding of weymouth church , or to this effect . and the generall court will not allow of any church otherwise gathered . some ministers have there heretofore , as i have heard , disclaimed the power of their ministery received in england , but others among them have not . generally , for the most part , they hold the pastors and teachers offices to be distinct ; the teacher to minister a word of knowledg , the pastor a word of wisdome , but some hold them all one ; as in the church of watertowne , there are two pastors , neither will that church send any messengers to any other church-gathering or ordination . when a man or woman commeth to joyne unto the church so gathered , he or shee commeth to the elders in private , at one of their houses , or some other place appointed , upon the weeke dayes , and make knowne their desire , to enter into church-fellowship with that church , and then the ruling elders , or one of them , require , or aske him or her , if he bee willing to make known unto them the worke of grace upon their soules , or how god hath beene dealing with them about their conversion : which ( at boston ) the man declareth usually standing , the woman sitting . and if they satisfie the elders , and the private assembly , ( for divers of the church , both men and women , meet there usually ) that they are true beleevers , that they have beene wounded in their hearts for their originall sinne , and actuall transgressions , and can pitch upon some promise of free grace in the scripture , for the ground of their faith , and that they finde their hearts drawne to beleeve in christ jesus , for their justification and salvation , and these in the ministerie of the word , reading or conference : and that they know competently the summe of christian faith . and sometimes , though they be not come to a full assurance of their good estate in christ . then afterwards , in covenient time , in the publique assembly of the church , notice is given by one of the ruling elders , that such a man , or woman , by name , desireth to enter into church-fellowship with them , and therefore if any know any thing , or matter of offence against them , for their unfitnesse to joyne with them , such are required to bring notice thereof to the elders ; else , that any who know them , or can say any thing for their fitnesse , be ready to give testimony thereof , when they shall be called forth before the whole church . if there be matter of offence , it is first heard before the elders , and if the party satisfie them , and the offended , in private , for private offences , and promise to satisfie in publique , for publique offences ; then , upon another day , one of the ruling elders calleth forth the party , by name , in the publique assembly of the church , and before strangers , and whomsoever present , most commonly upon the lords day , after evening exercises , and sometimes upon a week day , when all the church have notice to be present . the party appearing in the midst of the assembly , or some convenient place , the ruling elder speaketh in this manner : brethren of this congregation , this man , or woman a. b. hath been heretofore propounded to you , desiring to enter into church-fellowship with us , and we have not , since that , heard any thing from any of you to the contrary , of the parties admittance , but that we may goe on to receive him : therefore now , if any of you know any thing against him , why he may not be admitted , you may yet speak . then after some silence he proceedeth , seeing no man speaketh to the contrary of his admission , if any of you know any thing , to speak for his receiving , we desire you , give testimony thereof to the church , as you were also formerly desired to be ready therewith , and expresse your selves as briefly as you may , and to as good hearing . whereupon , sometimes , men do speak to the contrary , in case they have not heard of the propounding , and so stay the party for that time also , till this new offence be heard before the elders , so that sometimes there is a space of divers moneths between a parties first propounding and receiving ; and some are so bashfull , as that they choose rather to goe without the communion , then undergoe such * publique confessions and tryals , but that is held their fault . but when none speaketh to the contrary , then some one , two , or three , or more of the brethren speak their opinions of the party , giving instances in some godlinesse and good conversation of his , or some other recommendation is made , and that they are willing ( if the church thereto consent ) for their part , to give him the right hand of fellowship . which done , the elder turneth his speech to the party to be admitted , and requireth him , or sometimes asketh him , if he be willing to make knowne to the congregation the work of grace upon his soule ; and biddeth him , as briefly , and audibly , to as good hearing as he can , to doe the same . thereupon the party , if it be a man , speaketh himselfe ; but if it be a woman , her confession made before the elders , in private , is most usually ( in boston church ) read by the pastor , who registred the same . at salem the women speake themselves , for the most part , in the church ; but of late it is said , they doe this upon the week dayes there , and nothing is done on sunday , but their entrance into covenant . the man in a solemne speech , sometimes a quarter of an houre long , shorter or longer , declareth the work of grace in his soule , to the same purpose , as that before the elders formerly mentioned . then the elder requireth the party to make profession of his faith ; which also is done either by questions and answers , if the party be weake , or else in a solemne speech according to the summe and tenour of the christian faith laid downe in the scriptures , defining faith , and shewing how it is wrought by the word , and spirit of god , defining a church to be a company of beleevers gathered out of the world , by the word preached , and holy spirit , and knit together by an holy covenant , that there are in the church remaining such and such officers , and members , as aforesaid : that is to say , pastors and teachers , ruling elders , deacons and deaconesses , or widowes ; and such and such are their offices and duties in particular , viz. the pastor to exhort , and besides to rule ; the teacher to instruct in knowledge , and likewise to rule ; the ruling elder to assist pastor and teacher in ruling , as the levites were given to the priests for helps , and to see to whomsoever comming into , or to goe forth of the church , by admonition , or excommunication ; the deacon to receive the contributions of the church , and faithfully to dispose the same ; the deaconesses to shew mercie with chearfulnesse , and to minister to the sick and poore brethren ; the members all , to watch over and support one an other in brotherly love . notwithstanding , there was a sermon lately made by master cotton in october , anno 1640. upon 1 cor. 11.19 . touching heresies , which was since commonly there called the sermon of the twelve articles , wherein was declared , that there are twelve articles of religion , which maintained by any , the church may receive them , and keepe fellowship with them ; but the ignorant of them after instruction and scandalous sins unrepented , exclude from the fellowship of the church . the said articles were to this effect : first , that there are three persons in one god , the father , the sonne , and the holy spirit . secondly , that this god made , and governs all the world , and that he is a rewarder of the good , and punisher of the evill . thirdly , that this god alone is to be worshiped . fourthly , this worship of god is instituted in his written word , not the precepts of men . fiftly , that from the fall of adam , we have not so worshiped god , but have all sinned , and deprived our selves of the reward promised , and therefore are under the curse by nature . sixthly , that we are by nature utterly unable to rescue our selves from this curse . seventhly , that jesus christ the eternall sonne of god , in fulnesse of time took upon him our nature , and was made flesh for us , and by his death and sufferings , redeemed his elect from sin , and death . eighthly , that christ jesus , and salvation by him , is offered , and given in the gospell , unto every one that beleeveth in his name , and onely by such received . ninthly , that no man can come unto christ , nor beleeve on him , except the father draw him by his word and spirit . tenthly , whom the lord draws to him by his word and spirit , them he justifies freely by his grace , and according to his truth , not by works . eleventhly , where the soule is justified , it is also regenerate and sanctified . twelfthly , this regeneration and sanctification is still imperfect in this life . and unto all is added this generall article , that such as walke after this rule , shall arise to everlasting life ; and those that walk otherwise , shall arise to everlasting condemnation , in the day of judgement : that the knowledge and beliefe of these are of the foundation of religion : but things touching the foundation of churches , as baptisme , imposition of hands ; ignorance in these may hinder the measure of our reward in heaven , not communion with the church on earth . exceptions against the apostles creed were these : that it is not of necessity to beleeve christs descent into hell in any sense ; that it is not in that creed contained , that the scripture is the onely rule of gods worship ; nor doth it so directly set forth the point of justification . and also i remember master knolles , now one of the pastors at watertowne , when he first came to be admitted at boston , never made any mention in his profession of faith , of any officers of the church in particular , or their duties , and yet was received . the party having finished his discourses of his confession , and profession of his faith , the elder againe speaketh to the congregation : brethren of the congregation , if what you have heard of , from this party , doe not satisfie you , as to move you to give him the right hand of fellowship , use your liberty , and declare your mindes therein : and then , after some silence , if none except against the parties expressions , ( as often some members doe ) then the elder proceedeth , saying , but if you are satisfied with that you have heard of , and from him , expresse your willingnesse , and consent to receive him , by your usuall signe , which is erection and extention of the right hand . this done , sometimes they proceede to admit more members , all after the same manner , for the most part , two , three , foure , or five , or more together , as they have time , spending sometimes almost a whole afternoone therein . and then the elder calleth all them , that are to be admitted , by name , and rehearseth the covenant , on their parts , to them , which they publiquely say , they doe promise , by the helpe of god , to performe : and then the elder , in the name of the church , promiseth the churches part of the covenant , to the new admitted members . so they are received , or admitted . then they may receive the sacrament of the lords supper with them , and their children bee baptized , but not before : also till then they may not be free men of the common-wealth , but being received in the church they may . sometimes the master is admitted , and not the servant , & e contra : the husband is received , and not the wife ; and on the contrary , the child , and not the parent . also all matters of publique offence are heard & determined in publique , before all the church , ( and strangers too in boston , not so in other places ) the party is called forth , and the matter declared and testified by two witnesses ; then he is put to answer : which finished , one of the ruling elders asketh the * congregation if they are satisfied with the parties expressions ? if they are , he requireth them to use their liberty , and declare their satisfiednesse ; if not , and that they hold the party worthy of admonition or excommunication , that they witnesse their assent thereto by their silence . if they be silent , the sentence is denounced . if it be for defaults in erroneous opinions onely , the teacher , they say , is to denounce the sentence ; if for matter of ill manners , the pastor denounceth it ; the ruling elders doe not usually denounce any sentence : but i have heard , a captaine delivered one to satan , in the church at dorchester , in the absence of their minister . ordinarily , matter of offence is to be brought to the elders in private , they may not otherwise tell the * church in ordinary matters , and so it hath been declared in publique , by the pastors of boston . the admonished must , in good manners , abstain from the communion , and must goe on to satisfie the church , else excommunication follows . the excommunicate is held as an heathen and publican : yet it hath been declared at boston in divers cases , that children may eate with their parents excommunicate ; that an elected magistrate excommunicate may hold his place , but better another were chosen ; that an hereditary magistrate , though excommunicate , is to be obeyed still in civill things ; that the excommunicate person may come and heare the word , and be present at prayer , so that he give not publique offence , by taking up an eminent place in the assembly : but at new-haven , alias quinapeag , where master davenport is pastor , the excommunicate is held out of the meeting , at the doore , if he will heare , in frost , snow , and raine . most an-end , in the bay , they use good moderation , and forbearance in their censures : yet i have known a gentlewoman excommunicate , for some indiscreet words , with some stifnesse maintained , saying , a brother , and others , she feared , did conspire to arbitrate the price of joyners worke of a chamber too high , and endeavouring to bring the same into civill cognizance , not proceeding to take two or three to convince the party , and so to tell the church , ( though shee first told the party of it ) and this without her husband . i feare she is not yet absolved ; i am sure she was not upon the third of august last , when we loosed from boston . there hath been some difference about jurisdictions , or cognizance of causes : some have held , that in causes betweene brethren of the church , the matter should be first told the church , before they goe to the civill magistrate , because all causes in difference doe amount , one way or other , to a matter of offence ; and that all criminall matters concerning church members , should be first heard by the church . but these opinionists are held , by the wiser sort , not to know the dangerous issues and consequences of such tenets . the magistrates , and church-leaders , labour for a just and equall correspondence in jurisdictions , not to intrench one on the other , neither the civill magistrates to be exempt from ecclesiasticall censure , nor the ministers from civill : & whether ecclesiasticall , or civillpower first begin to lay hold of a man , the same to proceed , not barring the other to intermeddle . every church hath power of government in , and by it selfe ; and no church , or officers , have power over one another but by way of advice or counsaile , voluntarily given or besought , saving that the generall court , now and then , over-rule some church matters : and of late , divers of the ministerie have had set meetings to order church matters ; whereby it is conceived they bend towards presbyterian rule . in boston ; they rule , most an-end , by unanimous consent , if they can , both in admissions , and censures , and other things . in salem , they rule by the major part of the church : you that are so minded hold up your hands ; you that are otherwise minded , hold up yours . in boston , when they cannot agree in a matter , they will sometime referre it to some select brethren to heare and end , or to certifie the church , and any brethren , that will , to be present at the discusse in private . some churches have no ruling elders , some but one , some but one teaching elder , some have two ruling , and two teaching elders ; some one , some two or three deacons ; some hold that one minister is enough for a small number of people ; no church there hath a deaconesse , as far as i know . where farmes or villages are , as at rumney-marsh and marblehead , there a minister , or a brother of one of the congregations of boston for the marsh , and of salem for marblehead , preacheth and exerciseth prayer every lords day , which is called prophesying in such a place . and so it was heretofore at mountwoollaston within boston precincts , though since it became a church now called of braintree , but before they of the mount did , and those of the marsh and marblehead still come and receive the sacrament at boston , and salem respectively , and some of braintree still receive at boston . also when a minister preacheth abroad , in another congregation , the ruling elder of the place , after the psalme sung , saying publiquely ; if this present brother hath any word of exhortation for the people , at this time , in the name of god let him say on ; this is held prophesying . also the confessions or speeches made by members to be admitted , have beene by some held prophesying , and when a brother exerciseth in his own congregation ( as at salem they doe sometimes ) taking a text of scripture , and handling the same according to his ability . notwithstanding , it is generally held in the bay , by some of the most grave and learned men amongst them , that none should undertake to prophesie in publique , unlesse he intend the worke of the ministery , and so in some places , as in schooles * , and not abroad , without they have both imposition of hands , and mission , or permission , because prophecie properly hath its denomination from * understanding propheticall scriptures , which to know discreetly to handle , requireth good learning , skill in tongues , great fidelity , and good conscience . the publique worship . the publique worship is in as faire a meeting house as they can provide , wherein , in most places , they have beene at great charges . every sabbath or lords day , they come together at boston , by wringing of a bell , about nine of the clock or before . the pastor begins with solemn prayer continuing about a quarter of an houre . the teacher then readeth and expoundeth a chapter ; then a psalme is sung , which ever one of the ruling elders dictates . after that the pastor preacheth a sermon , and sometimes ex tempore exhorts . then the teacher concludes with prayer , and a blessing . once a moneth is a sacrament of the lords supper , whereof notice is given usually a fortnight before , and then all others departing save the church , which is a great deale lesse in number then those that goe away , they receive the sacrament , the ministers and ruling elders sitting at the table , the rest in their seats , or upon forms : all cannot see the minister consecrating , unlesse they stand up , and make a narrow shift . the one of the teaching elders prayes before , and blesseth , and consecrates the bread and wine , according to the words of institution ; the other prays after the receiving of all the members : and next communion , they change turnes ; he that began at that , ends at this : and the ministers deliver the bread in a charger to some of the chiefe , and peradventure gives to a few the bread into their hands , and they deliver the charger from one to another , till all have eaten ; in like manner the cup , till all have dranke , goes from one to another . then a psalme is sung , and with a short blessing the congregation is dismissed . any one , though not of the church , may , in boston , come in , and * see the sacrament administred , if he will : but none of any church in the country may receive the sacrament there , without leave of the congregation , for which purpose he comes to one of the ruling elders , who propounds his name to the congregation , before they goe to the sacrament . about two in the after-noone , they repaire to the meeting-house againe ; and then the pastor begins , as before noone , and a psalme being sung , the teacher makes a sermon . he was wont , when i came first , to reade and expound a chapter also before his sermon in the afternoon . after and before his sermon , he prayeth . after that ensues baptisme , if there be any , which is done , by either pastor or teacher , in the deacons seate , the most eminent place in the church , next under the elders seate . the pastor most commonly makes a speech or exhortation to the church , and parents concerning baptisme , and then prayeth before and after . it is done by washing or sprinkling . one of the parents being of the church , the childe may be baptized , and the baptisme is into the name of the father , and of the sonne , and of the holy ghost . no sureties are required . which ended , follows the contribution , one of the deacons saying , brethren of the congregation , now there is time left for contribution , wherefore as god hath prospered you , so freely offer . upon some extraordinary occasions , as building and repairing of churches or meeting-houses , or other necessities , the ministers presse a liberall contribution , with effectuall exhortations out of scripture . the magistrates and chiefe gentlemen first , and then the elders , and all the congregation of men , and most of them that are not of the church , all single persons , widows , and women in absence of their husbands , come up one after another one way , and bring their offerings to the deacon at his seate , and put it into a box of wood for the purpose , if it bee money or papers ; if it be any other chattle , they set it or lay it downe before the deacons , and so passe another way to their seats againe . this contribution is of money , or papers , promising so much money : i have seene a faire gilt cup with a cover , offered there by one , which is still used at the communion . which moneys , and goods the deacons dispose towards the maintenance of the ministers , and the poore of the church , and the churches occasions , without making account , ordinarily . but in salem church , those onely that are of the church , offer in publique ; the rest are required to give to the ministerie , by collection , at their houses . at some other places they make a rate upon every man , as well within , as not of the church , residing with them , towards the churches occasions ; and others are beholding , now and then , to the generall court , to study wayes to enforce the maintenance of the ministerie . this done , then followes admission of members , or hearing matters of offence , or other things , sometimes till it be very late . if they have time , after this , is sung a psalme , and then the pastor concludeth with a prayer and a blessing . upon the week dayes , there are lectures in divers townes , and in boston , upon thursdayes , when master cotton teacheth out of the revelation . there are dayes of fasting , thanksgiving , and prayers upon a occasions , but no b holy dayes , except the sunday . in some churches , nothing is c read on the first day of the weeke , or lords day , but a psalme dictated before or after the sermon , as at hingham ; there is no catechizing of children or others in any church , ( except in concord church , & in other places , of those admitted , in their receiving : ) the reason given by some is , because when people come to be admitted , the church hath tryall of their knowledge , faith , and repentance , and they want a direct scripture for ministers catechizing ; as if , goe teach all nations , and traine up a childe in the way he should goe , did not reach to ministers catechizings . but , god be thanked , the generall court was so wise , in iune last , as to enjoyn , or take some course for such catechizing , as i am informed , but know not the way laid down in particular , how it should be done . they call the dayes of the weeke , beginning at the first , second , third , forth , fifth , sixth , and seventh , which is saturday : the moneths begin at march , by the names of the first , second , and so forth to the twelfth , which is february ▪ because they would avoid all memory of heathenish and idols names : and surely it is good to overthrow heathenisme by all good wayes and meanes . but there hath not been any sent forth by any church to learne the natives language , or to instruct them in the religion ; first , because they say they have not to do with them being without , unlesse they come to heare and learn english . secondly , some say out of rev. 15. last , it is not probable that anynation more can be converted , til the calling of the jews ; till the seven plagues finished none was able to enter into the temple , that is , the christian church , and the seventh viall is not yet poured forth , and god knowes when it will bee . thirdly , because all churches among them are equall , and all officers equall , and so betweene many , nothing is done that way . they must all therefore equally beare the blame ; for indeede i humbly conceive that by their principles , no nation can or could ever be converted . therefore , if so , by their principles how can any nation be governed ? they have nothing to excuse themselves in this point of not labouring with the indians to instruct them , but their want of a staple trade , and other businesses taking them up . and it is true , this may excuse à tanto . of late some churches are of opinion , that any may be admitted to church-fellowship , that are not extremely ignorant or scandalous : but this they are not very forward to practice , except at newberry . besides , many good people scruple their church covenant , so highly tearmed by the most of them , a part of the * covenant of grace ; and particularly , one master martin for saying in argumentation , that their church covenant was an humane invention , and that they will not leave till it came to the swords point , was fined ten pounds , his cow taken and sold for the money . a minister standing upon his ministery , as of the church of england , and arguing against their covenant , and beeing elected by some of weymouth to be their minister , was compelled to recant some words ; one that made the election , & got hands to the paper , was fined 10. pounds , and thereupon speaking a few crosse words , 5. pound more , and payed it downe presently ; another of them for saying one of the ministers of the bay was a brownist , or had a brownisticall head , and for a supposed lie , was whipt : and all these by the generall or quarter civill courts . touching the government of the common-weale there . none may now be a freeman of that common-wealth , being a societie or corporation , named by the name of the governour , deputy governour , and assistants of the societie of the mattachusets bay in new-england , unlesse he be a church member amongst them . none have voice in elections of governours , deputy , and assistants ; none are to be magistrates , officers , or jurymen , grand or petite , but freemen . the ministers give their votes in all elections of magistrates . now the most of the persons at new-england are not admitted of their church , and therefore are not freemen , and when they come to be tryed there , be it for life or limb , name or estate , or whatsoever , they must bee tryed and judged too by those of the church , who are in a sort their adversaries : how equall that hath been , or may be , some by experience doe know , others may judge . the manner of the elections is this : at first , the chiefe governour and magistrates were chosen in london , by erection of hands , by all the free-men of this society . since the transmitting of the patent into new-england , the election is not by voices , nor erection of hands , but by papers , thus : the generall court-electory sitting , where are present in the church , or meeting-house at boston , the old governour , deputy , and all the magistrates , and two deputies or burgesses for every towne , or at least one , all the freemen are bidden to come in at one doore , and bring their votes in paper , for the new governour , and deliver them downe upon the table , before the court , and so to passe forth at another doore . those that are absent , send their votes by proxies . all being delivered in , the votes are counted , and according to the major part , the old governour pronounceth , that such an one is chosen governour for the yeare ensuing . then the freemen , in like manner , bring their votes for the deputy governour , who being also chosen , the governour propoundeth the assistants one after the other . new assistants are , of late , put in nomination , by an order of general court , before-hand to be considered of : if a freeman give in a blanck , that rejects the man named ; if the freeman makes any mark with a pen upon the paper which he brings , that elects the man named ; then the blancks and marked papers are numbred , and according to the major part of either , the man in nomination stands elected or rejected . and so for all the assistants . and after every new election , which is , by their patent , to be upon the last wednesday in every easter terme , the new governour and officers are all new sworn . the governour and assistants choose the secretary . and all the court consisting of governour , deputy , assistants , and deputies of towns , give their votes as well as the rest ; and the ministers , and elders , and all church-officers , have their votes also in all these elections of chiefe magistrates . constables , and all other inferiour officers , are sworn in the generall , quarter , or other courts , or before any assistant . every free-man , when he is admitted , takes a strict oath , to be true to the society , or jurisdiction : in which oath , i doe not remember expressed that ordinary saving , which is and ought to be in all oathes to other lords , saving the faith and truth which i beare to our soveraigne lord the king , though , i hope , it may be implyed . there are two generall courts , one every halfe yeare , wherein they make lawes or ordinances : the ministers advise in making of laws , especially ecclesiasticall , and are present in courts , and advise in some speciall causes criminall , and in framing of fundamentall lawes : but not many fundamentall lawes are yet established : which , when they doe , they must , by the words of their charter , make according to the laws of england , or not contrary thereunto . here they make taxes and levies . there are besides foure quarter courts for the whole jurisdiction , besides other petie courts , one every quarter , at boston , salem , and ipswich , with their severall jurisdictions , besides every towne , almost , hath a petie court for small debts , and trespasses under twenty shillings . in the generall court , or great quarter courts , before the civill magistrates , are tryed all actions and causes civill and criminall , and also ecclesiasticall , especially touching non-members : and they themselves say , that in the generall and quarter courts , they have the power of parliament , kings bench , common pleas , chancery , high commission , and star-chamber , and all other courts of england , and in divers cases have exercised that power upon the kings subjects there , as is not difficult to prove . they have put to death , banished , fined men , cut off mens eares , whipt , imprisoned men , and 〈◊〉 these for ecclesiasticall and civill offences , and without sufficient record . in the lesser quarter courts are tryed , in some , actions under ten pound , in boston , under twenty , and all criminall causes not touching life or member . from the petie quarter courts , or other court , the parties may appeale to the great quarter courts , from thence to the generall court , from which there is no appeale , they say : notwithstanding , i presume their patent doth reserve and provide for appeales , in some cases , to the kings majesty . the generall and great quarter courts are kept in the church meeting-house at boston . twice a yeare , in the said great quarter courts held before the generall courts , are two grand juries sworne for the jurisdiction , one for one court , and the other for the other , and they are charged to enquire and present offences reduced , by the governour , who gives the charge , most an-end , under the heads of the ten commandements : and a draught of a body of fundamentall laws , according to the judiciall laws of the jews , hath been contrived by the ministers and magistrates , and offered to the generall court to be established and published to the people to be considered of , and this since his majesties command came to them to send over their patent : among which lawes , that was one i excepted against , as you may see in the paper following , entituled , of the church her liberties , presented to the governour and ●agistrates of the bay , 4. martii , 1639. notwithstanding , a by-law , to that or the like effect , hath been made , and was held of force there when i came thence : yet i confesse i have heard one of their wisest speak of an intention to repeale the same law . matters of debt , trespasse , and upon the case , and equity , yea and of heresie also , are tryed by a jury . which although it may seeme to be indifferent , and the magistrates may judge what is law , and what is equall , and some of the chief ministers informe what is heresie , yet the jury may finde a generall verdict , if they please ; and seldome is there any speciall verdict found by them , with deliberate arguments made thereupon , which breeds many inconveniences . the parties are warned to challenge any jury-man before he be sworn ; but because there is but one jury in a court for tryall of causes , and all parties not present at their swearing , the liberty of challenge is much hindred , and some inconveniencies doe happen thereby . jurors are returned by the marshall , he was at first called the bedle of the societie . seldome is there any matter of record , saving the verdict many times at randome taken and entred , which is also called the judgment . and for want of proceeding duly upon record , the government is cleerely arbitrary , according to the discretions of the judges and magistrates for the time being . and humbly i appeale to his royall majesty , and his honourable and great counsell , whether or no the proceedings in such matters as come to be heard before ecclesiasticall judges , be not fit to be upon record ; and whether registers , advocates , and procurators , be not necessary to assist the poore and unlearned in their causes , and that according to the warrant and intendment of holy writ , and of right reason . i have knowne by experience , and heard divers have suffered wrong by default of such in new-england . i feare it is not a little degree of pride and dangerous improvidence to slight all former lawes of the church or state , cases of experience and precedents , to go hammer out new , according to severall exigencies ; upon pretence that the word of god is sufficient to rule us : it is true , it is sufficient , if well understood . but take heede my brethren , despise not learning , nor the worthy lawyers of either gown , lest you repent too late . the parties in all causes , speake themselves for the most part , and some of the magistrates where they thinke cause requireth , doe the part of advocates without fee or reward . most matters are presently heard , and ended the same court , the party defendant having foure dayes warning before ; but some causes come to be heard again , and new suits grow upon the old . profane swearing , drunkennesse , and beggers , are but rare in the compasse of this patent , through the circumspection of the magistrates , and the providence of god hitherto , the poore there living by their labours , and great wages , proportionably , better then the rich , by their stocks , which without exceeding great care , quickly waste . a paper of certaine propositions to the generall court , made upon request , 8. iunii , 1639. 1. it were good , that all actions betweene parties , were entred in the court book , by the secretary , before the court sits . 2. that every action be declared in writing , and the defendants answer , generall or speciall , as the case shall require , be put in writing , by a publique notarie , before the cause be heard . 3. the secretary to take the verdicts , and make forth the judiciall commands or writs . 4. the publique notarie ro record all the proceedings in a fair book , and to enter executions of commands done , & satisfactions acknowledged . 5. the fees , in all these , to be no more then in an inferiour court of record in england , and to be allowed by the generall court , or court of assistants . the benefit hereof to the publique good . 1. it will give an easie and quick dispatch to all causes : for thereby the court and jury will quickly see the point in hand , and accordingly give their verdict and judgement . 2. the court shall the better know , constantly , how to judge the same things ; and it is not possible , that judges should , alwayes , from time to time , remember clearly , or know to proceed certainly , without a faithfull record . 3. the parties may hereby more surely , and clearly obtaine their right ; for through ignorance and passion , men may quickly wrong one another , in their bare words , without a record . 4. hereby shall the law of god and justice be duly administred to the people , according to more certaine and unchangeable rules , so that they might know what is the law , and what right they may look for at the mouthes of all their judges . 5. hereby the subjects have a great part of their evidences and assurances for their proprieties , both of lands and goods . a paper touching the church her liberties , delivered at boston , 4. martii , 1639. to the right worshipfull the governour , deputy governour , councellers , and assistants , for this iurisdiction . whereas you have been pleased to cause me to transcribe certain breviats of propositions , delivered to the last generall court , for the establishing a body of lawes , as is intended , for the glory of god , and the wel-fare of this people and country ; and published the same , to the intent that any man may acquaint you , or the deputies for the next court , with what he conceives fit to be altered or added , in or unto the said lawes ; i conceive it my duty to give you timely notice of some things of great moment , about the same lawes , in discharge of my conscience , which i shall , as amicus curiae , pray you to present with all faithfulnesse , as is proposed , to the next generall court , by it , and the reverend elders , to be further considered of , as followeth : 1. it is propounded to be one chiefe part of the charge , or office of the councell intended , to take care , that the conversion of the natives be endeavoured . 2. it is proposed , as a liberty , that a convenient * number of orthodoxe christians , allowed to plant together in this jurisdiction , may gather themselves into a church , and elect and ordaine their officers , men fit for their places , giving notice to seven of the next churches , one moneth before thereof , and of their names , and that they may exercise all the ordinances of god according to his word , and so they proceede according to the rule of god , and shall not be hindered by any civill power ; nor will this court allow of any church otherwise gathered . this clause ( nor will the court allow of any church otherwise gathered ) doth as i conceive contradict the first proposition . my reasons are these . 1. if the conversion of the natives must be endeavoured , then some wise and godly men ( they should be of your gravest and best men ) must bee sent forth to teach them to know god . 2. when such are sent , they must bee either sent immediately by the lord , or mediately by his churches . 3. if the churches send men , they that are sent must be sent by imposition of hands of the presbyterie . now when churches are thus gathered or planted , they are gathered by ministers , doing the works of apostles and euangelists , which hath ever been , and is the ordinary and regular way of gathering or planting churches , ( and not as is proposed , a convenient number of orthodoxe christians , gathering themselves into a church ) and yet when such a church is gathered by church-messengers and ministers , this court is advised not to allow the same ; which , i conceive , is to say , the conversion of the natives shall not be endeavoured , orderly , according to the rule of god . againe , it would be considered , that when men are sent forth , whether they should not be sent forth two , and by two at least , as the scriptures beare , and for divers good reasons , which lye not hid to your wisdomes . that you would be pleased to shew unto the elders these things to be considered , and that they would well weigh , whether or no those ministers and messengers sent by-churches , should not visit the churches which they plant ▪ other things there are , wherein , i think , i could also , to good purpose , move somewhat to your worships , which lyes more directly in the way , and calling , i have been educated , if i were required , but this thing lying upon my conscience , i could not well passe by : wherefore i shall request it may be considered . 1. whether it be not fit to leave out , at least , that contradictory clause , viz. nor will this court allow of any church otherwise gathered ? 2. whether it be not better to let the liberty run thus , in generall , the holy church of god shall enjoy all her just liberties ? a paper intended for the honoured john winthrop , esquire , late governour . boston , maii 2. 1640. if you see a necessity of baptizing them without , if an ingagement of propagation of the truth to the infidel natives : then consider , whether by the kings leave , some churches may not be appointed to send their chiefe pastors , and other ministers , to doe such works . also with some kind of subjection , or acknowledgement of authority of the ministerie in england , if it be but by way of advice , which is cleare to me you may doe : i make no doubt but in all things requisite for the state of the country , they will yeeld you all faire liberties . nay , i am perswaded , the kings majesty will not send any unexperienced governour to afflict , but make you patentees againe , or at least , after the manner of other plantations , restoring not onely favour , but other benefits , whereof , under god , to us englishmen , he is the fountaine . the kings attorney did offer some of you this in my hearing , i meane , the renewall of your patent . nay further , if you would invent , and devise what the king may doe for the country , you might obtaine . the very conversion of these poore naked people , which is very hopefull , and much prepared for per accidens , or gods owne providence , bringing good out of evill , will rejoyce the hearts of all christians in our deare native countrey , and here : and of it selfe ( if there were no other desirable things here , as blessed be god there are many ) would cause a continued confluence of more people then you can tell well where to bestow for the present . the fishing trade would be promoted with authority . hereby would you give the greater testimony to the cause of reformation . hereby will you , under god and the king , make church-work , and common-wealth work indeed , and examples to all countryes . you will enrich your countries both , in short time . the heathens in time , i am perswaded , will become zealous christians , then will they labour , get cloathes , and substance about them . in vaine doe some think of civillizing them , either by the sword , or otherwise , till ( withall ) the word of god hath spoken to their hearts : wherein i conceive great advice is to be taken . for which purpose a presse is necessary , and may be obtained , i hope , so that wise men watch over it . consider how poorely your schooles goe on , you must depend upon england for help of learned men and schollers , bookes , commodities infinite almost . no doubt but the king , this way , will make your authority reach even to the dutch southward , and to the french northward . new-england indeede without fraction . a facile way , taking out the core of malice . the conversion and subduing of a nation , and so great a tract of ground , is a work too weighty for subjects any much longer to labour under without royall assistance , as i apprehend , i think , in religious reason . if any shall suggest , that your churches may send forth men of their own authority ; consider , if it may be done warrantably by the word of god , as peradventure it may be so . yet you will be in danger , rebus sic stantibus , of great imputations . that you infringe regall power , and ecclesiasticall . wheron adversaries will sure enough make fearfull worke . and besides , some reformations ( under favour ) have been too deep , at least for others to follow . they were also unexperienced of mission to convert infidels . is geneva without her faults ? or holland , rotterdam , amsterdam , without theirs ? what experience they of mission , or ever had ? now i beseeech you grave sir , doe you thinke it good , honourable , safe , for us poore men here , or for the religion and professors thereof in generall , in the whole world , that such as have the name of the most zealous , should be the first example of almost utmost provocation to our owne soveraigne ? for my part , i disclaime parker , and encline to hooker , iewel , as to government . greatmen have great burthens , therefore they have their counsels crosse , and sometimes they use them both . you heare enough on the other side , heare now this , on this , and the lord guide your spirit . odere reges dicta , quae dici jubent . these are the ministers of the bay . at boston , master cotton teacher , master wilson pastor : at roxbury , master weld pastor , master eliott teacher : at dorchester , master mather pastor or teacher , and master burgh out of office : at braintree , master thomson pastor , master flint teacher : at weymouth , master newman pastor , master parker out of office : at hingham , master hubbard pastor , master peck teacher : they refuse to baptize old ottis grandchildren , an ancient member of their own church . at charlestowne , master symms pastor , master allen teacher : at cambridge , master sheppard pastor , master dunster school-master ; divers young schollers are there under him to the number of almost twenty : at watertowne , master phillips pastor , master knolls pastor : at dedham , another master phillips out of office , and master allen pastor or teacher : at sudbury , master brown in office , master fordham out of office : at lynne , master whiting pastor , master cobbet teacher : at salem , master peter pastor , master norris teacher , and his sonne a schoole-master : at ipswich , master rogers pastor , master norton teacher , and master nathaniel ward , and his sonne , and one master knight , out of employment : at rowley , master ezek. rogers pastor , master miller : at newberry , master noyse pastor , master parker teacher : he is sonne of master robert parker , somtime of wilton , in the county of wiltes , deceased , who in his life time writ that mis-learned and mistaken book de politeia ecclesiastica . at salisbury , master worster pastor : at hampton , master bachellor pastor , master dalton teacher : there are other school-masters which i know not , in some of these townes . the magistrates in the bay are these : master bellingham the present governour , master endecot the present deputy governour , master winthrop , master dudley , master humfrey , master saltonstall , master bradstreat , master stoughton , master winthrop junior , master nowell , assistants . master nowell is also secretarie . master stephen winthrop is recorder , whose office is to record all judgments , mariages , births , deaths , wills and testaments , bargaines and sales , gifts , grants , and mortgages . there is a marshall , who is as a sheriffe or bailiffe , and his deputy is the gaoler and executioner . marriages are solemnized and done by the magistrates , and not by the ministers . * probats of testaments , and granting of letters of administration , are made and granted in the generall or great quarter courts . at burials , nothing is read , nor any funeral sermon made , but all the neighbourhood , or a good company of them , come together by tolling of the bell , and carry the dead solemnly to his grave , and there stand by him while he is buried . the ministers are most commonly present . they are very diligent in traynings of their souldiers and military exercises , and all except magistrates , and ministers beare armes , or pay for to bee excused , or for speciall reasons are exempted by order of court . the captains , and officers are such as are admitted of the church . but the people begin to complain , they are ruled like slaves , and in short time shall have their children for the most part remain unbaptized : and so have little more priviledge then heathens , unlesse the discipline be amended and moderated . it is feared , that elections cannot be safe there long , either in church or common-wealth . so that some melancholy men thinke it a great deale safer to be in the midst of troubles in a setled common-wealth , or in hope easily to be setled , then in mutinies there , so far off from succours . at new plymouth they have but one * minister , master rayner ; yet master chancey lives there , and one master smith , both ministers , they are not in any office there ; master chancey stands for dipping in baptisme onely necessary , and some other things , concerning which there hath been much dispute , and master chancey put to the worst by the opinion of the churches advised withall . cohannet , alias taunton , is in plymouth patent . there is a church gathered of late , and some ten or twenty of the church , the rest excluded . master hooke pastor , master streate teacher . master hooke received ordination from the hands of one master bishop a school-master , and one parker an husbandman , and then master hooke joyned in ordaining master streate . one master doughty , a minister , opposed the gathering of the church there , alleadging that according to the covenant of abraham , all mens children that were of baptized parents , and so abrahams children , ought to be baptized ; and spake so in publique , or to that effect , which was held a disturbance , and the ministers spake to the magistrate to order him : the magistrate commanded the constable , who dragged master doughty out of the assembly . he was forced to goe away from thence , with his wife and children . there are also in this patent divers other plantations , as sandwich , situate , duxbury , greenes-harbour , and yarmouth . ministers there are , master leveridge , master blackwood , master mathews , and master andrew hallet a school-master . master saxton also , who was comming away when we did . at the island called aquedney , are about two hundred families . there was a church , where one master clark was elder : the place where the church was , is called newport , but that church , i heare , is now dissolved ; as also divers churches in the country have been broken up and dissolved through dissention . at the other end of the island there is another towne called portsmouth , but no church : there is a meeting of some men , who there teach one another , and call it prophesie . these of the island have a pretended civill government of their owne erection , without the kings patent . there lately they whipt one master gorton , a grave man , for denying their power , and abusing some of their magistrates with uncivill tearmes ; the governour , master coddington , saying in court , you that are for the king , lay hold on gorton ; and he againe , on the other side , called forth , all you that are for the king , lay hold on coddington ; whereupon gorton was banished the island : so with his wife and children he went to providence . they began about a small trespasse of swine , but it is thought some other matter was ingredient . at providence , which is twenty miles from the said island , lives master williams , and his company , of divers opinions ; most are anabaptists ; they hold there is no true visible church in the bay , nor in the world , nor any true ministerie . this is within no patent , as they say ; but they have of late a kind of government also of their owne erection . one master blakeston , a minister , went from boston , having lived there nine or ten yeares , because he would not joyne with the church ; he lives neere master williams , but is far from his opinions . there are five or six townes , and churches upon the river connecticot , where are worthy master hooker , master warham , master hewet , and divers others , and master fenwike with the lady boteler , at the rivers mouth in a faire house , and well fortified , and one master higgison , a young man , their chaplain . these plantations have a patent ; the lady was lately admitted of master hookers church , and thereupon her child was baptized . the lady moody lives at lynne , but is of salem church , shee is ( good lady ) almost undone by buying master humphries farme , swampscot , which cost her nine , or eleven hundred pounds . beyond connecticott are divers plantations , as new-haven , alias quinapeag , where master davenport is pastor , and one master iames a schoole-master ; and another where master whitfield is : and another where master pridgeon is , and some others , almost reaching to the dutch plantation southward . among these are my old acquaintance , master roger ludlow , master frost , sometime of nottingham , and his sonnes , iohn grey and henry grey ; the lord in his goodnesse provide for them ; they have a minister , whose name i have forgotten , if it be not master blackwell . i do not know what patent these have . long island is begun to be planted , and some two ministers are gone thither , or to goe , as one master peirson , and master knowles , that was at dover , alias northam . a church was gathered for that island at lynne , in the bay , whence some , by reason of straitnesse , did remove to the said island ; and one master simonds , heretofore a servant unto a good gentlewoman whom i know , was one of the first founders . master peter of salem was at the gathering , and told me the said master henry simonds made a very cleare confession . notwithstanding he yet dwels at boston , and they proceed on but slowly . the patent is granted to the lord starling ; but the dutch claime part of the island , or the whole : for their plantation is right over against , and not far from the south end of the said isle . and one lieutenant howe pulling downe the dutch arms on the isle , there was like to be a great stir , what ever may become of it . the dutch also claime quinapeag , and other parts . at northam , alias pascattaqua , is master larkham pastor . one master h. k. was also lately minister there , with master larkham . they two fell out about baptizing children , receiving of members , buriall of the dead ; and the contention was so sharp , that master k. and his party rose up , and excommunicated master larkham , and some that held with him : and further , master larkham flying to the magistrates , master k. and a captaine raised armes , and expected helpe from the bay ; master k. going before the troop with a bible upon a poles top , and he , or some of his party giving forth , that their side were scots , and the other english : whereupon the gentlemen of sir ferdinando gorges plantation came in , and kept court with the magistrates of pascattaqua , ( who have also a patent ) being weake of themselves . and they fined all those that were in armes , for a riot , by indictment , jury , and verdict , formally . nine of them were censured to be whipt , but that was spared . master k. and the captain their leaders , were fined 100. l. a piece , which they are not able to pay . to this broyle came master peter of salem , and there gave his opinion , at northam , that the said excommunication was a nullity . master thomas gorgs sonne of captain gorgs of batcombe , by chedder in somersetshire , is principall commissioner for the province of maigne , under sir ferdinando , but he was not at that court at northham himselfe . master wards sonne is desired to come into the province of maigne . there is one master ienner gone thither of late . there is want of good ministers there ; the place hath had an ill report by some , but of late some good acts of justice have been done there , and divers gentlemen there are , and it is a countrey very plentifull for fish , fowle , and venison . not farre from northam is a place called exeter , where master wheelwright hath a small church . and at cape anne , where fishing is set forward , and some stages builded , there one master rashley is chaplain : for it is farre off from any church : rashley is admitted of boston church , but the place lyeth next salem , and not very far further from ipswich . the isle of shoales and richmonds isle , which lie neere pasquattaqua , and good fishing places . about one hundred and fifty leagues from boston eastward is the isle of sables , whither one iohn webb , alias evered , an active man , with his company are gone with commission from the bay , to get sea-horse teeth and oyle . eastward off cape codd lyeth an island called martins vineyard , uninhabited by any english , but indians , which are very savage . northward from the bay , or northeast , lyeth the french plantation , who take up bever there , and keepe strict government , boarding all vessels that come neare them , and binding the masters till the governour , who is a noble-man , know what they are ; and south of new-england the dutch take up the bever . three hundred leagues south from the bay along the coasts , lyeth virginia ; neare to that is maryland , where they are roman catholiques , they say . there was a speech of some swedes which came to inhabit neere delawar bay , but the number or certainty i know not . three hundred leagues from the bay , eastward , lyeth new-found-land , where is a maine trade for fishing . here we touched comming homeward . florida lyes betweene virginia and the bay of mexico , and had been a better country for the english to have planted in , according to the opinion of some , but it is so neere the spaniard , that none must undertake to plant there , without good forces . for the state of the country in the bay and thereabouts . the land is reasonable fruitfull , as i think ; they have cattle , and goats , and swine good store , and some horses , store of fish and fowle , venison , and * corne , both english and indian . they are indifferently well able to subsist for victuall . they are setting on the manufacture of linnen and cotton cloath , and the fishing trade , and they are building of ships , and have good store of barks , catches , lighters , shallops , and other vessels . they have builded and planted to admiration for the time . there are good masts and timber for shipping , planks , and boards , clapboard , pipe-staves , bever , and furres , and hope of some mines . there are beares , wolves , and foxes , and many other wilde beasts , as the moose , a kind of deere , as big as some oxen , and lyons , as i have heard . the wolves and foxes are a great annoyance . there are rattlesnakes , which sometimes doe some harme , not much ; he that is stung with any of them , or bitten , he turnes of the colour of the snake , all over his body , blew , white , and greene spotted ; and swelling , dyes , unlesse he timely get some snake-weed ; which if he eate , and rub on the wound , he may haply recover , but feele it a long while in his bones and body . money is wanting , by reason of the failing of passengers these two last yeares , in a manner . they want help to goe forward , for their subsistance in regard of cloathing : and great pity it would be , but men of estates should help them forward . it may bee , i hope , a charitable worke . the price of their cattell , and other things being fallen , they are not at present able to make such returns to england , as were to be wished for them : god above direct and provide for them . there are multitudes of godly men among them , and many poore ignorant soules . of late some thirty persons went in two small barks for the lords isle of providence , and for the maine thereabout , which is held to be a beter countrey and climate by some : for this being in about 46. degrees of northerne latitude , yet is very cold in winter , so that some are frozen to death , or lose their fingers or toes every yeere , sometimes by carlesnes , sometimes by accidents , and are lost in snowes , which there are very deepe sometimes , and lye long : winter begins in october , and lasts till aprill . sixty leagues northerly it is held not habitable , yet again in summer it is exceeding hot . if shipping for conveyance were sent thither , they might spare divers hundreds of men for any good design . the jurisdiction of the bay patent reacheth from pascattaqua patent northeast to plymouth patent southward . and in my travailes there , i have seene the towns of newberry , ipswich , salem , lynne , boston , charlestowne , cambridge , watertowne , concord , roxbury , dorchester , and braintree in the bay patent , new taunton in plymouth patent , the island aquedney , and the two townes therein , newport and portsmouth , and new providence within the bay of narhiggansets . this for the satisfaction of some that have reported i was no travailer in new-england . concerning the indians , or natives . they are of body tall , proper , and straight ; they goe naked , saving about their middle , somewhat to cover shame . seldome they are abroad in extremity of winter , but keep in their wigwams , till necessity drives them forth ; and then they wrap themselves in skins , or some of our english coorse cloth : and for the winter they have boots , or a kind of laced tawed-leather stockins . they are naturally proud , and idle , given much to singing , dancing , and playes ; they are governed by sachems , kings ; and saggamores , petie lords ; by an absolute tyrannie . their women are of comely feature , industrious , and doe most of the labour in planting , and carrying of burdens ; their husbands hold them in great slavery , yet never knowing other , it is the lesse grievous to them . they say , englishman much foole , for spoiling goodworking creatures , meaning women : and when they see any of our english women sewing with their needles , or working coifes , or such things , they will cry out , lazie squaes ! but they are much the kinder to their wives , by the example of the english . their children , they will not part with , upon any terms , to be taught . they are of complexion swarthy and tawny ; their children are borne white , but they bedawbe them with oyle , and colours , presently . they have all black haire , that i saw . in times of mourning , they paint their faces with black lead , black , all about the eye-brows , and part of their cheeks . in time of rejoycing , they paint red , with a kind of vermilion . they cut their haire of divers formes , according to their nation or people , so that you may know a people by their cut ; and ever they have a long lock on one side of their heads , and weare feathers of peacocks , and such like , and red cloath , or ribbands at their locks ; beads of wampompeag about their necks , and a girdle of the same , wrought with blew and white wampom , after the manner of chequer work , two fingers broad , about their loynes : some of their chiefe men goe so , and pendants of wampom , and such toyes in their ears . and their women , some of the chiefe , have faire bracelets , and chaines of wampom . men and women , of them , come confidently among the english . since the pequid war , they are kept in very good subjection , and held to strict points of justice , so that the english may travail safely among them . but the french in the east , and the dutch in the south , sell them guns , powder and shot . they have powahes , or priests , which are witches , and a kind of chirurgions , but some of them , notwithstanding , are faine to be beholding to the english chirurgions . they will have their times of powaheing , which they will , of late , have called prayers , according to the english word . the powahe labours himselfe in his incantations , to extreame sweating and wearinesse , even to extasie . the powahes cannot work their witchcrafts , if any of the english be by ; neither can any of their incantations lay hold on , or doe any harme to the english , as i have been credibly informed . the powahe is next the king , or sachem , and commonly when he dyes , the powahe marryes the squa sachem , that is , the queene . they have marriages among them ; they have many wives ; they say , they commit much filthinesse among themselves . but for every marriage , the saggamore hath a fadome of wampom , which is about seven or eight shillings value . some of them will diligently attend to any thing they can understand by any of our religion , and are very willing to teach their language to any english . they live much the better , and peaceably , for the english ; and themselves know it , or at least their sachems , and saggamores know so much , for before they did nothing but spoile and destroy one another . they live in wigwams , or houses made of mats like little hutts , the fire in the midst of the house . they cut downe a tree with axes and hatchets , bought of the english , dutch , or french , & bring in the butt-end into the wigwam , upon the hearth , and so burne it by degrees . they live upon parched corne , ( of late , they grinde at our english mills . ) venison , bevers , otters , oysters , clammes , lobsters , and other fish , groundnuts , akornes , they boyle all together in a kettle . their riches are their wampom , bolles , trayes , kettles , and spoones , bever , furres , and canoos . he is a sachem , whose wife hath her cleane spoons in a chest , for some chief english men , when they come on guest wise to the wigwam . they lye upon a mat , with a stone , or a piece of wood under their heads ; they will give the best entertainment they can make to any english comming amongst them . they will not taste sweet things , nor alter their habit willingly ; onely they are taken with tobacco , wine , and strong waters ; and i have seene some of them in english , or french cloathes . their ordinary weapons are bowes and arrowes , and long staves , or halfe pykes , with pieces of swords , daggers , or knives in the ends of them : they have captaines , and are very good at a short mark , and nimble of foot to run away . their manner of fighting is , most commonly , all in one fyle . they are many in number , and worship kitan , their good god , or hobbamocco , their evill god ; but more feare hobbamocco , because he doth them most harme . some of their kings names are canonicus , meantinomy , owshamequin , cushamequin , webbacowitts , and squa sachem his wife : she is the queene , and he is powahe , and king , in right of his wife . among some of these nations , their policie is to have two kings at a time ; but , i thinke , of one family ; the one aged for counsell , the other younger for action . their kings succeed by inheritance . master henry dunster , schoolmaster of cambridge , deserves commendations above many ; he hath the plat-forme and way of conversion of the natives , indifferent right , and much studies the same , wherein yet he wants not opposition , as some other also have met with : he will , without doubt , prove an instrument of much good in the countrey , being a good scholar , and having skil in the tongues ; he will make it good , that the way to instruct the indians , must be in their owne language , not english ; and that their language may be perfected . a note of some late occurrences touching episcopacie . some of the learnedst , and godliest in the bay , begin to understand governments ; that it is necessary , when ministers or people fall out , to send other ministers , or they voluntarily to goe among them , to seek by all good wayes and meanes to appease them . and particularly , master peter went from salem on foot to new dover , alias pascattaqua , alias northam , to appease the difference betweene master larkham and master k. when they had been up in armes this last winter time . he went by the sending of the governour , counsell , and assistants of the bay , and of the church of salem ; and was in much danger of being lost , returning , by losing his way in the woods , and some with him , but god be blessed they returned . againe he went a second time , for appeasing the same difference , and had a commission to divers gentlemen , master humfrey , master bradstreate , captaine wiggon , and master simons , to assist , and to heare and determine all causes civill and criminall , from the governour of the bay , under his hand , and the publique seale , and then master k. went by the worst . master wilson did lately ride to greens harbour , in plymouth patent , to appease a broyle betweene one master thomas , as i take it , his name is , and master blindman , where master blindman went by the worst , and captaine keayne and others went with master wilson on horseback . also at another time , master wilson , master mather , and some others , going to the ordination of master hooke and master streate , to give them the right hand of fellowship , at new taunton , there heard the difference betweene master hooke and master doughty , where master doughty was over-ruled , and the matter carried somewhat partially , as is reported . it may be , it will be said , they did these things by way of love , and friendly advise : grant that ; but were not the counselled bound to receive good counsell ? if they would not receive it , was not the magistrate ready to assist , and in a manner ready , according to duty , to enforce peace and obedience ? did not the magistrates assist ? and was not master k. sent away , or compounded with , to seek a new place at long island , master doughty forced to the island aquedney , and master blindman to connecticot ? questions to the elders of boston , delivered 9. septemb. 1640. 1. whether a people may gather themselves into a church , without a minister sent of god ? 2. whether any people , or congregation , may ordaine their owne officers ? 3. whether the ordination , by the hands of such as are not ministers , be good ? to the which i received an answer the same day : to the first , the answer is affirmative ; for though the people in this countrey are not wont to gather themselves into a church , but ( as you would have it ) with the presence and advice of sundry ministers ; yet it were lawfull for them to gather into a church without them . for if it be the priviledge of every church to choose their owne ministers , then there may be a church , before they have ministers of their owne ; for ministers of another church have no power but in their owne church . to the second and third ; the second and third questions are coincident , and one answer may serve for both : the children of israel did impose hands upon the levites , num. 8.10 . and if the people have power to elect their owne officers , they have power also to ordaine them ; for ordination is but an installment of a man into that office , whereto election giveth him right , neverthelesse such a church as hath a presbyterie , ought to ordain their officers by a presbyterie , according to 1 tim. 4.14 . this answer was brought me by master oliver , one of the elders , and master pierce , a brother of boston . when i was to come away , one of the chiefest in the country wished me to deliver him a note of what things i misliked in the country , which i did , thus : i doubt , 1. whether so much time should be spent in the publique ordinances , on the sabbath day , because that thereby some necessary duties of the sabbath must needs be hindred , as visitation of the sick , and poore , and family . 2. whether matters of offence should be publiquely handled , either before the whole church , or strangers . 3. whether so much time should be spent in particular catechizing those that are admitted to the communion of the church , either men or women ; or that they should make long speeches ; or when they come publiquely to be admitted , any should speak contradictorily , or in recommendation of any , unlesse before the elders , upon just occasion . 4. whether the censures of the church should be ordered , in publique , before all the church , or strangers , other then the denunciation of the censures , and pronunciation of the solutions . 5. whether any of our nation that is not extremely ignorant or scandalous , should bee kept from the communion , or his children from baptisme . 6. that many thousands in this countrey have forgotten the very principles of religion , which they were daily taught in england , by set forms and scriptures read , as the psalmes , first and second lesson , the ten commandments , the creeds , and publique catechizings . and although conceived prayer be good and holy , and so publike explications and applications of the word , and also necessary both in and out of season : yet for the most part it may be feared they dull , amaze , confound , discourage the weake and ignorant , ( which are the most of men ) when they are in ordinary performed too tediously , or with the neglect of the word read , and other premeditated formes inculcated , and may tend to more ignorance and inconvenience , then many good men are aware of . 7. i doubt there hath been , and is much neglect of endeavours , to teach , civilize , and convert the indian nation , that are about the plantations . 8. whether by the received principles , it bee possible to teach , civilize , or convert them , or when they are converted , to maintain gods worship among them . 9. that electorie courses will not long be safe here , either in church or common-wealth . 10. that the civill government is not so equally administred , nor can be , divers orders or by-laws considered . 11. that unlesse these things be wisely and in time prevented , many of your usefullest men will remove and scatter from you . at boston july 5. 1641. certain quaeres about church government , planting churches , and some other experiments . 1. whether the people should cal the minister , or the minister a gather the people ? 2. when a church is gathered or planted ; should they not have care in b propagating other churches , in other places next them ? 3. whether should not the first church c visit the later churches planted by them , to see they keepe the faith and order , as long as shee remains her selfe in purity of doctrine and worship ? 4. how shall a church propagate , and visit other churches ? shall they do it by their members , ordinary christians , or by their ministers , d or pastors ? shall they e intend such propagation , or stay , till by their numbers increasing , they are necessitated to swarme , or are persecuted abroad ? 5. if by their pastors , must there not bee more f ministers then one in the first church ? how else can any be spared to goe abroad about such works upon occasion ? 6. when they have planted other churches , must not the g first church take care for the providing of elders or ministers for these new planted churches , and h ordain them , and sometimes goe i or send some to teach them , and uphold the worship of god among them ? 7. how can any preach , unlesse he be k sent ? and how can he be sent , unlesse by imposition of l hands of the presbytery of the first church ? 8. if so , hath not the first church and the ministers therof , apostlolical m power in these things ? 9. but have all n churches and ministers this power ? are they able ? have they learned men enough , to o water where they have planted ? if some should not be of the p quorum , as it were , in ordinations , and the like , what order , peace , or unity can be expected ? 10. againe , if all churches and ministers have this power , equally , to exercise the work apostolicall ; must they not all then goe , or send abroad , to convert the indians , and plant churches ? and how can all be spared abroad ? are all q apostles ? all euangelists ? where were the body , if so ? 11. will they not interfiere one upon another , and trespasse upon one anothers r line , rule , or portion , which blessed s. paul condemned in those that entred into his labours ? 12. when any other s church , besides the t first , hath power and ability to propagate and bring forth other churches , may she not doe well so to doe ? must she not ? in her fitting line , observing peace , and holding communion with the first , as long as they remain in purity both of them ? and if a second , why not a third , and a fourth , and so forth to a competent number ? 13. whether the first and other churches also having power and ability thus to propagate the gospell and plant churches , may not be fitly called , prime , chief , or principall seats of the church , or v chiefe churches ? 14. whether those churches so gathered , in one kingdome , citie , or principality , holding communion together , may not be fitly , in regard of their unity in doctrine and worship , called the church of such a nation , or province , u city , or countrey ? 15. whether is it probable , that the first church christian , that wee reade of to be , at x hierusalem , was onely one congregation , or but as many as could meete in one place ? had they not among them twelve apostles , besides elders , three thousand , at once added , what ever number there was besides ? and had they such a large temple or meeting-houses at their command in those dayes ? 16. whether the word church bee not diversly taken in holy scripture , and sometimes for a civill or uncivill assembly or congression ? y acts 19.40 . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and when he had thus spoken , he dismissed the assembly or church ? 17. whether anciently in england , some small assemblyes were not called churches , as every presentative rectory or parsonage is called ecclesia , when others that were greater were not so called , as no vicaridge , donative or chappel is called ecclesia in our law ? 18. whether the rector , or parson that is a presbyter in a church , should , being alone , rule absolutely by himselfe , without the concurrence , advise , or superiour power of the evangelisticall z pastor of the church , who had care in the plantation or erection of the parsons church ? 19. if not ; should the vicar , donative , minister or chaplain ? 20. but where they have used to rule more absolutely , ( as in some peculiar jurisdictions in england ) why may they not with the peace and unity of the church , and by good advise , stil doe the same alway , with subordination to the evangelisticall leaders , and fit christian , and nationall synods ? 21. if the parson should not rule alone ordinarily , why should the principall leaders rule ordinarily alone without the advise and assistance of a competent number of their presbyters , who may afford them counsell ? did not the holy apostles advise with the elders a sometimes ? is it safe for them or the whole ? 22. but were there any bishops superintendent , over other bishops , or presbyters , in the first hundred years after christs birth ? did not saint iames write his generall epistle to the twelve tribes , which were then scattered abroad , no doubt , in many places , and therein mention for rulers , onely b elders ? and s. peter write his generall epistle , and therein direct or command the c elders , not to over-rule the flock , the lords inheritance ? where was the order of bishops ? had not the elders the rule ? might they not else have returned answer , that the command concerned not them , but a certaine order of men , called bishops , above us ? 23. were not the apostles and euangelists then living , d bishops , and superintendent overseers ? had they not the e care of all the churches , in their lines ? did not these holy apostles , s. iames and s. peter , mention their owne names , in their epistles ? is it not plain , that peter had over-sight upon those to whom he wrote , to see that they did not over-rule , and take account of them , if they did ? and did the lord ordaine there should be such a superintendencie , onely for an 80. years , and not some equall correspondent superspection also in after-ages , when those extraordinary men should cease ? if some had then the care of all the churches , should there not be some , in after-times , to have the care of some , to a competent number of churches , in their fitting lines , and as they are f able ? and though this divine right be broken through the many grosse corruptions of successions , and the like , yet is it not equall to observe the first institution , as neere as may be , as we say the equity of some lawes and statutes among us is sometimes to be observed , though not in the letter ? and why may not a chiefe pastor be called a bishop , as well as an elder , or any other officer heretofore superior ? 24. if g psalms , and hymnes , and spirituall songs are to be sung in the church , and to sing melodiously , and with good harmony , is the gift of god , and uncomely singing a kind of sin in the holy assemblies ; why should not the chiefe leaders , and rulers of the church , appoint some , in their stead , to take care of the singings of the church ? and may not some be fitter to lead in singing , then others ? and lest they may fall out of their tunes to jarring , why may they not use the help of some musicall instruments ? and lest they should want able men this way , why should they not take care , that some children be trained up in musique ? 25. whether or no christ did not allow of a h form of prayer , and a short one too ? will not the i strong allow the weak helps in prayer ? are not the best christians often distracted in long prayers ? is it not easier for the strong to pray , then for as strong men to hear prayer well ? should those that are strong proficients in grace not be satisfied , without all their weak brethren come to the same pitch of high sanctification with themselves ? should they not rather k condescend to the weaker ? and although it be rare to tell of any actually converted by formes of prayer , and scriptures read ; yet who can justly deny , but that much good hath been , is , and may for ever be done by such things that way , sicut ultimus ictus quercum non caedit , extrema arena clepsydram non exhaurit , as the last stroak fells not the oake , nor the last sand exhausts the houre-glasse ? 26. whether may not a man l and his household , a woman and her houshold , a whole m city , or countrey , a king and his people , a whole nation , be baptized , after they are competently instructed in the religion of god ? 17. is it certain , that all that were baptized in n cornelius his house , in the o gaolers house , in lydia's , in p samaria , in q corinth , were such true beleevers , as now good men require all those that joyne with them , to be , before they will receive them to the communion of their church ? were not r hypocrites admitted & baptized in the primitive church , by the apostles and evangelists themselves , being deceived by them ? were not children circumcised in the old testament , and baptized all along in the times of the new , so received into the bosome of the church ? 28. could , or can ever any nation , probably , be brought into the obedience of the gospel , poll by poll , in such manner as is imagined by the leaders of separations ? 29. if it be possible , let them make experience , and try whether the indians , or any other heathen people , can be so converted , before the greek kalends . 30. whether there be any direct scripture for the peoples choice of their chiefe pastour ? can there , ordinarily , be a better election , then when the supreame magistrate ( who hath , at most times , the power of all the people , and sometimes their counsell in a regular way ) joynes with a select and competent number and company of presbyters in the same ? 31. whether any that have not skill , grace , and learning , to judge of the parties to be ordained , whether they be fit , and able to what they are to be ordained , may s ordaine them ? 32. whether or no to maintain a desired purity or perfection in the magistracie , by election of the people , these good men of new-england , are not forced to be too strict in receiving the brethren , and to run a course tending to heathenisme ? 33. whether have not popular elections of chiefe magistrates beene , and are they not very dangerous to states and kingdomes ? are there not some great mysteries of state and government ? is it possible , convenient , or necessary , for all men to attain to the knowledge of those mysteries , or to have the like measure of knowledge , faith , mercifulnesse , wisdome , courage , magnanimity , patience ? whence are kings denominated , but from their skill and knowledge to rule ? whereto they are even born and educated , and by long experience , and faithfull counsellors enabled , and the grace and blessing of god upon all ? doe not the wise , good , ancient , and renowned laws of england attribute much , yea , very much trust and confidence to the king , as to the head and supreame governour , though much be also in the rest of the great body , heart and hands , and feete , to counsell , maintain , and preserve the whole , but especially the head ? 34. hence what government for an englishman but an hereditary , successive , king , v the son of nobles , well counselled and assisted ? 35. whether we the posterity of the church , and people of god , who now see the tops of things onely , may safely condemne the foundations , which we have not seen ? 36. whether is there not a difference between bare speculation , and knowledge joyned with sound experience , and betweene the experience of divines and people reforming from out of some deepe corruptions in churches called christian , and the experience of those that have conversed in and about planting , and building churches , where there was none before , or among heathens ? what is art many times without experience ? 37. whether those authors from hierome , to arch-bishop adamson , that alledge all presbyters to be equall , and should alwayes have equall power and authority , had any great skill , or will , or experience , in the propagation of churches among heathens , or barbarous nations ? 38. if not , whether their testimony bee of that validity as is thought by some ? if they had , whether they might not erre ? 39. whether messengers sent by churches , or ministers taking upon them to go to gather or plant churches , and to ordain , or give the right hand of fellowship to ministers in those churches , and to appease differences in church affairs , are not episcopall acts ? 40. is episcopacie , or a superintendencie necessary at new-england , and is it not necessary in more populous places ? are there not some , nay many depths and u mysteries in gods holy word , the scriptures , and certain catholique interpretations , which transgressed , the faith is hurt ? is it possible , convenient , or necessary for all men , nay all ministers , to attain the knowledge of those mysteries , or to have the like measure of knowledge , faith , mercifulnesse , wisdome , patience , long suffering , courage , whereby to be enabled to rule in the church of god , whereto they are educated , tryed , chosen , and ordained ? and do not the sacred rules and laws of god , of holy church and of this kingdome attribute much , yea very much trust and confidence to the chief pastors , leaders , and rulers , the fathers of the church , especially to the bishops of the prime and metropoliticall churches , by the assistance of , and with , and under the supreame magistrate , the chiefe , the best cement of government , though much be also in other members of the great body , the church , to counsell , maintaine and preserve the whole in the faith , soundnesse , peace and unity , especially the chief leaders , when need requireth ? hence what government for christians in chief , but by pious , learned , provinciall and diocesan bishops , especialy in england and ireland ? by the just examination of the whole , those that are pious and learned , may easily gather , what good reasons i had , and have , to returne , as now humbly i doe , to the church of england , for whose peace , purity , and prosperity , is the daily prayer of one of her most unworthy sons , clements inne , novemb. 16. 1641. thomas lechford . to a friend . sir , here is a good land , and yeelding many good commodities , especially fish , and furs , corne , and other richer things , if well followed , and if that popular elections destroy us not . it is a good land , i say , that instructs us to repentance , when we consider what a good land we came from , what good lawes and government we have left , to make experiments of governing our selves here by new wayes , wherein ( like young physitians ) of necessity we must hurt and spoile one another a great while , before we come to such a setled common-wealth , or church-government , as is in england . i thank god , now i understand by experience , that there is no such government for english men , or any nation , as a monarchy ; nor for christians , as by a lawfull ministerie , under godly diocesan bishops , deducing their station and calling from christ and his apostles , in descent or succession ; a thing of greater consequence then ceremonies , ( would to god i had known it sooner ) which while i have in my place stood for here these two years , and not agreeing to this new discipline , impossible to be executed , or long continued , what i have suffered , many here can tell ; i am kept from the sacrament , and all place of preferment in the common-wealth , and forced to get my living by writing petty things , which scarce finds me bread ; and therefore sometimes i look to planting of corne , but have not yet here an house of my owne to put my head in , or any stock going : whereupon i was determined to come back , but by the over-entreaty of some friends , i here think to stay a while longer , hoping that the lord will shortly give a good issue to things both in our native country , and scotland , and here , as well as in all other his majesties dominions . i was very glad to see my lord bishop of exeters book ; it gave me much satisfaction . if the people may make ministers , or any ministers make others without an apostolicall bishop , what confusion will there be ? if the whole church , or every congregation , as our good men think , have the power of the keyes , how many bishops then shall we have ? if every parish or congregation be so free and independent , as they terme it , what unity can we expect ? glad also was i to see master balls book of the tryall of the grounds of separation , both which are newly come over , and i hope will work much good among us here . and whereas i was sometimes mis-led by those of opinion that bishops , and presbyters , & all ministers , are of the same authority ; when i came to consider the necessary propagation of the truth , and government of the church , by experimentall foot-steps here , i quickly saw my error : for besides , if the congregations be not united under one diocesan in fit compasse , they are in a confusion , notwithstanding all their classicall pretendments , how can the gospel be propagated to the indians without an apostolicall bishop ? if any church , or people , by the kings leave , send forth ministers to teach and instruct the poore indians in the christian religion , they must have at least apostolicall power to ordain ministers or elders in every congregation among them ; and when they have so done , they have power of visitation where they plant : nor can they without just cause be thrust out from government without great impiety ; and where they have planted , that is their line or diocese . thus i came to see , that of necessity a diocese , and bishop diocesan , is very neere , if not altogether of divine authority . i am also of opinion , that it were good for our ministers to learne how to doe this work from some of our reverend bishops in england , for i feare our ministers know not how to goe about it . whether must not some ministers learne their language ? it is a copious language , as i am informed , and they have as many words to expresse one thing as we have . and when they teach indians to pray , will they not teach them by a forme ? and how can gods worship be maintained among ignorant persons without a forme ? i am firme of opinion , that the best of us have been much beholding to the word read , and formes of prayer . from boston in n.e. iulii 28. 1640. this gentleman to whom i wrote , kindly returned me a wise answer , wherein is this passage : to speak in briefe , i think now that new-england is a perfect model and sampler of the state of us here at this time ; for all is out of joynt both in church and common-wealth , and when it will be better , god knoweth : to him we must pray for the amendment of it , and that he will not lay on us the merits of our nationall and particular sinnes , the true cause of all these evils . dated out of somerset-shire , aprilis 27. 1641. to another , thus : in a word or two , we heare of great disturbances in our deare native countrey ; i am heartily sorry , &c. i beseech you take my briefe opinion ; we here are quite out of the way of right government both in church and common-wealth , as i verily think , and as far as i can judge upon better consideration , and some pains taken in searching after the bottome of some things . some electorie wayes tend to the overthrow of kingdomes : no such way for government of englishmen , as a monarchie ; of christians , as by diocesan bishops in their line : better yeeld to many pressures in a monarchie , then for subjects to destroy , and spoile one another . if i were worthy to advise a word , i should desire you to have a care , and so all your friends , you prejudice not your estate , or posterity , by too much opposing the regall power : for i verily beleeve the kings majesty hath in generall a good cause touching episcopacie : my reasons i could better deliver in presence , if haply god give opportunity to see you , or if you require it hereafter , i will be ready to present my thoughts unto you . all this , as i shall answer before the lord , without any by-respects . if you were here , i presume you would see more then i can , but i think you would be much of my mind . from boston in n. e. septemb. 4. 1640. to another of no meane rank . complaining of my sufferings , and shewing the reasons , desiring him to send for me , that i might declare them to his person more effectually . from boston in n. e. march , 1640. to another . you knew my condition and employment , and how ill it went with me in england , by reason of the trouble of our friends , and my own danger therby . for my outward subsistence here , at this time , god knowes it is but meane ; some say it is my owne fault , and that i stand in my owne light , and you , and others may so conceive ; but the god of heaven is my witnesse , i have endeavoured in all things to keep a good conscience , though sometimes i have failed ; i have endeavoured , laying all by-respects aside , to joyne with the church here , but cannot yet be satisfyed in divers particulars , whereby i am kept from all place of employment or preferment , as i have had overtures made unto me of , if i would or could yeeld , but hitherto i have not dared to doe it , for good reasons best knowne to our heavenly witnesse . i must give you a taste . they hold their covenant constitutes their church , and that implyes , we that come to joyne with them , were not members of any true church whence we came , and that i dare not professe . againe , here is required such confessions , and professions , both in private and publique , both by men and women , before they be admitted , that three parts of the people of the country remaine out of the church , so that in short time most of the people will remaine unbaptized , if this course hold , and is ( we feare ) of dangerous consequence , a thing not tending to the propagation of the gospel in peace : which , though it have a colour of sanctimony and strictnesse , whereby many well-affected or affectionate people , but weak in sound experience and judgement , are the rather drawn thereunto , and they are in a manner necessitated to it , to maintaine their election of magistrates and ministers in their owne way of popular or aristocraticall government ; i dare not ( for my part ) yeeld unto neither in my own conscience , nor for the credit of those persons with whom i have been educated , and in whose causes i have been seen . a monarchy is the best government for englishmen ; better to suffer some pressures under that kind of government , then to spoile one another with popular elections . againe , i cannot yeeld to lay-elders , nor that lay-men should impose hands upon any to the ministerie , nor that any minister should renounce his calling to the ministerie which he received in england , as antichristian : it is a grosse error , and palpable schisme ; then our baptisme is not right , and so there will be no end of separations . also i beleeve there cannot be a church , without a true minister ; nor can any gather themselves together into a church without a true minister ; nor can they ordain their own ministers ; ordinarily , i meane ; what may be done in an extraorninary case , pro prima vice , is another question ; i hold there ought to be an apostolicall bishop , by succession from christ and his apostles , superiour in order or degree to his brethren ; which bishop ought to ordain , and rule with other presbyters , or alone , but presbyters cannot without him . and if so be any thing in word or act passed from mee to the contrary hereof , i do professe it was in my ignorance . their calling is of divine authority , or nearest thereunto , else the church of god could not have subsisted in any tolerable way of peace , through all this by-past time of 1600. yeeres . i feare they know not what they say , that say the contrary : let them come here , they will quickly change their minde , if they study the point , and follow it home ; for , besides the keeping of peace and unity , and a pure and able learned ministery , how can the gospell be propagated without some speciall ministers , having the power apostolicall , to goe forth to convert indians or pagans ? if a pastor , or minister , or christian , of any church shall doe so , what hath he to doe with infidels ? as hee is a pastor , he is no pastor to them . therefore if any are sent to convert , and establish churches among infidels , such as are sent are apostolick messengers , bishops or ministers to them , and ought to be sent with fasting and prayer , and by imposition of hands of the presbytery , and having converted infidels , may plant churches , and ordain ministers among them , and afterwards visit them ; and is not this episcopacie , and their line wherein they have gone their diocesse ? these things naturally flow from , and are grounded in the word , or equity thereof , and meere necessity . now if all ministers should ordinarily have this authority , to go forth to these works , without mission , what quarelling there would be for division of lines or dioceses , let the experience of former ages tell , yea of the apostolique times , wherein were not wanting those that quarelled with saint paul himselfe , about his line or rule , 2 cor. 10. now unto this confusion , tends the opinion , that saith , a bishop and presbyter is all one and equall ; it is of acrius , it is false , and it is confusion . the reformed churches and writers that held so , had little experience of mission to convert & plant churches among infidels . that reformation goes too deep that tends to pulling downe of cathedrall churches , and bishops houses : should not apostolick bishops , and the chiefest ministers have houses to dwell in , and churches to recide and officiate in , whither all the churches of their line may send and come together in councel , or synod , and so do nothing of great moment without their bishop , a timothy , or a titus ? again , baptisme is admission and initiation into the church ; to whom baptisme is commited , viz. apostles and apostolick ministers , they have power of admission , that is , of loosing , and consequently of binding , excommunication or expulsion . where is now the peoples power in the keyes ? are they all apostles , and apostolick ministers ? what confusion is this ? who can yeeld to it knowingly ? i beseech you pardon my zeale , and when you have considered all , pity my condition , and pray for me still . well i am assured , that master prynne & master burton would never yeeld to these things , especially , if they had experience of them . it is good for us to see our errours , and acknowledge them , that we may obtain peace in the day of account . boston , 13. oct. 1640. to another . sorry and grieved we are at the heart , to heare of the troublous estate and condition of our native countrey ; wee here also meete with our troubles and distresses in outward things , and some in spirituall matters also . here wants a staple commodity to maintain cloathing to the colony . and for my own particular , hitherto i have beene much distressed here by reason i cannot yet so clearely understand the church proceedings , as to yeeld to them , there are therein so many difficult considerations , that they have sometimes bred great confusion in my thoughts . never since i saw you have i received the sacrament of the lords supper . i have disputed in writing , though to my great hinderance , in regard of outward things , yet blessed be the lord , to my better satisfaction at the last . i never intended openly to oppose the godlyhere in any thing i thought they mistooke , but i was lately taken at advantage , and brought before the magistrates , before whom , giving a quiet and peaceable answer , i was dismissed with favour , and respect promised me by some of the chiefe for the future . our chiefe difference was about the foundation of the church and ministery , and what rigid separations may tend unto , what is to be feared , in case the most of the people here should remaine unbaptized ; considerations which may trouble the wisest among us . rigid separations never did , nor can propagate the gospell of christ , they can do no good , they have done hurt . it is dangerous to found church government on dark & uncertain interpretations of propheticall , or other scriptures ; foundations ought to be full of evidence , & demonstration . blessed be the lord , now some of the chiefe leaders of the churches here hold the churches in england true churches , and your ministery lawfull , though divers corruptions there may be among you ; yea some there bee of the chiefe among us that conceive the government by godly bishops superintendent over others to be lawfull . churches are not perfect in this world . we may not for every disagreement in opinion , or for slender pretended corruptions , separate from the church : separate so once , and no end of separation . from boston in n. e. decem. 19. 1640. to conclude . suppose there are foure sorts of government , which are used in church , as in common-wealth ; monarchicall absolute without lawes , which is tyrannie ; monarchicall bounded by lawes ; aristocraticall , and democraticall : episcopall absolute , which is popish tyrannie ; episcopall regulated by just lawes ; presbyterian , and congregationall : which of these will all men like , and how long ? some have well compared the humour of the people in this kind , to a merry relation of an old man and his sonne , passing through the streets of a city , with one horse betweene them : first , the old man rode , then the people found fault with his unkindnesse , in that he did not cause his son to ride with him : then the young man gets up too , now the people say they are both unmercifull to the beast : downe comes the old man , then the young man is unmannerly to ride , and his father walk on foot : at last downe goes the young man also , and leads the horse , then they were both unwise to lead the horse , and neither of them to ride . well , but alter the inconstant vulgar will ; if so , god grant it be for the better . but then consider stories , one alteration follows another ; some have altered sixe times , before they were setled againe , and ever the people have paid for it both money and bloud . concerning church-government , what the presbyterian way is , and how sutable for englands monarchie , i leave to the pious experienced divines to set forth , and the church and state thereof to judge . and for the congregationall independent government , whereof i have had some experience , give me leave instead of a better intelligencer thus to present to my deare countrey , now in a time of neede , my impartiall opinion in these confused papers : and in brief-thus : although it had some small colour in scripture , and a great pretence of holinesse , yet no sound ground in the scripture ; again , if it be neither fit nor possible long to bee continued in new-england , as not i alone , but many more eye and eare witnesses doe know , and the learned can and will judge undoubtedly , it must needes be much more unfit and impossible to be brought into england , or ireland , or any other populous nation . all which upon the whole i humbly submit unto the sacred judgment and determination of holy church , his royall majesty , and his highnesses great and honourable councel , the high court of parliament . imprimatur , ioh : hansley . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a49890e-1480 how churches are gathered there . their church covenant . election of their church officers . their ordinations . the right hand of fellowship by messengers of churches . some differ . how members are received , or added to the church there . the usuall termes whereupon . matters of offence how heard in private . dilatorie proceedings in admitting members . * whether popish auricular confession , and these publique confessions be not extremes , and whether some private pastorall or presbyteriall collation , left at liberty , upon cause , and in case of trouble of conscience , as in the church of england is approved , be not better then those extremes , i leave to he wise and learned to judge . testimonials and recommendations . publique confessions of parties to be received . their profession of faith . officers in the church . their duties or offices . members duties . a sermon of twelve articles of religion . master knolls how admitted . right hand of fellowship given to brethren . the whole church ruleth . their enterance into covenant . severing in the family . offences , how heard in publique . the whole church ruling and usurping the keyes . * whether a grave and judicious consistorie of the bishop well assisted be not a great deale better , i leave to our superiours to determin● . who denounce church censures . dic ecclesiae . * this agreeth with the rule in england . admonition . excommunication . cognizance of causes . churches independent . ●●fference of rule in churches . consistory . a better consistory is , and may be constituted in england . difference in number of officers . chappels of ease . these , you see , are necessary in england in some places . prophesying . prophesying , or preaching by licence . it ought not to be otherwaies in england . * universities , cathedrals , and collegiat churches . * 1 cor. 13.2 . the publique worship . every sunday morning . lords supper . * once i stood without one of the doores , and looked in , and saw the administration : besides , i have had credible relation of all the particulars from some of the members . afternoone . baptisme . contribution . differences in contributions . admissions . offences . lectures . fasts & feasts . a and why not set fasting dayes & times , and set feasts , as well as set synods in the reformed churches ? b and why not holy dayes as well as the fift of november , and the dayes of purim among the jews ▪ besides , the commemoration of the blessed and heavenly mysteries of our ever blessed saviour , and the good examples and piety of the saints ? what time is there for the moderate recreation of youth and servants , but after divine services on most of those dayes , seeing that upon the sunday it is justly held unlawfull ? and sure enough , at new-england , the masters will and must hold their servants to their labour more then in other countries well planted is needfull ; therefore i think even they should doe well to admit of some holy dayes too , as not a few of the wiser sort among them hold necessary and expedient . little reading , catechizing . c whereas in england every sunday are read in publique , chapters and psalmes in every church , besides the 〈…〉 commandements , epistle and gospell , the creed and other good formes and catechizings , and besides what is read upon holy dayes and other dayes both in the parish , and cathedrall and collegiat churches , & in the universities , and other chappels , the benefit whereof , doubtlesse , all wise men will acknowledge to be exceeding great , as well as publique preaching and expounding . dayes and moneths how called . neglect of instructing the indians . charity . * the covenant of grace of the new testament , it is true , makes the whole universall church of christ , and every part thereof , or at least belongeth thereunto : but allowing churches a covenant of reformation tending to the bett●r ordering and well-being of themselves , and for other politique respects , this is as much as they at new-england can iustly make of their covenant , and some that are judicious among themselves have ackn●wledged it : and yet , even this , unlesse it be made and guided by good counsell , and held with dependance and concatenation upon some chiefe church or churches , may tend to much division and confusion , as is obvious to the understanding of those that are but a little versed in study of these points . ecclesia regnans . elections of the governour & chiefe magistrates . freemen their oath . courts and laws . actions and causes . grand juries . tryals . prophanenesse beaten downe . * although some have held that three or two may make a church , yet i have heard master cotton say , that a church could not be without the number of sixe or seaven at least , and so was their practise while i was th●●e , at weymouth , and new taunton , and at lin , for long island ; because if there are but three , one that is offended with another , cannot upon cause tel the church , but one man . ministers names . magistrates nam●s . marriages . testaments . administrar . burials . * causes touching matrimonie , and testaments , and other ecclesiasticall causes , have been anciently by the good lawes of england , committed to the clergie , upon better grounds then many are aware of . brethren , i pray consider well that the apostle doth allow judgements of controversies to the church , 1 cor. 6. and so they did anciently in other countries , as well as in england , as appeares by s. augustines profession thereof , cited by one lately , viz. that he ( the said father , and other holy men of the church ) suffered the tumultuous perplexities of other mens causes touching secular affaires , either by determining them by judging , or in cutting them off by entreaties : which labour ( saith he ) we endure with consolation in the lord , for the hope of eternall life . to which molestations , the apostle tyed us , not by his owne judgement , but by his judgement who spake in him . besides , should they judge these things , and labour for , and watch over us in the lord , and not be recompenced as long as they doe well ? i speak not to countenance undue exactions , bribes , or other corruptions . i intend brevity , and therefore make bold to refer my reader to the many learned arguments both in law-books and divinity of this subject . trainings or musters . grievances . danger . new plymouth patent . m. raymer . m. smith . m. chancey his controversie . * eccles. 12.11 . one shepheard : james 3.1 . not many masters . whether this be their ground , i know not ; but what ever there be in others to advise and assist , the deciding , determining voice , i meane also the negative , in some cases , ought , as i think , to be in the pastor : be there never so many ministers in the church , doe nothing without your pastor or bishop , saith irenaeus : for whatsoever is faulty in the church , the bishop is first and principally blamed , rev. 2. and 3. taunton . m. hooke , m. streate , their ordination . m. doughty his controversie . divers other towns and ministers . island aquedney . master gorton whipt and banished . new providence . m. blakeston . connecticot . lady boteler . lady moody . new haven . long island . pascattaqua . m. larkham excommunicated . a broyle or riot . episcopacie . province of maigne . exeter . cape anne ▪ fishing . isles of shoales and richmond . isle of sables . martins vineyard . french and datch . virginia . maryland . swedes . new-found-land . florida . state of the countrey of new-england . * wheat and barley are thought not to be so good as those grains in england ; but the rye and pease are as good as the english : the pease have no wormes at all . beanes also there are very good . of the indians . m. 〈◊〉 a hopefull schoolmaster . some late occurrences concerning episcopacie . a mat. 10.1 . mar. 3.13 . act. 1.4 & 2.47 . & 8.5.6 . & 9.32 , 35. & 11.19.20.21.26 . b acts 8.14 . & 9.31 . & 11.22.27 . & 13 2.3 . & 14.21.10 28. c col. 2.5 . act. 11.27 . & 15.36 . & 16.4 . d acts 8.5.14 . & 11.22 , 27. & 13.2 , 3. e mat. 28.19 . acts 13.1 , 2 , 3. & 8.1 . f acts 1.2 , 3 , 4. & 2.47 & 13.1 g act. 1.25 , 26. h act. 6 6. & 14.23 . i act. 8.14 . & 11.22 . k rom. 10.15 . l act. 6.6 . & 13 3. 1 tim. 4.14 . m eph. 4.11 . act. 1 25. & 8.14 . & 11.22.27 n rom. 16.1 . o 1 cor. 3.6 . p 2 tim. 1.6 . 1 tim. 4 14. compared . q 1 cor. 12.19 , 29. r 2 cor. 10.12 . to the end . s act. 13.1 , 2 , 3 t act. 1.4 . & 2.47 . v as hierusalem , antioch , ephesus , acts 11.26 . u acts 11.22 . x acts 1.4 , 15 , 26. & 2.41 . y act. 19.40 . fitzherb . n.b. z 1 cor. 5.3 , 4. a acts 15.6 . objection . b iames 5.14 . c 1 pet. 5.1 , 2 , 3 answer . d acts 1.20 . e 2 cor. 11.28 . & chap. 10.12 to the end . f 2 cor. 8.12 . g eph. 5.19 . 1 cor. 14.26 40 h mat. 6.9 . sic ergo adirate vos . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . luke 11.2 . i rom. 15.1 . k rom. 12.16 . idipsum in invi●em sentientes ; non alta sapientes , sed humilibus cons●●●ientes . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but condescending to the humble . l act. 10.24 , 44 47 , 48. & 16.30 , 31 , 32 , 33. vers. 14 , 15. m acts 8.8 , 12 , 14. n acts 10. o acts 16. p acts 8. q acts 18. r acts 8.13 . act. 2.41 . & 5.1 . compared . s 1 tim. 5.22 . titus 2.2 . v pro. 25.3 . eccles. 8.4 . & 10.16 , 17. u 1 cor. 4.1 . & ● . 10 . nevv englands prospect· a true, lively, and experimentall description of that part of america, commonly called nevv england: discovering the state of that countrie, both as it stands to our new-come english planters; and to the old native inhabitants. laying downe that which may both enrich the knowledge of the mind-travelling reader, or benefit the future voyager. by william wood. wood, william, fl. 1629-1635. 1634 approx. 246 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 58 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a15685 stc 25957 estc s111764 99847034 99847034 12041 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a15685) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 12041) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1162:2) nevv englands prospect· a true, lively, and experimentall description of that part of america, commonly called nevv england: discovering the state of that countrie, both as it stands to our new-come english planters; and to the old native inhabitants. laying downe that which may both enrich the knowledge of the mind-travelling reader, or benefit the future voyager. by william wood. wood, william, fl. 1629-1635. [8], 98, [6] p., plate : map (woodcut) by tho. cotes, for iohn bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop, at the three golden lyons in corne-hill, neere the royall exchange, printed at london : 1634. includes a glossary of the massachuset language. the map has caption title: the south part of new-england, as it is planted this yeare, 1634. reproduction of a photostat of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english 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characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng massachuset indians -early works to 1800. massachuset language -glossaries, vocabularies, etc. -early works to 1800. new england -description and travel -early works to 1800. massachusetts -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775 -early works to 1800. 2004-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nevv englands prospect . a true , lively , and experimentall description of that part of america , commonly called nevv england : discovering the state of that countrie , both as it stands to our new-come english planters ; and to the old native inhabitants . laying downe that which may both enrich the knowledge of the mind-travelling reader , or benefit the future voyager . by william wood. printed at london by tho. cotes , for iohn bellamie , and are to be sold at his shop , at the three golden lyons in corne-hill , neere the royall exchange . 1634. to the right worshipfull , my much honored friend , sir william armyne , knight and baronet . noble sir. the good assurance of your native worth , and thrice generous disposition , as also the continuall manifestation of your bounteous favour , and love towards my selfe in particular , hath so bound my thankfull acknowledgement , that i count it the least part of my service to present the first fruites of my farre-fetcht experience , to the kinde acceptance of your charitable hands : well knowing that though this my worke , owne not worth enough to deserve your patronage , yet such is your benigne humanity , that i am confident you will daigne it your protection , under which it willingly shrowdes it selfe . and as it is reported of that man whose name was alexander , being a cowardly milke-sop by nature , yet hearing of the valiant courage of that magnificent hero , alexander the great , whose name hee bore , he thenceforth became stout and valorous ; and as he was animated by having the very name of puissant alexander ; so shall these my weake and feble labours , receive life and courage by the patronage of your much esteemed selfe ; whereby they shall bee able to out-face the keenest fanges of a blacke mouth'd momus . for from hence the world may conclude , that either there was some worth in the booke , that caused so wise a person to looke upon it , and to vouchsafe to owne it ; or else if they suppose that in charity he fosterd it , as being a poore helpelesse brat , they may thence learne to do so likewise . if here i should take upon me the usuall straine of a soothing epistolizer , i should ( though upon better grounds than many ) sound forth a full mouth'd encomiasticke of your incomparable worth : but though your deserts may justly challenge it , yet i know your vertuous modesty would not thanke me for it ; and indeed your owne actions are the best heralds of your owne praise , which in spite of envy it selfe must speake you wise , and truly noble : and i for my part , if i may but present any thing , which either for its profit or delight may obtaine your favourable approbation , i have already reaped the harvest of my expectation ; onely i must desire you to pardon my bold presumption , as thus to make your well deserving name , the frontispeece to so rude and ill deserving frame . thus wishing a confluence of all blessings both of the throne , and foot-stoole , to be multiplied upon your selfe , and your vertuous consort , my very good lady , together with all the stemmes of your noble family , i take my leave and rest , your worships to serve and be commanded , w. w. to the reader . courteous reader , though i will promise thee no such voluminous discourse , as many have made upon a scanter subject , ( though they have travailed no further than the smoake of their owne native chimnies ) yet dare i presume to present thee with the true , and faithfull relation of some few yeares travels and experience , wherein i would be loath to broach any thing which may puzzle thy beleefe , and so justly draw upon my selfe , that unjust aspersion commonly laid on travailers ; of whom many say , they may lye by authority , because none can controule them ; which proverbe had surely his originall from the sleepy beleefe of many a home-bred dormouse , who comprehends not either the raritie or possibility of those things he sees not , to whom the most classicke relations seeme riddles , and paradoxes : of whom it may be said as once of diogenes , that because he circled himselfe in the circumference of a tubbe , he therefore contemned the port and pallace of alexander , which he knew not . so there is many a tub-brain'd cyn●cke , who because any thing stranger than ordinary , is too large for the straite hoopes of his apprehension , he peremptorily concludes it is a lye : but i decline this sort of thicke-witted readers , and dedicate the mite of my endeavours to my more credulous , ingenious , and lesse censorious country-men , for whose sake i undertooke this worke ; and i did it the rather , because there hath some relations heretofore past the presse , which have beene very imperfect ; as also because there hath beene many scandalous and false reports past upon the country , even from the sulphurious breath of every base ballad-monger : wherefore to perfect the one , and take off the other , i have laid downe the nature of the country , without any partiall respect unto it , as being my dwelling place where i have lived these foure yeares , and intend god willing to returne shortly againe ; but my conscience i● to me a thousand witnesses , that what i speake is the very truth , and this will informe thee almost as fully concerning it , as if thou wentest over to see it . now whereas i have written the latter part of this relation concerning the indians , in a more light and facetious stile , than the former ; because their carriage and behaviour hath afforded more matter of mirth , and laughter , than gravity and wisedome ; and therefore i have inserted many passages of mirth concerning them , to spice the rest of my more serious discourse , and to make it more pleasant . thus thou mayest in two or three houres travaile over a few leaves , see and know that , which cost him that writ it , yeares and travaile , over sea and land before he knew it ; and therefore i hope thou wilt accept it ; which shall be my full reward , as it was my whole ambition , and so i rest , thine bound in what i may , w. w. to the author , his singular good friend , mr. william wood. thanks to thy travell , and thy selfe , who hast much knowledge in so small roome , comptly plac't● and thine experience thus amount do'st make , from whence we may new englands prospect take , though many thousands distant : wherefore thou thy selfe shalt sit upon mount prais● her brow . for if the man that shall the short cut find vnto the indies , shall for that be shrin'd ; sure thou deservest then no small prayse , who , so short cut to new england here dost show ; and if then this small thankes , thou getst no more , of thankes i then will say the world 's growne poore . s. w. the table . part. 1. chap. 1. of the situation , b●yes , havens , and inlets . page . 1 chap. 2. of the seasons of the yeare , winter and summer , together with the heat , cold , snow , raine , and the effects of it . page . 3 chap. 3 ▪ of the 〈◊〉 , length , and shortnesse of day and night , with the suiteablenesse of it to english bodies for health and sicknesse . page . 8 chap. 4. of the nature of the soyle . page . 10 chap. 5. of the hearbs , fruits , woods , waters , and minerals . page . 13 chap. 6. of the beasts that live on the land . page . 18 chap. 7. beasts living in the water . page . 24 chap. 8. of the birds and fowles both of land and water . page . 26 chap. 9. of fish. page . 32 chap. 10. of the severall plantations in particular . page . 36 chap. 11. of the evils , and such things as are hurtful in the plantation . page . 44 chap. 12. what provision is to be made for a iourney at sea , and what to carry with us for our use at land. page . 49 part. 2. chap. 1. of the connect●cuts , mowhacks , or such indians as are west-ward . page . 56 chap. 2. of the tarrenteenes or the indians inhabiting e●st ward . page . 6● chap. 3 of the pequants and narragan●ets , inhabiting south-ward . page . 61 chap 4. of the aberginians or indians north-ward● page . 62 chap. 5. of their apparell , ornaments , paintings , &c. page . 64 chap. 6. of their diet , cookery , &c. page . 66 chap. 7. of their dispositions and good qualifications , as friendship , &c. page . 69 chap. 8. of their hardinesse . page . 75 chap. 9. of their wondring at the first view of any strange invention . page . 77 chap. 10. of their kings governement , and subiects obedience . page . 79 chap. 11. of their mariages , page . 81 chap. 12. of their worship , &c. page . 82 chap. 13. of their warres . page . 84 chap. 14. their games , sports , &c. page . 85 chap. 15. of their huntings . page . 88 chap. 16. of their fishings . page . 89 chap. 17. of their arts , &c. page . 90 chap. 18. of their language . page . 91 chap. 19. of their deaths , &c. page . 92 chap. 20. of their women , &c. page . 94 finis . errata . page , 13. line 25. for squno●ersquashes reade isqu●utersquashes , p. 15. l. 10. he , they , l. 11. his , their . l. 28. spoiling , spoile . p 16. l. 10. mast , masts p. 17. l. 37. boates , bolles p. 23. l. 12. us , up p. 24. l. 4 an . ● . p. 27. l. 21. humiliters , humilitees l. 22. million , millions . p. 29. l. 7. ●ide , tides p. 31. l. 26. those , their . p 32 l. 26. hage , haicke . p. 37. l. 33. clarly , c●arles p. 41. l. 10. land , inland . p. 42.8 . stone , stop . l. 16. lands , ponds . l. 36. breach , beach . p 45. l. 29. house , horse . p. 46. l. 9 lyd , lie . l. 18. by , her . l. 24. a ( le●t out ; ) l. 30. musketor , m●●keto● . p. 47. l. 2. fen ( left o●● ) p 50. l. 3. it ( left out , ) p 53. l. 20. handsome , handie . l. 36. c●ntrie , g●n●rie p 54. l 6. many ▪ if any . l. 8. he , they . p. 57. l. 14. here , there . p. 60. l. 1 placed , placing ● . 33. hath ( too much , ) p. 70. l. ●0 . warme . worme . p. 82. l. 8. obiect , subiect . p. 83. l. 38. english ans , english mans . the south part of new-england , as it is planted this yeare , 1634. nevv englands prospect . chap. i. of the situation , bayes , havens , and inlets . for as much as the kings most excellent majesty hath beene graciously pleasd by the grant of his letters patents , at first to give life to the plantations of new england , and hath dayly likewise by his favours and royall protection cherished their growing hopes ; whereby many of his majesties faithfull subiects haue beene imboldned to venture persons , states , and indeavours , to the inlargement of his dominions in that westerne continent : wherefore i thought fit ( for the further encouragement of those that hereafter , either by purse , or person shall helpe forward the plantation , ) to set forth these few observations out of my personall and experiment●ll knowledge . the place whereon the english have built their colonies , is judged by those who have best skill in discovery , either to be an iland , surrounded on the north side with the spacious river cannada , and on the south with hudsons river , or else a peninsula , these two rivers overlapping one another , having their rise from the great lakes which are not farre off one another , as the indians doe certainely informe us . but it is not my intent to wander far from our patent ; wherefore i referre you to the thrice memorable discoverer of those parts , captaine smith , who hath likewise fully described the southerne and north-east part of new england , with the noted head-lands , capes , harbours , rivers , ponds , and lakes , with the nature of the soyle , and commodities both by sea and land , &c. within the degrees of fourty one and fourty five . the bay of massachusets lyeth under the degree of fourty two and fourty three , bearing south-west from the lands end of england : at the bottome whereof are situated most of the english plantations : this bay is both safe , spacious , and deepe , free from such cockling seas as runne upon the coast of ireland , and in the channels of england : there be no stiffe running currents , or rockes , shelves , barres , quicksands . the mariners having sayled two or three leagues towards the bottome , may behold the two capes embracing their welcome ships in their armes , which thrust themselves out into the sea in forme of a halfe-moone , the surrounding shore being high , and shewing many white cliffes in a most pleasant prospect with divers places of low land , out of which divers riuers vent themselves into the ocean , with many openings , where is good harbouring for ships of any burthen ; so that if an unexpected storme or crosse winde should barre the marriner from recovering his desired port , he may reach other harbours , as plimmouth , cape , ann , salom , marvill head ; all which afford good ground for anchorage , being likewise land-lockt from winde and seas . the chiefe and usuall harbour , is the still bay of massachusets , which is close aboard the plantations , in which most of our ships come to anchor , being the nearest their mart , and usuall place of landing of passengers ; it is a safe and pleasant harbour within , having but one common and safe entrance , and that not very broad , there scarce being roome for 3. ships to come in board and board at a time , but being once within , there is roome for the anchorage of 500. ships . this harbour is made by a great company of ilands , whose high cliffes shoulder out the boistrous seas , yet may easily deceiue any unskilfull pilote ; presenting many faire openings and broad sounds , which afford too shallow waters for any ships , though navigable for boates and small pinnaces . the entrance into the great haven is called nantascot ; which is two leagues from boston ; this place of it selfe is a very good haven , where ships commonly cast anchor , untill winde and tyde serve them for other places ; from hence they may sayle to the river of wessaguscus , naponset , charles river , and misticke river , on which rivers bee seated many townes . in any of these fore-named harbours , the sea-men having spent their old store of wood and water , may haue fresh supplies from the adjacent ilands , with good timber to repaire their weather-beaten ships ▪ here likewise may be had masts or yards , being store of such trees as are usefull for the same purpose . chap. ii. of the seasons of the yeare , winter and summer , together with the heate , cold , snow , raine , and the effects of it . for that part of the countrey wherein most of the english have their habitations : it is for certaine the best ground and sweetest climate in all those parts , bearing the name of new england , agreeing well with the temper of our english bodies , being high land , and sharpe ayre , and though most of our english townes border upon the sea-coast , yet are they not often troubled with mists , or unwholesome fogges , or cold weather from the sea , which lies east and south from the land. and whereas in england most of the cold windes and weathers come from the sea , and those situations are counted most unwholesome , that are neare the sea-coast , in that countrey it is not so , but otherwise ; for in the extremity of winter , the north-east and south winde comming from the sea , produceth warme weather , and bringing in the warme-working waters of the sea , loosneth the frozen bayes , carrying away their ice with thei● tides , melting the snow , and thawing the ground ; onely the north-west winde comming over the land , is the cause of extreame cold weather , being alwaies accompanied with deepe snowes and bittter frost , so that in two or three dayes the rivers are passable for horse and man. but as it is an axiome in nature , nullum viole● tum est perpetuum , no extreames last long , so this cold winde blowes seldome above three dayes together , after which the weather is more tollerable , the aire being nothing so sharpe , but peradventure in foure or five dayes after this cold m●ssenger will blow a fresh , commanding every man to his house , forbidding any to out-face him without prejudice to their noses : but it may be objected that it is too cold a countrey for our english men , who have beene accustomed to a warmer climate , to which it may be answered , ( igne levatur hyems ) there is wood good store , and better cheape to build warme houses , and make good fires , which makes the winter lesse tedious : and moreover , the extremity of this cold weather lasteth but for two moneths or ten weekes , beginning in december , and breaking up the tenth day of february ; which hath beene a passage very remarkeable , that for ten or a dozen yeares the weather hath held himselfe to his day , unlooking his ycie bayes and rivers , which are never frozen againe the same yeare , except there be some small frost untill the middle of march. it is observed by the indians that every tenth yeare th●re is little or no winter , which hath beene twice observed of the english ; the yeare of new plimouth mens arrivall was no winter in comparison ; and in the tenth yeare after likewise when the great company set led themselves in massachusets bay , was a very milde season , little frost , and lesse snow , but cleare serene weather , few north-west winds , which was a great mercy to the english comming over so rawly and uncomfortably provided , wanting all utensils and provisions which belonged to the well being of planters : and whereas many died at the beginning of the plantations , it was not because the country was unhealthfull , but because their bodies were corrupted with sea-diet , which was naught , their beefe and porke being tainted , their butter and cheese corrupted , their fish rotten , & voyage long , by reason of crosse windes , so that winter approaching before they could get warme houses , and the searching sharpnes of that purer climate , creeping in at the crannies of their crazed bodies , caused death and sicknesse ; but their harmes having taught future voyagers more wisedome , in shipping good provision for sea , and finding warme houses at landing , finde health in both . it hath bin observed , that of five or sixe hundred passengers in one yeare , not above three have died at sea , having their health likewise at land. but to returne to the matter in hand dayly observations makes it apparant , that the peircing cold of that country produceth not so many noysome effects , as the raw winters of england . in publike assemblies it is strange to heare a man sneeze or cough as ordinarily they doe in old england ; yet not to smother any thing , lest you judge me too partiall in reciting good of the countrey , and not bad ; true it is , that some venturing too nakedly in extreamity of cold , being more foole hardy than wise , have for a time lost the use of their feete , others the use of their fingers ; but time and surgery afterwards recovered them : some haue had their over-growne beards so frozen together , that they could not get their strong water-bottells into their mouthes ; i never heard of any that utterly perished at land with cold , saving one english man and an indian , who going together a fowling , the morning being faire at their setting out , afterward a terrible storme arising , they intended to returne home ; but the storme being in their faces , and they not able to with-stand it , were frozen to death , the indian having gained three slight-shot more of his journey homewa●d , was found reared up against a tree with his aqua-vitae bottle at his 〈◊〉 secōd passage ( concerning which many thinke hardly of the ●ountry in regard of his cold ) was the miscarriage of a boate at sea , certaine men having intended a voyage to new plimouth , se●●ing sayle towards night , they wanted time to fetch it , being constrained to put into another harbour , where being negligent of the well mooring of their boate , a strong winde comming from the shore in the night , loosned their killocke , and drove them to sea , without sight of land , before they had awaked out of sleepe ; but seeing the eminent danger , such as were not benummed with cold , shipt out their oares , shaping their course for cape cod , where the indians met them , who buried the dead , and carryed the boate with the living to plimouth , where some of them died , and some recovered . these things may fright some , but being that there hath beene many passages of the like nature in our english climate , it cannot dishearten such as seriously consider it , seeing likewise that their owne ruines sprung from their owne negligence . the countrey is not so extreamely cold , unlesse it be when the north-west winde is high , at other times it is ordinary for fishermen to goe to sea in ianuary and february , in which time they get more fish , and better than in summer , onely observing to reach some good harbours before night , where by good fires they sleepe as well and quietly , ( having their mayne sayle tented at their backes , to shelter them from the winde ) as if they were at home . to relate how some english bodies have borne out cold , will ( it may be ) startle beleife of some , it being so strange , yet not so strange as true . a certaine man being something distracted , broke away from his keeper , and running into the wood , could not bee found with much seeking after ; but foure dayes being expired , he returned , to appearance as well in body , as at his egresse , and in minde much better : for a mad man to hit home through the unbeaten woods , was strange , but to live without meate or drinke in the deepe of winter , stranger , and yet returne home bettered , was most strange : but if truth may gaine beleefe , you may behold a more superlative strangenesse . a certaine maide in the extreamity of cold weather , ( as it fell out ) tooke an uncertaine journey , in her intent short , not above foure miles , yet long in event ; for losing her way , shee wandred sixe or seaven dayes in most bitter weather , not having one bit of bread to strengthen her , sometimes a fresh spring quenched her thirst , which was all the refreshment she had ; the snow being upon the ground at first , shee might have trackt her owne foot-steps backe againe , but wanting that understanding , shee wandred , till god by his speciall providence brought her to the place shee went from , where she lives to this day . the hard winters are commonly the fore-runners of pleasant spring-times , and fertile summers , being iudged likewise to make much for the health of our english bodies : it is found to be more healthfull for such as shall adventure thither , to come towards winter , than the hot summer ; the climate in winter is commonly cold and dry , the snow lies long , which is ●hought to be no small nourishing to the ground . for the indians bur●ing it to suppresse the under-wood , which else wou●d grow all over the countrey , the snow falling not long after , keepes the ground warme , and with his melting conve●ghs the ashes into the pores of the earth , which doth fatten it . it hath beene observed , that english wheate and rye proves better , which is winter sowne , and is kept warme by the snow , than that which is sowne in the spring . the summers be hotter than in england ; because of their more southerne latitude , yet are they tollerable ; being often cooled with fresh blowing windes , it seldome being so hot as men are driven from their labours , especially such whose imployments are within doores , or under the coole shade : servants have hitherto beene priviledged to rest from their labours in extreame hot weather , from ten of the clocke till two , which they regaine by their early rising in the morning , and double diligence in coole weather . the summers are commonly hot and dry , there being seldome any raines ; i have knowne it sixe or seaven weekes , before one shower hath moystened the plowmans labour , yet the harvest hath beene very good , the indian corne requiring more heate than wet ; for the english corne , it is refresht with the nightly dewes , till it grow vp to shade his roots with his owne substance from the parching sunne . in former times the raine came seldome , but very violently , continuing his drops , ( which were great and many ) sometimes foure and twenty houres together ; sometimes eight and fourty , which watered the ground for a long time afrer ; but of late the seasons be much altered , the raine comming oftner , but more moderately , with lesse thunder and lightnings , and suddaine gusts of winde . i dare be bold to affirme it , that i saw not so much raine , raw colds , and misty fogges in foure yeares in those parts , as was in england in the space of foure moneths the last winter ; yet no man at the yeares end , complained of too much drought , or too little raine . the times of most raine , are in the beginning of aprill , and at michaelmas . the early springs and long summers make but short autumnes and winters . in the spring when the grasse beginnes to put forth , it growes apace , so that where it was all blacke by reason of winters burnings , in a fortnight there will be grasse a foote high . chap. iii. of the climate , length , and shortnesse of day and night , with the suiteablenesse of it to english bodies for health and sicknesse . the countrey being nearer the equinoctiall than england , the dayes and nights be more equally divided . in summer the dayes be two houres shorter , and likewise in winter two houres longer than in england . in a word , both summer and winter is more commended of the english there , than the summer winters , and winter summers of england ; and who is there that could not wish , that englands climate were as it hath b●ene in quondam times , colder in winter , and hotter in summer ? or who will condemne that which is as england hath beene ? virginia having no winter to speake of , but extreame ho● summers , hath dried up much english blood , and by pest●ferous diseases swept away many lusty bodies , changing their complexion not into swarthinesse , but into palenesse ; so that when as they come for trading into our parts , wee can know many of them by their faces . this alteration certainely comes not from any want of victuals or necessary foode , for their soyle is very fertile and pleasant , yeelding both corne and cattle plenty , but rather from the climate , which indeede is found to be hotter than is suiteable to an ordinary english constitution . in new england both men and women keepe their naturall complexions , in so much as sea men wonder when they arrive in those parts , to see their countrey-men so fresh and ruddy : if the sunne doth tanne any , yet the winters cold restores them to their former complexion ; and as it is for the outward complexion , so it is for the inward constitution ; not very many being troubled with inflammations , or such diseases as are encreased by too much heate : and whereas i say , not very many , yet dare i not exclude any ; for death being certaine to all , in all nations there must be something tending to death of like certainty . the soundest bodies are mortall and subject to change , therefore fall into diseases , and from diseases to death . now the two chiefe messengers of mortality , be feavers and callentures ; but they be easily helpt , if taken in time , and as easily prevented of any that will not prove a meere foole to his body . for the common diseases of england , they be strangers to the english now in that strange land. to my knowledge i never knew any that had the poxe , measels , greene-sicknesse , head-aches , stone , or consumptions , &c. many that have come infirme out of england , retaine their old grievances still , and some that were long troubled with lingering diseases , as coughs of the lungs , consumptions , &c. haue beene restored by that medicineable climate to their former strength and health . god hath beene pleased so to blesse men in the health of their bodies , that i dare confidently say it , out of that towne from whence i c●●e , in three yeares and a halfe , there dyed but three , one of which was crazed before he came into the land ; the other were two children borne at one birth before their time , the mother being accidentally hurt . to make good which losses , i have seene foure children baptized at a time , which wipes away tha● common aspersion , that women have no children , b●ing a ●eere fals●ty , there being as sweete lusty children as many other nation , and reckoning so many for so many , more double births than in england ; the women likewise having a more speedy recovery , and gathering of strength after their delivery than in england . the last argument to confirme the healthfulnesse of the countrey , shall be from mine owne experience , who although in england i was brought up tenderly under the carefull hatching of my dearest friends , yet scarce could i be acquainted with health , having beene ●et blood sixe times for the pleurisie before i went ; likewise being assailed with other weakning diseases ; but being planted in that new soyle and healthfull ayre , which was more correspondent to my nature , ( i speake it with praise to the mercifull god ) though my occasions have beene to passe thorow heate and cold , wet , and dry , by sea and land , in winter and summer , day by day , for foure yeares together , yet scarce did i know what belonged to a dayes sicknesse . chap. iiii. of the nature of the soyle . the soyle is for the generall a warme kinde of earth , there being little cold-spewing and , no morish fennes , no quagmires , the lowest grounds be the marshes , over which every full and change the sea flowes : these marshes be rich ground , and bring plenty of hay , of which the cattle feed and like , as if they were fed with the best up-land hay in new england ; of which likewise there is great store which growes commonly betweene the marshes and the woods . this medow ground lies higher than the marshes , whereby it is freed from the over-flowing of the seas ; and besides this , in many places where the tre● grow thinne , there is good fodder to be got amongst the woods . there be likewise in divers places neare the plantations great broad medowes , wherein grow neither shrub nor tree , lying low , in which plaines growes as much grasse , as may be throwne out with a sithe , thicke and long , as high as a mans middle ; some as high as the shoulders , so that a good mower may cut three loads in a day . but many obiect , this is but a course fodder : true it is , that it is not so fine to 〈◊〉 eye as english grasse , but it is not sowre , though it grow thus ranke ; but being made into hay , the cattle eate it as well as it were lea-hay and like as well with it ; i doe not thinke england can shew , fairer cattle either in winter , or summer , than is in those parts both winter and summer ; being generally larger and better of milch , and bring forth young as ordinarily as cattle doe in england , and have hitherto beene free from many diseases that are incident to cattle in england . to returne to the subject in hand , there is so much hay-ground in the countrey , as the richest voyagers that shall venture thither , neede not feare want of fodder , though his heard increase into thousands , there being thousands of acres that yet was never medled with . and whereas it hath beene reported , that some hath mowne a day for halfe of a loade of hay : i doe not say , but it may be true , a man may doe as much , and get as little in england , on salisbury plaine , or in other places where grasse cannot be expected : so hay-ground is not in all places in new england : wherefore it shall behoue every man according to his calling , and estate , to looke for a fit situation at the first ; and if hee be one that intends to live on his stocke , to choose the grassie vallies before the woody mountaines . furthermore , whereas it hath beene generally reported in many places of england , that the grasse growes not in those places where it was cut the fore-going yeares , it is a meere falshood ; for it growes as well the ensuing spring as it did before , and is more spiery and thicke , like our english grasse : and in such places where the cattle use to graze , the ground is much improved in the woods , growing more grassie , and lesse weedy . the worst that can be sayd against the meddow-grounds , is because there is little edish , or after-pasture , which may proceede from the late mowing , more than from any thing else ; but though the edish be not worth much , yet is there such plenty of other grasse and feeding , that there is no want of winter-fodder till december , at which time men beginne to house their milch-cattle and calves : some , notwithstanding the cold of the winter , have their young cattle without doores , giving them meate at morning and evening . for the more upland grounds , there be different kinds , in some places clay , some gravell , some a red sand ; all which are covered with a black mould , in some places above a foote deepe , in other places not so deepe . there be very few that have the experience of the ground , that can condemne it of barrennesse ; although many deeme it barren , because the english use to manure their land with fish , which they doe not because the land could not bring corne without it , but because it brings more with it ; the land likewise being kept in hart the longer : besides , the plenty of fish which they have for little or nothing , is better so used , than cast away ; but to argue the goodnesse of the ground , the indians who are too lazie to catch fish , plant corne eight or ten yeares in one place without it , having very good crops . such is the rankenesse of the ground that it must bee sowne the first yeare with indian corne , which is a soaking graine , before it will be fit for to receive english seede . in a word , as there is no ground so purely good , as the long forced and improoved grounds of england , so is the●● none so extreamely bad as in many places of england , that as yet have not beene manured and improved ; the woods of new england being accounted better ground than the forrests of england or woodland ground , or heathy plaines . for the naturall soyle , i preferre it before the countrey of surry , or middlesex , which if they were not inriched with continuall manurings , would be lesse fertile than the meanest ground in new england , wherefore it is neyther impossible , nor much improbable , that upon improvements the soile may be as good in time as england . and whereas some gather the ground to be naught , and soone out of hart , because plimouth men remove from their old habitations , i answer , they do no more remove from their habitation , than the citizen which hath one house in the citty & another in the countrey , for his pleasure , health , & profit . for although they have taken new plots of ground , and built houses upon them , yet doe they retaine their old houses still , and repaire to them every sabbath day ; neyther doe they esteeme their old lots worse than when they first tooke them : what if they doe not plant on them every yeare ? i hope it is no ill husbandry to rest the land , nor is alwayes that the worst that lies sometimes f●llow . if any man doubt of the goodnesse of the ground , let him comfort himselfe with the cheapenesse of it ▪ such bad land in england i am sure wil bring in store of good monie . this ground is in some places of a soft mould , and easie to plow ; in other places so tough and hard , that i have seene ten oxen toyled , their iron chaines broken , and their shares and coulters much strained : but after the first bre●king up it is so easie , that two oxen and a horse may plow it ; there hath as good english corne growne there , as could be desired ; especially rie and oates , and barly : there hath beene no great tryall as yet of wheate , and beanes ; onely thus much i affirme , that these two graines grow well in gardens , therefore it is not improbable , but when they can gather seede of that which is sowne in the countrey , it may grow as well as any other graine : but commonly the seede that commeth out of england is heated at sea , and therefore cannot thrive at land . chap. v. of the hearbes , fruites , woods , waters and mineralls . the ground affoards very good kitchin gardens , for turneps , parsnips , carrots , radishes , and p●mpions , muskmillions , squonterquashes , coucumbers , onyons , and whatsoever growes well in england , growes as well there , many things being better and larger : there is likewise growing all manner of hearbes for meate , and medicine , and that not onely in planted gardens , but in the woods , without eyther the art or the helpe of man , as sweet marjoran , purselane , sorrell , peneriall , yarrow , mirtle , saxifarilla , bayes , &c. there is likewise strawberries in abundance , very large ones , some being two inches about ; one may gather halfe a bushell in a forenoone : in other seasons there bee gooseberries , bilberies , resberies , treackleberies , hurtleberries , currants ; which being dryed in the sunne are little inferiour to those that our grocers sell in england : this land likewise affoards hempe and flax , some naturally , and some planted by the english , with rapes if they bee well managed . for such commodities as lie underground , i cannot out of mine owne experience or knowledge say much , having taken no great notice of such things ; but it is certainely reported that there is iron , stone ; and the indians informe us that they can leade us to the mountaines of blacke lead , and have showne us lead ore , if our small judgement in such things doe not deceive us : and though no body dare confidently conclude , yet dare they not utterly deny , but that the spaniards blisse may lye hid in the barren mountaines , such as have coasted the countrey affirme that they know where to fetch seacole if wood were scant ; there is plenty of stone both rough and smooth , usefull for many things , with quarries of slate , out of which they get covering for houses , with good clay , whereof they make tiles and brickes , and pavements for their necessary uses . for the countrey it is as well watered as any land under the sunne , every family , or every two families having a spring of sweet waters betwixt them , which is farre different from the waters of england , being not so sharpe , but of a fatter substance , and of a more jetty colour ; it is thought there can be no better water in the world , yet dare i not preferre it before good beere , as some have done , but any man will choose it before bad beere , wheay , or buttermilke ▪ those that drinke it be as healthfull , fresh , and lustie , as they that drinke beere ; these springs be not onely within land , but likewise bordering upon the sea coasts , so that some times the tides overflow some of them , which is accounted rare in the most parts of england . no man hitherto hath beene constrained to digge deepe for his water , or to fetch it farre , or to fetch of severall waters for severall uses ; one kind of water serving for washing , and brewing and other things . now besides these springs , there be divers spacious ponds in many places of the countrey , out of which runne many sweet streames , which are constant in their course both winter and summer , whereat the cattle quench their thirst , and upon which may be built water mills , as the plantation encreases . the next commoditie the land affords , is good store of woods , & that not onely such as may be needfull for fewell , but likewise for the building of ships , and houses , & mils , and all manner of water-worke about which wood is needefull . the timber of the countrey growes straight , and tall , some trees being twenty , some thirty foot high , before hee spread forth his branches ; generally the trees be not very thicke , though there be many that will serve for mill posts , some beeing three foote and a halfe o're . and whereas it is generally conceived , that the woods grow so thicke , that there is no more cleare ground than is hewed out by labour of man ; it is nothing so ; in many places , divers acres being cleare , so that one may ride a hunting in most places of the land , if he will venture himselfe for being lost : there is no underwood saving in swamps , and low grounds that are wet , in which the english get osiers , and has●es , and such small wood as is for their use . of these swamps , some be ten , some twenty , some thirty miles long , being preserved by the wetnesse of the soile wherein they grow ; for it being the custome of the indians●o ●o burne the wood in november , when the grasse is withered , and leaves dryed , it consumes all the underwood , and rubbish , which otherwise would over grow the country , making it unpassable , and spoyling their much affected hunting : so that by this meanes in those places where the indians inhabit , there is scarce a bush or bramble , or any combersome underwood to bee seene in the more champion ground . small wood growing in these places where the fire could not come , is preserved . in some places where the indians dyed of the plague some foureteene yeares agoe , is much underwood , as in the mid way betwixt wessaguscus and plimouth , because it hath not beene burned ; cer●aine rivers stopping the fire from comming to cleare that place of the countrey , hath made it unusefull and troublesome to travell thorow , in so much that it is called ragged plaine , because it teares and rents the cloathes of them that passe . now because it may be necessary for mechanicall artificers to know what timber , and wood of use is in the countrey , i will recite the most usefull as followeth . trees both in hills and plaines , in plenty be , the long liv'd oake , and mournefull cypris tree , ski● towring pines , and chesnuts coated rough , the lasting cedar , with the walnut tough : the rezin dropping firre for mast in use , the boatmen seeke for oares light , neate , growne sprewse , the brittle ash , the ●ver trembling aspes , the broad-spread elm● , whose concave harbours waspes , the water sp●ngie alder good for nought , small elderne by th' indian fletchers sought , the knottie maple , pallid birtch , hawthornes , the horne bound tree that to be cloven scornes ; which from the tender vine oft takes his spouse , who ●wi●ds imbracing armes about his boughes . within this indian orchard fruites be some , the ruddie cherrie , and the jettie plumbe , snake murthering hazell , with sweet saxaphrage , whose spurnes in beere allayes hot fevers rage . the diars shumach , with more trees there be , that are both good to use , and rare to see . though many of these trees may seeme to have epithites contrary to the nature of them as they grow in england , yet are they agreeable with the trees of that countrie . the chiefe and common timber for ordinary use is oake , and walnut : of oakes there be three kindes , the red oake , white , and blacke ; as these are different in kinde , so are they chosen for such uses as they are most fit for , one kind being more fit for clappboard , others for sawne board , some fitter for shipping , others for houses . these trees affoard much mast for hogges , especially every third yeare , bearing a bigger acorne than our english oake . the wallnut tree is something different from the english wallnut , being a great deale more tough , and more serviceable , and altogether as heavie : and whereas our gunnes that are stocked with english wallnut , are soone broaken and cracked in frost , beeing a brittle wood ; we are driven to stocke them new with the country wallnut , which will indure all blowes , and weather ; lasting time out of minde . these trees beare a very good nut , something smaller , but nothing inferiour in sweetnesse and goodnesse to the english nut , having no bitter pill . there is likewise a tree in some part of the countrey , that beares a nut as bigge as a small peare . the cedar tree is a tree of no great growth , not bearing above a foot and a halfe square at the most , neither is it very high . i suppose they be much inferiour to the cedars of lebanon so much commended in holy writ . this wood is more desired for ornament than substance , being of colour red and white like eugh , smelling as sweete as iuniper ; it is commonly used for seeling of houses , and making of chests , boxes , and staves . the firre and pine bee trees that grow in many places , shooting up exceeding high , especially the pine : they doe afford good masts , good board , rozin and turpentine . out of these pines is gotten the candlewood that is so much spoken of , which may serve for a shift amongst poore folkes ; but i cannot commend it for singular good , because it is something sluttish , dropping a pitchie kinde of substance where it stands . here no doubt might be good done with saw mils ; for i have seene of these stately highgrowne trees , ten miles together close by the river side , from whence by shipping they might be conveyed to any desired port. likewise it is not improbable that pitch and tarre may be forced from these trees , which beare no other kinde of fruite . for that countrey ash , it is much different from the ash of england , being brittle and good for little , so that wallnut is used for it . the horne-bound tree is a tough kind of wood , that requires so much paines in riving as is almost incredible , being the best for to make boates and dishes , not being subject to cracke or leake . this tree growing with broad spread armes , the vines winde their curling branches about them ; which vines affoard great store of grapes , which are very big both for the grape and cluster , sweet and good : these be of two sorts , red and white , there is likewise a smaller kind of grape , which groweth in the islands which is sooner ripe and more delectable ; so that there is no knowne reason why as good wine may not be made in those parts , as well as in burdeuax in france ; being under the same degree . it is great pit●ie no man sets upon such a venture , whereby he might in small time inrich himselfe , and benefit the countrie , i know nothing which doth hinder but want of skilfull men to manage such an imployment : for the countrey is hot enough , the ground good enough , and many convenient hills which lye toward the south sunne , as if they were there placed for the purpose . the cherrie trees yeeld great store of cherries , which grow on clusters like grapes ; they be much smaller than our english cherrie , nothing neare so good if they be not very ripe ▪ they so furre the mouth that the tongue will cleave to the roofe , and the throate wax horse with swallowing those red bullies ( as i may call them , ) being little better in taste . english ordering may bring them to be an english cherrie , but yet they are as wilde as the indians . the plummes of the countrey be better for plummes than the cherries be for cherries , they be blacke and yellow about the bignesse of a damson , of a reasonable good taste . the white thorne affords hawes as bigge as an english cherrie , which is esteemed above a cherrie for his goodnesse and pleasantnesse to the taste . chap. vi. of the beasts that live on the land having related unto you the pleasant situation of the countrey , the healthfulnesse of the climate , the nature of the soile , with his vegetatives , and other commodities ; it will not be amisse to informe you of such irrationall creatures as are daily bred and continually nourished in this countrey , which doe much conduce to the well being of the inhabitants , affording not onely meate for the belly , but cloathing for the backe . the beasts be as followeth . the kingly lyon , and the strong arm'd beare the large lim'd mooses , with the tripping deare , quill darting porcupines , and rackcoones bee , castelld in the hollow of an aged tree ; the skipping squerrell , rabbet , purblinde hare , immured in the selfesame castle are , least red-eyd ferrets , wily foxes should them undermine , if rampird but with mould . the grim fac't ounce , and raven●●● howling woolfe , whose meagre pa●nch suckes like a swallowing gulfe ▪ blacke glistering otters , and rich coated bever , the civet sented musquash smelling ever . concerning lyons , i will not say that i ever saw any my selfe , but some affirme that they have seene a lyon at cape anne which is not above six leagues from boston : some likewise being lost in woods , have heard such terrible roarings , as have made them much agast ; which must eyther be devills or lyons ; there being no other creatures which use to roare saving beares , which have not such a terrible kind of roaring : besides , plimouth men have traded for lyons skinnes in former times . but sure it is that there be lyons on that continent , for the virginians saw an old lyon in their plantation , who having lost his iackall , which was wont to hunt his prey , was brought so poore that he could goe no further . for beares they be common , being a great blacke kind of beare , which be most feirce in strawberry time , at which time they have young ones ; at this time likewise they will goe upright like a man , and clime trees , and swimme to the islands ; which if the indians see , there will be more sportfull beare bayting than paris garden can affoard . for seeing the beares take water , an indian will leape after him , where they goe to water cuffes for bloody noses , and scratched sides ; in the end the man gets the victory , riding the beare over the watery plaine till he can beare him no longer . in the winter they take themselves to the clifts of rockes , and thicke swamps , to shelter them from the cold ; and foode being scant in those cold and hard times , they live onely by sleeping and sucking their pawes , which keepeth them as fat as they are in summer ; there would be more of them if it were not for the woolves , which devoure them ; a kennell of those ravening runnagadoes , setting on a poore single beare , will teare him as a dogge will teare a kid : it would be a good change if the countrey had for every woolfe a beare , upon the condition all the woolves were banished ; so should the inhabitants be not onely rid of their greatest annoyance , but furnished with more store of provisions , beares being accounted very good meate , esteemed of all men above venison ▪ againe they never prey upon the english cattle , or offer to assault the person of any man , unlesse being vexed with a shot , and a man run upon them before they be dead , in which case they will stand in their owne defence , as may appeare by this instance . two men going a fowling , appointed at evening to meete at a certaine pond side , to share equally , and to returne home ; one of these gunners having killed a seale or sea calfe , brought it to the side of the pond where hee was to meete his comrade , afterwards returning to the sea side for more gaine ; and having loaded himselfe with more geese and duckes , he repaired to the pond , where hee saw a great beare feeding on his seale , which caused him to throw downe his loade , and give the beare a salute ; which though it was but with goose shot , yet tumbled him over and over , whereupon the man supposing him to be in a manner dead , ran and beate him with the hand of his gunne ; the beare perceiving him to be such a coward to strike him when he was down , scrambled up , standing at defiance with him , scratching his legges , tearing his cloathes and face , who stood it out till his six foot gunne was broken in the middle , then being deprived of his weapon , he ran up to the shoulders into the pond , where hee remained till the beare was gone , and his mate come in , who accompanied him home . the beast called a moose , is not much unlike red deare , this beast is as bigge as an oxe ; slow of foote , headed like a bucke , with a broade beame , some being two yards wide in the head , their flesh is as good as beefe , their hides good for cloathing ; the english have some thoughts of keeping them tame , and to accustome them to the yoake , which will be a great commoditie : first because they are so fruitfull , bringing forth three at a time , being likewise very uberous . secondly , because they will live in winter without any fodder . there be not many of these in the massachusets bay , but forty miles to the northeast there be great store of them ; these pore beasts likewise are much devoured by the woolves : the ordinary deare be much bigger than the deare of england , of a brighter colour , more inclining to red , with spotted bellies ; the most store of these be in winter , when the more northerne parts of the countrey bee cold for them ; they desire to be neare the sea , so that they may swimme to the islands when they are chased by the woolves : it is not to be thought into what great multitudes they would encrease , were it not for the common devourer the woolfe ; they have generally three at a time , which they hide a mile one from another , giving them sucke by turnes ; thus they doe , that if the woolfe should finde one , he might misse of the other . these deare be fat in the deepe of winter ; in summer it is hard catching of them with the best greyhounds that may be procured , because they bee swift of foote . some credible persons have affirmed , that they have seene a deare leape three score feet at little or no forcement ; besides , there be so many old trees , rotten stumps , and indian barnes , that a dog cannot well run without being shoulder-shot : yet would i not disswade any from carrying good dogges ; for in the winter time they be very usefull ; for when the snow is hard frozen , the deare being heavie , sinkes into the snow , the doggs being light runne upon the top and overtake them , and pull them downe : some by this meanes have gotten twenty buckes and does in a winter , the hornes of these deare grow in such a straight manner , ( overhanging their heads ) that they cannot feede upon such things as grow low , till they have cast their old hornes : of these deare there be a great many , and more in the massachusets bay , than in any other place , which is a great helpe and refreshment to these planters . the porcupine is a small thing not much unlike a hedgehog ; something bigger , who stands upon his guard and proclaimes a noli me tangere , to man and beast , that shall approach too neare him , darting his quills into their legges , and hides . the rack●one is a deepe furred beast , not much unlike a badger , having a tayle like a fox , as good meate as a lambe ; there is one of them in the tower. these beasts in the day time sleepe in hollow trees , in the moone shine night they goe to feede on clammes at a low tide , by the sea side , where the english hunt them with their dogges . the squerrells be of thre● sorts , first the great gray squerrell , which is almost as bigge as an english rabbet ; of these there be the greatest plenty , one may kill a dozen of them in an afternoone , about three of the clocke they begin to walke . the second is a small squerrell , not unlike the english squerrell , which doth much trouble the planters of corne , so that they are constrained to set divers trappes , and to carry their cats into the corne fields , till their corne be three weekes old . the third kind is a flying squerrell , which is not very bigge , slender of body , with a great deale of loose skinne which shee spreads square when shee flyes , which the winde gets , and so wafts her batlike body from place to place ; it is a creature more for sight and wonderment , than eyther pleasure or profit . the rabbets be much like ours in england . the hares be some of them white , and a yard long ; these two harmelesse creatures are glad to shelter themselves from the harmefull foxes , in hollow trees , having a hole at the entrance no bigger than they can creepe in at : if they should make them holes in the ground , as on english rabbets doe , the undermining renoilds would rob them of their lives , and extirpate their generation . the beasts of offence be squunckes , fer●ets , foxes , whose impudence sometimes drives them to the good wives hen roost , to fill their paunch : some of these be blacke ; their furre is of much esteeme . the ounce or the wilde cat , is as big as a mungrell dog , this creature is by nature feirce , and more dangerous to bee met withall than any other creature , not fearing eyther dogge or man ; he useth to kill deare , which hee thus effecteth : knowing the deares tracts , hee will lye lurking in long weedes , the deare passing by he suddenly leapes upon his backe , from thence gets to his necke , and scratcheth out his throate ; he hath likewise a devise to get geese , for being much of the colour of a goose he will place himselfe close by the water , holding us his bob taile , which is like a goose necke ; the geese seeing this counterfet goose , approach nigh to visit him , who with a suddaine jerke apprehends his mistrustlesse prey . the english kill many of these , accounting them very good meate . their skinnes be a very deepe kind of furre , spotted white and black on the belly . the woolves bee in some respect different from them of other countries ; it was never knowne yet that a woolfe ever set upon a man or woman . neyther do they trouble horses or cowes ; but swine , goates and red calves which they take for deare , be often destroyed by them , so that a red calfe is cheaper than a blacke one in that regard ; in autumne and the beginning of the spring , these ravenous rangers doe most frequent our english habitations , following the deare which come downe at that time to those parts . they be made much like a mungrell , being big boned , la●ke paunched , deepe breasted , having a thicke necke , and head , pricke eares , and long snoute , with dangerous teeth , long staring haire , and a great bush taile ; it is thought of many , that our english mastiffes might be too hard for them ; but it is no such matter , for they care no more for an ordinary mastiffe , than an ordinary mastiffe cares for a c●●re ; many good dogges have beene spoyled with them . once a faire grayhound hearing them at their howlings run out to chide them , who was torne in peeces before he could be rescued . one of them makes no more bones to runne away with a pigge , than a dogge to runne away with a marrow ●●ne . it is observed that they have no joynts from the head to the tayle , which prevents them from leaping , or suddaine turning , as may appeare by what i shall shew you . a certaine man having shot an woolfe , as he was feeding upon a swine , breaking his legge onely , hee knew not how to dev●se his death , on a suddaine , the woolfe being a blacke one , he was loath to spoyle his furre with a second shot , his skinne being worth five or sixe pound sterling ; wherefore hee resolved to get him by the tayle , and thrust him into a river that was hard by ; which effected , the woolfe being not able to turne his joyntlesse body to bite him , was taken . that they cannot leape , may appeare by this woolfe , whose mouth watering at a few poore impaled kiddes , would needes leape over a five-foote pale to be at them ; but his foote slipping in the rise , he fell a little short of his desire , and being hung in the carpenters stockes , howled so loud , that he frighted away the kids , and called the english , who killed him . these be killed dayly in some place or other , either by the english , or indian ; who have a certaine rate for every head : yet is there little hope of their utter destruction , the countrey being so spacious , and they so numerous , travelling in the swamps by kennels : sometimes ten or twelve are of a company . late at night , and early in the morning , they set up their howlings , and call their companies together at night to hunt , at morning to sleepe ; in a word they be the greatest inconveniency the countrey hath , both for matter of dammage to private men in particular , and the whole countrey in generall . chap. vii . beasts living in the water . for all creatures that liv'd both by land and water , they be first otters , which be most of them blacke , whose furre is much used for muffes , and are held almost as deare as beaver . the fl●sh of them is none of the best meate , but their oyle is of rare use for many things . secondly , martins , a good furre for their bignesse : thirdly , musquashes , which be much like a beaver for shape , but nothing neare so bigge ; the male hath two stones which smell as sweete as muske , and being killed in winter , never lose their sweete smell : these skinnes are no bigger than a coney-skinne , yet are sold for five shillings a peice , being sent for tokens into england . one good skinne will perfume a whole house-full of cloathes , if it be right and good . fourthly , the beaver , concerning whom if i should at large discourse , according to knowledge or information , i might make a volumne . the wisedome and understanding of this beast , will almost conclude him a reasonable creature : his shape is thicke and short , having likewise short legs , feete like a mole before , and behinde like a goo●● , a broad tayle in forme like a shooe-soale , very tough and strong ; his head is something like an otters head , saving that his teeth before , be placed like the teeth of a rabbet , two above , and two beneath ; sharpe and broad , with which he cuts downe trees as thicke as a mans thigh , afterwards diuiding them into lengths , according to the use they are appointed for . if one bever be too weake to carry the logge , then another helpes him ; if they two be too weake , then multorum manibus grande levatur onus ; foure more adding their helpe , being placed three to three , which set their teeth in one anothers tough tayles , and laying the loade on the two hindermost , they draw the logge to the desired place . that this may not seeme altogether incredible , remember that the like almost may be seene in our ants , which will joyne sometimes seaven or eight together in the carrying of a burthen . these creatures build themselves houses of wood and clay , close by the ponds sides , and knowing the seasons , build them answerable houses , having them three stories high , so that as land-floods are raised by great raines , as the waters arise , they mount higher in their houses ; as they asswage , they descend lower againe . these houses are so strong , that no creature saving an industrious man with his penetrating tooles can prejudice them , their ingresse and egresse being vnder water . these make likewise very good ponds , knowing whence a streame runnes from betweene two rising hils , they will there pitch downe piles of wood , placing smaller rubbish before it with clay and sods , not leaving , till by their art and industry they have made a firme and curious damme-head , which may draw admiration from wise understanding men . these creatures keepe themselves to their owne families , never parting so long as they are able to keepe house together : and it is commonly sayd , if any beaver accidentally light into a strange place , he is made a drudge so long as he lives there , to carry at the greater end of the logge , unlesse he creepe away by stealth . their wisedome secures them from the english , who seldome , or neuer kills any of them , being not patient to lay a long siege , or to be so often deceived by their cunning evasions , so that all the beaver which the english have , comes first from the indians , whose time and experience fits them for that imployment . chap. viii . of the birds and fowles both of land and water . having shewed you the most desireable , usefull , and beneficiall creatures , with the most offensive carrions that belong to our wildernesse , it remaines in the next place , to shew you such kinds of fowle as the countrey affoords : they are many , and we have much variety both at sea and on land ; and such as yeeld us much profit , and honest pleasure , and are these that follow ; as the princely eagle , and the soaring hawke , whom in their unknowne wayes there 's none can chawke : the humberd for some queenes rich cage more fit , than in the vacant wildernesse to sit . the swift wing'd swallow sweeping to and fro , as swift as arrow from tartarian bow. when as aurora's infant day new springs , there th' morning mounting larke her sweete layes sing● . the harmonious thrush , swift pigeon , turtle-dove , who to her mate doth ever constant prove : the turky-phesant , heathcocke , partridge rare , the carrion-tearing crow , and hurtfull stare , the long liv'd raven , th' ominous screech-owle , who tells as old wives say , disasters foule . the drowsie madge that leaves her day-lov'd nest , and loves to roave when day-birds be at rest : th'eele-murthering hearne , and greedy cormorant , that neare the creekes in morish marshes haunt . the bellowing bitterne , with the long-leg'd crane , presaging winters hard , and dearth of graine . the silver swan that tunes her mournefull breath , to sing the dirge of her approaching death . the tatling oldwines , and the cackling geese , the fearefull gull that shunnes the murthering peece , the strong wing'd mallard , with the nimble teale , and ill-shape't loone who his harsh notes doth squeale . there widgins , sheldrackes and humiliteers , snites , doppers , sea-larkes , in whole million flees . the eag●es of the countrey be of two sorts , one like the eagles that be in england , the other is something bigger with a great white head , and white tayle : these bee commonly called gripes ; these prey upon duckes and geese , and such fish as are cast upon the sea-shore . and although an eagle be counted king of that feathered regiment , yet is there a certaine blacke hawke that beates him ; so that hee is oonstrayned to soare so high , till heate expell his adversary ▪ this hawke is much prized of the indians , being accounted a sagamo●es ransome . to speake much of hawkes , were to trespasse upon my owne judgement , and bring upon my selfe a deserved censure , for abusing the faulconers termes : but by relation from those that have more insight into them than my selfe : there be divers kinds of hawkes : their aieries are easie to come by , being in the holes of rockes , neare the shore , so that any who are addicted to that sport , if he will be but at the charge of finding poul●ry for them , may have his desires . we could wish them well mew'd in england ; for they make hauock● of hens , partridges , heathcockes , and duckes ; often hindering the fowler of his long look't for shoote . the humbird is one of the wonders of the countrey , being no bigger than a hornet , yet hath all the demensions of a bird , as bill , and wings , with quills , spider-like legges , small clawes : for colour , she is as glorious as the rai●e-bow ; as she flies , she makes a little humming noise like a humble-bee : wherefore shee is called the humbird . the pigeon of that countrey , is something different from our dove-house pigeons in england , being more like turtles , of the same colour ; but they haue long tayles like a magpie : and they seeme not so bigge , because they carry not so many feathers on their backes as our english doves , yet are they as bigge in body . these birds come into the countrey , to goe to the north parts in the beginning of our spring , at which time ( if i may be counted worthy , to be beleeved in a thing that is not so strange as true ) i have seene them fly as if the ayerie regiment had beene pigeons ; seeing neyther beginning nor ending , length , or breadth of these millions of millions . the shouting of people , the ratling of gunnes , and pelting of small shotte could not drive them out of their course , but so they continued for foure or five houres together : yet it must not be concluded , that it is thus often ; for it is but at the beginning of the spring , and at michaelmas , when they returne backe to the southward ; yet are there some all the yeare long , which are easily attayned by such as looke after them . many of them build amongst the pine-trees , thirty miles to the north-east of our plantations ; joyning nest to nest , and tree to tree by their nests , so that the sunne never sees the ground in that place , from whence the indians fetch whole loades of them . the turky is a very large bird , of a blacke colour , yet white in flesh ; much bigger than our english turky . he hath the use of his long legs so ready , that he can runne as fast as a dogge , and flye as well as a goose : of these sometimes there will be forty , threescore , and a hundred of a flocke , somet●mes more and sometimes lesse ; their feeding is acornes , hawes , and berries , some of them get a haunt to frequent our english corne : in winter when the snow covers the ground , they resort to the sea shore to look for shrimps , & such smal fishes at low tide . such as love turkie hunting , must follow it in winter after a new falne snow , when hee may follow them by their tracts ; some have killed ten or a dozen in halfe a day ; if they can be found towards an evening and watched where they peirch , if one come about ten or eleaven of the clocke he may shoote as often as he will , they will sit , unlesse they be slenderly wounded . these turkies remaine all the yeare long , the price of a good turkie cocke is foure shillings ; and he is well worth it , for he may be in weight forty pound ; a hen two shillings . pheasons bee very rare , but heathcockes , and partridges be common ; he that is a husband , and will be stirring betime , may kill halfe a dozen in a morning . the partridges be bigger than they be in england , the flesh of the heathcockes is red , and the flesh of a partridge white , their price is foure pence a peece . the ravens , and the crowes be much like them of other countries . there are no magpies , iackedawes , coockooes , iayes , sparrows , &c. the stares be bigger than those in england , as blacke as crowes , being the most troublesome , and injurious bird of all others , pulling up the cornes by the roots , when it is young , so that those who plant by reedy and seggy places , where they frequent , are much annoyed with them , they being so audacious that they feare not guns , or their fellowes hung upon poles ; but the corne having a weeke or nine dayes growth is past their spoyling . the owles be of two sorts ; the one being small speckled , like a partridge , with ea●es , the other being a great owle , almost as big as an eagle , his body beeing as good meate as a partridge . cormorants bee as common as other fowles , which destroy abundance of small fish , these are not worth the shooting because they are the worst of fowles for meate , tasting ranke , and fishy : againe , one may shoot twenty times and misse , for seeing the fire in the panne , they dive under the water before the shot comes to the place where they were ; they use to roost upon the tops of trees , and rockes , being a very heavy drowsie creature , so that the indians will goe in their cannowes in the night , and take them from the rockes , as easily as women take a hen from roost ; no ducking ponds can affoard more delight than a lame cormorant , and two or three lusty dogges . the crane although hee bee almost as tall as a man by reason of his long legges , and necke ; yet is his body rounder than other fowles , not much unlike the body of a turkie . i have seene many of these fowles , yet did i never see one that was far , i suppose it is contrary to their nature to grow fat ▪ of these there be many in summer , but none in winter , their price is two shilling . there be likewise many swannes which frequent the fresh ponds and rivers , seldome consorting themselves with duckes and geese ; these bee very good meate , the price of one is six shillings . the geese of the countrey be of three sorts , first a brant goose , which is a goose almost like the wilde goose in england , the price of one of these is six pence . the second kind is a white goose , almost as big as an english tame goose , these come in great flockes about michelmasse , sometimes there will be two or three thousand in a flocke , these continue six weekes , and so flye to the southward , returning in march , and staying six weekes more , returning againe to the northward ; the price of one of these is eight pence . the third kind of geese , is a great gray goose , with a blacke necke , and a blacke and white head , strong of flight ; these bee a great deale bigger than the ordinary geese of england , some very fat , and in the spring so full of feathers , that the shot can scarce peirce them ; most of these geese remaine with us from michelmas to aprill ; they feede on the sea of fish , and in the woods of acornes , having as other foule have , their passe and repasse to the northward and southward : the accurate marksmen kill of these both flying and sitting ; the price of a good gray goose is eighteene pence . the duckes of the countrey be very large ones and in great abundance , so is there of teale likewise ; the price of a ducke is six pence , of a teale three pence . if i should tell you how some have killed a hundred geese in a weeke , 50. duckes at a shot , 40. teales at another , it may be counted impossible , though nothing more certaine . the oldwives , be a foule that never leave tatling day or night , something bigger than a ducke . the loone is an ill shap'd thing like a cormorant ; but that he can neyther goe nor flye ; he maketh a noise sometimes like a sowgelders horne . the humilities or simplicities ( as i may rather call them ) bee of two sorts , the biggest being as big as a greene plover , the other as big as birds we call knots in england . such is the simplicity of the smaller sorts of these birds , that one may drive them on a heape like so many sheepe , and seeing a fit time shoot them ; the living seeing the dead , settle themselves on the same place againe , amongst which the fowler discharges againe . i my selfe have killed twelve score at two shootes : these bird are to be had upon sandy brakes at the latter end of summer before the geese come in . thus much have i shewed you as i know to bee true concerning the fowle of the countrey . but me thinkes i heare some say that this is very good if it could be caught , or likely to continue , and that much shooting will fright away the fowles . true it is , that every ones imployment wil not permit him to fowle : what then ? yet those imployments furnish them with silver guns with which they may have it more easie . for the frighting of the fowle , true it is that many goe blurting away their pouder and shot , that have no more skill to kill , or winne a goose , than many in england that have rustie muskets in their houses , knowes what belongs to a souldier , yet are they not much affrighted . i have seene more living and dead the last yeare than i have done in former yeares . chap. ix . of fish. hhving done with these , let me leade you from the land to the sea , to view what commodities may come from thence ; there is no countrey knowne , that yeelds more variety of fish winter and summer : and that not onely for the present spending and sustentation of the plantations , but likewise for trade into other countries , so that those which have had stages & make fishing voyages into those parts , have gained ( it is thought ) more than the new found land iobbers . codfish in these seas are larger than in new found land , six or seaven making a quintall , whereas there they have fifteene to the same weight ; and though this they seeme a base and more contemptible commoditie in the judgement of more neate adventurers , yet it hath bin the enrichment of other nations , and and is likely to prove no small commoditie to the planters , and likewise to england if it were thorowly undertaken . salt may be had from the salt islands , and as is supposed may be made in the countrey . the chiefe fish for trade is cod , but for the use of the countrey , there is all manner of fish as followeth . the king of waters , the sea shouldering whale , the snuffing grampus , with the oyly seale , the storme praesaging porpus , herring-hogge , line shearing sharke , the catfish , and sea dogge , the scale-fenc'd sturgeon , wry mouthd hollibut , the flounsing sammon , codfish , greedigut : cole , haddocke , hag● , the thornebacke , and the scate , whose slimie outside makes him selde in date , the stately basse old neptunes fleeting post , that tides it out and in from sea to coast. consorting herrings , and the bony shad , big bellied alewives , machrills richly clad with rainebow colours , th'frost fish and the smelt , as good as ever lady gustus felt . the spotted lamprons , eeles , the lamperies , that seeke fresh water brookes with argus eyes : these waterie villagers with thousands more , doe passe and repasse neare the verdant shore . kinds of all shel-fish . the luscious lobster , with the crabfish raw , the brinish oister , muscle , periwigge , and tortoise sought for by the indian squaw , which to the flats daunce many a winters iigge , to dive for cocles , and to digge for clamms , whereby her lazie husbands guts s●ee cramms . to omit such of these as are not usefull , therefore not to be spoken of , and onely to certifie you of such as be usefull . first the seale which is that which is called the sea calfe , his skinne is good for divers uses , his body being betweene fish and flesh , it is not very delectable to the pallate , or congruent with the stomack ; his oyle is very good to burne in lampes , of which he affoards a great deale . the sharke is a kinde of fish as bigge as a man , some as bigge as a horse , with three rowes of teeth within his mouth , with which he snaps asunder the fishermans lines , if he be not very circumspect : this fish will leape at a mans hand if it be over board , and with his teeth snap off a mans legge or hand if he be a swimming ; these are often taken , being good for nothing but to put on the ground for manuring of land . the sturgions be all over the countrey , but the best catching of them be upon the shoales of cape codde , and in the river of mirrimacke , where much is taken , pickled and brought for england , some of these be 12.14.18 . foote long : i set not downe the price of fish there , because it is so cheape , so that one may have as much for two pence , as would give him an angell in england . the sammon is as good as it is in england and in great plenty . the hollibut is not much unlike a pleace or turbut , some being two yards long , and one wide : and a foot thicke ; the plenty of better fish makes these of little esteeme , except the head and finnes , which stewed or baked is very good : these hollibuts be little set by while basse is in season . thornebacke and scates is given to the dogges , being not counted worth the dressing in many places . the basse is one of the best fishes in the countrey , and though men are soone wearied with other fish , yet are they never with basse ; it is a delicate , fine , fat , fast fish , having a bone in his head , which containes a sawcerfull of marrow sweet and good , pleasant to the pallat , and wholsome to the stomack . when there be great store of them , we onely eate the heads , and salt up the bodies for winter , which exceedes ling or haberdine . of these fishes some be three and some foure foot long , some bigger , some lesser : at some tides a man may catch a dozen or twenty of these in three houres , the way to catch them is with hooke and line : the fisherman taking a great cod-line , to which he fastneth a peece of lobster , and throwes it into the sea , the fish biting at it he pulls her to him , and knockes her on the head with a sticke . these are at one time ( when alewives passe up the rivers ) to be catched in rivers , in lobster time at the rockes , in macrill time in the bayes , at michelmas in the seas . when they use to tide it in and out to the rivers and creekes , the english at the top of an high water do crosse the creekes with long scanes or basse netts , which stop in the fish ; and the water ebbing from them they are left on the dry ground , sometimes two or three thousand at a set , which are salted up against winter , or distributed to such as have present occasion either to spend them in their houses , or use them for their ground . the herrings be much like them that be caught on the english coasts . alewives be a kind of fish which is much like a herring , which in the latter end of aprill come up to the fresh rivers to spawne , in such multitudes as is allmost incredible , pressing up in such shallow waters as will scarce permit them to swimme , having likewise such longing desire after the fresh water ponds , that no beatings with poles , or forcive agitations by other devices , will cause them to returne to the sea , till they have cast their spawne . the shaddes be bigger than the english shaddes and fatter . the macrells be of two sorts , in the beginning of the yeare are great ones , which be upon the coast ; some are 18. inches long . in summer as in may , iune , iuly , and august , come in a smaller kind of them : these macrills are taken with drailes which is a long small line , with a lead and hooke at the end of it , being baited with a peece of red cloath : this kind of fish is counted a leane fish in england , but there it is so fat , that it can scarce be saved against winter without reisting . there be a great store of salt water eeles , especially in such places where grasse growes : for to take these there be certaine eele pots made of osyers , which must be baited with a peece of lobster , into which the eeles entring cannot returne backe againe : some take a bushell in a night in this manner , eating as many as they have neede of for the present , and salt up the rest against winter . these eeles be not of so luscious a tast as they be in england , neyther are they so aguish , but are both wholesome for the body , and delightfull for the taste : lamprons and lampreyes be not much set by ; lobsters be in plenty in most places , very large ones , some being 20. pound in weight ; these are taken at a low water amongst the rockes , they are very good fish , the small ones being the best , their plenty makes them little esteemed and seldome eaten . the indians get many of them every day for to baite their hookes withall , and to eate when they can get no basse : the oisters be great ones in forme of a shoo horne , some be a foote long , these breede on certaine bankes that are bare every spring tide . this fish without the shell is so big that it must admit of a devision before you can well get it into your mouth . the perewig is a kind of fish that lyeth in the oaze like a head of haire , which being touched conveyes it selfe leaving nothing to bee seene but a small round hole . muscles be in great plenty , left onely for the hogges , which if they were in england would be more esteemed of the poorer sort . clamms or clamps is a shel-fish not much unlike a cockle , it lyeth under the sand , every six or seaven of them having a round hole to take ayre and receive water at . when the tide ebs and flowes , a man running over these clamm bankes will presently be made all wet , by their spouting of water out of those small holes : these fishes be in great plenty in most places of the countrey , which is a great commoditie for the feeding of swine , both in winter , and summer ; for being once used to those places , they will repaire to them as duely every ebbe , as if they were driven to them by keepers : in some places of the countrey there bee clamms as bigge as a pennie white loafe , which are great dainties amongst the natives , and would bee in good esteeme amongst the english , were it not for better fish . chap. x. of the severall plantations in particular . having described the situation of the countrey in generall , with all his commodities arising from land and sea , it may adde to your content and satisfaction to be informed of the situation of every severall plantation , with his conveniences , commodities , and discommodities , &c. where first i will begin with the outmost plantation in the patent to the south ward , which is called wessagutus an indian name : this as yet is but a small village , yet it is very pleasant , and healthfull , very good ground , and is well timbred , and hath good store of hey ground ; it hath a very spacious harbour for shipping before the towne ; the salt water being navigable for boates & pinnaces two leagues . here the inhabitants have good store of fish of all sorts , and swine , having acornes and clamms at the time of yeare ; here is likewise an alewife river . three miles to the north of this is mount walleston , a very fertile soyle , and a place very convenient for farmers houses , there being great store of plaine ground , without trees . this place is called massachusets fields where the greatest sagamore in the countrey lived , before the plague , who caused it to be cleared for himselfe . the greatest inconvenience is , that there is not very many springs , as in other places of the countrey , yet water may bee had for digging : a second inconvenience is , that boates cannot come in at a low water , nor ships ride neare the shore . sixe miles further to the north , lieth dorchester ; which is the greatest towne in new england ; well woodded and watered ; very good arable grounds , and hay-ground , faire corne-fields , and pleasan● gardens , with kitchin-gardens . in this plantation is a great many cattle , as kine , goats , and swine . this plantation hath a reasonable harbour for ships : here is no alewife-river , which is a great inconvenience . the inhabitants of this towne , were the first that set upon the trade of fishing in the bay , who received so much fruite of their labours , that they encouraged others to the same undertakings . a mile from this towne lieth roxberry , which is a faire and handsome countrey-towne ; the inhabitants of it being all very rich . this towne lieth upon the maine , so that it is well woodded and watered ; having a cleare and fresh brooke running through the towne : vp which although there come no alewiues , yet there is great store of smelts , and therefore it is called smelt-brooke . a quarter of a mile to the north-side of the towne , is another river called stony-river ; upon which is built a water-●●●●ne . here is good ground for corne , and medow for cattle : vp westward from the towne it is something rocky , whence it hath the name of roxberry ; the inhabitants have faire houses , store of cattle , impaled corne-fields , and fruitfull gardens . here is no harbour for ships , because the towne is seated in the bottome of a shallow bay , which is made by the necke of land on which boston is built ; so that they can transport all their goods from the ships in boats from boston , which is the nearest harbour . boston is two miles north-east from roxberry : his situation is very pleasant , being a peninsula , hem'd in on the south-side with the bay of roxberry , on the north-side with gla●ly-river , the marshes on the backe-side , being not halfe a quarter of a mile over ; so that a little fencing will secure their cattle from the woolues . their greatest wants be wood , and medow-ground , which never were in that place ; being constrayned to fetch their building-timber , and fire-wood from the ilands in boates , and their hay in loyters : it being a necke and bare of wood : they are not troubled with three great annoyances , of woolves , rattle-snakes , and musketoes . these that live here upon their cattle , must be constrayned to take farmes in the countrey , or else they cannot subsist ; the place being too small to containe many , and fittest for such as can trade into england , for such commodities as the countrey wants , being the chiefe place for shipping and merchandize . this necke of land is not above foure miles in compasse , in forme almost squ●re , having on the south-side at one corner , a great broad hill , whereon is planted a fort , which can command any ship as shee say●es into any harbour within the still bay. on the north-side is another hill , equall in bignesse , whereon stands a winde-mill . to the north-west is a high mountaine with three little rising hils on the top of it , wherefore it is called the tramount . from the top of this mountaine a man may over-looke all the ilands which lie before the bay , and discry such ships as are upon the sea-coast . this towne although it be neither the greatest , nor the richest , yet it is the most noted and fr●quented , being the center of the plantations where the monthly courts are kept . here like●●●● dwe●ls the governour : this place hath very good land , affording rich corne-fields , and fruitefull gardens ; having likewise sweete and pleasant springs . the inhabitants of this place for their enlargement , have taken to themselves farme-houses , in a place called muddy-river , two miles from their towne ; where is good ground , large timber , and store of marsh-land , and medow . in this place they keepe their swine and other cattle in the summer , whilst the corne is on the ground at boston , and bring them to the towne in winter . on the north-side of charles river is charles towne , which is another necke of land , on whose north-side runs misticke-river . this towne for all things , may be well paralel'd with her neighbour boston , being in the same fashion with her bare necke , and constrained to borrow conveniences from the maine , and to provide for themselves farmes in the countrey for their better subsistance . at this towne there is kept a ferry-boate , to conveigh passengers over charles river , which betweene the two townes is a quarter of a mile over , being a very deepe channell . here may ride forty ships at a time . vp higher it is a broad bay , being above two miles betweene the shores , into which runnes stony-river , and muddy-river . towards the south-west in the middle of this bay , is a great oyster-banke : towards the north-west of this bay is a great creeke , upon whose shore is situated the village of medford , a very fertile and pleasant place , and fit for more inhabitants than are yet in it . this towne is a mile and a halfe from charles towne , and at the bottome of this bay the river beginnes to be narrower , being but halfe a quarter of a mile broad . by the side of this river is built new-towne , which is three miles by land from charles towne , and a league and a halfe by water . this place was first intended for a city , but upon more serious considerations it was not thought so fit , being too farre from the sea ; being the greatest inconvenience it hath . this is one of the nearest and best compacted townes in new england , having many faire structures , with many handsome contrived streets . the inhabitants most of them are very rich , and well stored with cattell of all sorts ; having many hundred acres of ground paled in with one generall fence , which is about a mile and a halfe long , which secures all their weaker cattle from the wilde beasts . on the other side of the river lieth all their medow and marsh-ground for hay . halfe a mile westward of this plantation , is water-towne ; a place nothing inferiour for land , wood , medow , and water to new-towne . within halfe a mile of this towne is a great pond , which is divided betweene those two townes , which divides their bounds northward . a mile and a halfe from this towne , is a fall of fresh waters , which conveigh themselves into the ocean through charles river . a little below this fall of waters , the inhabitants of water-towne have built a wayre to catch fish , wherein they take great store of shads and alewives . in two tydes they have gotten one hundred thousand of those fishes : this is no small benefit to the plantation : ships of small burden may come up to these two townes , but the oyster-bankes doe barre out the bigger ships . the next towne is misticke , which is three miles from charles towne by land , and a league and a halfe by water : it is seated by the waters side very pleasantly ; there be not many houses as yet . at the head of this river are great and spacious ponds , whither the alewives preasse to spawne . this being a noted place for that kinde of fish , the english resort thither to take them . on the west side of this river the governour hath a farme , where he keepes most of his cattle . on the east side is maister craddockes plantation , where he hath impaled a parke , where he keepes his cattle , till he can store it with deere : here likewise he is at charges of building ships . the last yeare one was upon the stockes of a hundred tunne , that being finished , they are to build one twice her burden . ships without either ballast or loading , may floate downe this river ; otherwise the oyster-banke would hinder them which crosseth the channell . the last towne in the still bay , is winnisimet ; a very sweet place for situation , and stands very commodiously , being fit to entertaine more planters than are yet seated : it is within a mile of charles towne , the river onely parting them . the chiefe ilands which keepe out the winde and the sea from disturbing the harbours , are first deare iland , which lies wirhin a flight-shot of pullin-point . this iland is so called , because of the deare which often swimme thither from the maine , when they are chased by the woolves : some have killed sixteene deere in a day upon this iland . the opposite shore is called pullin-point , because that is the usuall channel . boats use to passe thorow into the bay ; and the tyde being very strong , they are constrayned to goe ashore , and hale their boats by the sea●ing , or roades , whereupon it was called pullin-point . the next iland of note is long iland , so called from his longitude . divers other ilands be within these : viz. nodles ile , round i le , the governours garden , where is planted an orchard and a vine-yard , with many other conveniences ; and slate-iland , glasse-iland , bird-iland , &c. these iles bound with woods , and water , and medow-ground ; and whatsoever the spacious fertile maine affords . the inhabitants use to put their cattle in these for safety , viz. their rammes , goates , and swine , when their corne is on the ground . those townes that lie without the bay , are a great deale nearer the maine , and reape a greater benefit from the sea , in regard of the plenty both of fish and fowle , which they receive from thence : so that they liue more comfortably , and at lesse charges , than those that are more remote from the sea in the land-plantations . the next plantation is saugus , sixe miles north-east from winnesimet : this towne is pleasant for situation , seated at the bottome of a bay , which is made on the one side with the surrounding shore , and on the other side with a long sandy beach . this sandy beach is two miles long at the end , whereon is a necke of land called nahant : it is sixe miles in circumference ; well woodded with oakes , pines , and cedars : it is beside well watered , having beside the fresh springs , a great pond in the middle ; before which is a spacious marsh. in this necke is store of good ground , fit for the plow ; but for the present it is onely used for to put young cattle in , and weather-goates , and swine , to secure them from the woolues : a few posts and rayles from the low water-markes to the shore , keepes out the woolves , and keepes in the cattle . one blacke william , an indian duke , out of his generosity gave this place in generall to this plantation of saugus , so that no other can appropriate it to himselfe . vpon the south-side of the sandy beach the sea beateth , which is a true prognostication , to presage stormes and foule weather , and the breaking up of the frost : for when a storme hath beene , or is likely to be , it will roare like thunder , being heard sixe miles ; and after stormes casts up great store of great clammes , which the indians taking out of their shels , carry home in baskets . on the north-side of this bay is two great marshes , which are made two by a pleasant river which runnes betweene them . northward up this river , goes great store of alewives , of which they make good red herrings ; in so much that they have beene at charges to make a wayre , and a herringhouse , to dry these herrings in ; the last yeare were dryed some 4 or 5 last for an experiment , which proved very good ; this is like to prove a great inrichment to the land , ( being a staple commoditie in other countries ) for there be such innumerable companies in every river , that i have seene ten thousand taken in two houres by two men , without any weire at all , saving a few stones to stone their passage up the river . there likewise come sto●e of basse , which the indians and english catch with hooke and line , some fifty or threescore at a tide . at the mouth of this river runnes up a great creeke into that great marsh , which is called rumny marsh , which is 4 miles long and a miles broad ; halfe of it being marsh ground and halfe upland grasse , without tree or bush : this marsh is crossed with divers creekes , wherein lye great store of geese , and duckes . there be convenient lands for the planting of duckcoyes . here is likewise belonging to this place divers fresh meddowes , which afford good grasse and foure spacious ponds like little lakes , wherein is store of fresh fish : within a mile of the towne , out of which runnes a curious fresh brooke that is seldome frozen by reason of the warmenesse of the water ; upon this streame is built a water milne , and up this river comes smelts and frost fish much bigger than a gudgion . for wood there is no want , there being store of good oakes , wallnut , caedar , aspe , elme ; the ground is very good , in many places without trees , fit for the plough . in this plantation is more english tillage , than in all new england , and virginia besides ; which proved as well as could bee expected , the corne being very good especially the barly , rye , and oates . the land affordeth the inhabitants as many ratities as any place else , and the sea more : the basse continuing from the middle of aprill to michaelmas , which stayes not above half that time in the bay : besides here is a great deale of rockcod and macrill , insomuch that shoales of basse have driven up shoales of macrill from one end of the sandie brech to the other , which the inhabitants have gathered up in wheel-barrowes . the bay that lyeth before the towne at a low spring tyde , will be all flatts for two miles together , upon which is great store of muscle banckes , and clam bancks , and lobsters amongst the rockes and grassie holes . these flatts make it unnavigable for shippes , yet at high water great boates , loiters , and pinnaces of 20 , and 30 tun , may saile up to the plantation , but they neede have a skilfull pilote , because of many dangerous rockes and foaming breakers , that lye at the mouth of that bay. the very aspect of the place is fortification enough to keepe off an unknowne enemie , yet may it be fortified at a little charge , being but few landing places there about , and those obscure . foure miles northeast from sangus lyeth salem , which stands on the middle of a necke of land very pleasantly , having a south river on the one side , and a north river on the other side : upon this necke where the most of the houses stand is very bad and s●ndie ground , yet for seaven yeares together it hath brought forth exceeding good corne , by being fished but every third yeare ; in some places is very good ground , and very good timber , and divers springs hard by the sea side . here likewise is store of fish , as basses , eeles , lobsters , clammes , &c. although their land be none of the best , yet beyond those rivers is a very good soyle , where they have taken farmes , and get their hay , and plant their corne ; there they crosse these rivers with small cannowes , which are made of whole pine trees , being about two foot & a half over , and 20. foote long : in these likewise they goe a fowling , sometimes two leagues to sea ; there be more cannowes in this towne than in all the whole patent ; every houshould having a water-house or two . this towne wants an alewife river , which is a great inconvenience ; it hath two good harbours , the one being called winter , and the other summer harbour , which lyeth within derbies fort , which place if it were well fortified , might keepe shippes from landing of forces in any of those two places . marvill head is a place which lyeth 4 miles full south from salem , and is a very convenient place for a plantation , especially for such as will set upon the trade of fishing . there was made here a ships loading of fish the last yeare , where still stands the stages , and drying scaffolds ; here be good harbour for boates , and safe riding for shippes , agowamme is nine miles to the north from salem , which is one of the most spatious places for a plantation , being neare the sea , it aboundeth with fish , and flesh of fowles and beasts , great meads and marshes and plaine plowing grounds , many good rivers and harbours and no rattle snakes . in a word , it is the best place but one , which is merrimacke , lying 8 miles beyond it , where is a river 20 leagues navigable , all along the river side is fresh marshes , in somes places 3 miles broad . in this river is sturgeon , sammon , and basse , and divers other kinds of fish . to conclude , the countrie hath not that which this place cannot yeeld . so that these two places may containe twice as many people as are yet in new england : there being as yet scarce any inhabitants in these two spacious places . three miles beyond the river of merrimacke is the outside of our patent for the massachusetts bay. these be all the townes that were begun , when i came for england , which was the 15 of august 1633. chap. xi . of the evills , and such things as are hurtfull in the plantation . i have informed you of the country in generall and of every plantation in particular , with their commodities and wherein one excelleth another . now that i may be every way faithfull to my reader in this worke , i will as fully and truely relate to you what is evill , and of most annoyance to the inhabitants . first those which bring most prejudice to their estates are the ravenons woolves , which destroy the weaker cattell , but of these you have heard before : that which is most injurious to the person and life of man is a rattle snake which is generally a yard and a halfe long , a● thicke in the middle as the small of a mans legge , she hath a yellow belly , her backe being spotted with blacke , russet , yellow , and greene colours , placed like scales ; at her taile is a rattle , with which she makes a noyse when she is molested , or when she seeth any approach neere her , her necke seemes to be no thicker than a mans thumbe yet can she swallow a squerill , having a great wide mouth , with teeth as sharpe as needles , wherewith she biteth such as tread upon her : her poyson lyeth in her teeth , for she hath no sting . when any man is bitten by any of these creatures , the poyson spreads so suddenly through the veines & so runs to the heart , that in one houre it causeth death , unlesse he hath the antidote to expell the poyson , which is a root called snakeweed , which must be champed , the spittle swallowed , and the root applyed to the sore ; this is present cure against that which would be present death without it : this weed is ranck poyson , if it be taken by any man that is not bitten : whosoever is bittē by these snakes his flesh becomes as spotted as a leaper untill hee be perfectly cured . it is reported that if the party live that is bitten , the snake will dye , and if the partie die , the snake will live . this is a most poysonous and dangerous creature , yet nothing so bad as the report goes of him in england . for whereas he is sayd to kill a man with his breath , and that he can flye , there is no such matter , for he is naturally the most sleepie and unnimble creature that lives , never offering to leape or bite any man , if he be not troden on first , and it is their desire in hot weather to lye in pathes , where the sunne may shine on them , where they will sleepe so soundy that i have knowne foure men stride over one of them , and never awake her : 5 or 6 men have beene bitten by them , which by using of snakeweede were all cured , never any yet losing his life by them . cowes have beene bitten , but being cut in divers places , and this weede thrust into their flesh were cured , i never heard of any beast that was yet lost by any of them , saving one mare . a small switch will easily kill one of these snakes . in many places of the countrie there bee none of them , as at plimouth , newtowne , igowamme , nahant , &c. in some places they will live on one side of the river , and swimming but over the water , as soone as they be come into the woods , they turne up their yellow bellies and dye . vp into the countrey westward from the plantations is a high hill , which is called rattlesnake hill , where there is great store of these poysonous creatures . there be divers other kinde of snakes , one whereof is a great long blacke snake , two yards in length which will glide through the woods very swiftly ; these never doe any hurt , neither doth any other kinde of snakes molest either man or beast . these creatures in the winter time creepe into clifts of rockes and into holes under ground , where they lyd close till may or iune . here likewise bee great store of frogs , which in the spring doe chirpe and whistle like a bird , and at the latter end of summer croake like our english frogges . heere be also toades which will climbe the topes of high trees where they will sit croaking , to the wonderment of such as are not acquainted with them . i never saw any wormes or moles , but pismires and spiders be there . there are likewise troublesome flies . first there is a wilde bee or waspe , which commonly guards the grape , building by cobweb habitation amongst the leaves : secondly a great greene flye , not much unlike our horse flyes in england ; they will nippe so sore that they wil fetch blood either of man or beast , and be most troublesome where most cattle be , which brings them from out of the woods to the houses ; this flye continues but for the moneth of iune . the third is gurnipper which is a small blacke fly no bigger than a flea ; her biting causeth an itching upon the hands or face , which provoketh scratching which is troublesome to some ; this fly is busie but in close mornings or evenings , and continues not above three weekes , the least winde or heate expells them . the fourth is a musketor which is not unlike to our gnats in england ; in places where there is no thicke woods or swampes , there is none or very few . in new plantations they be troublesome for the first yeare , but the wood dec●ying they vanish ● these flies cannot endure winde , heate or cold , so that these are onely troublesome in close thicke weather , and against raine many that be bitten will fall a scratching , whereupon their faces and hands swell . others are never troubled with them at all : those likewise that swell with their biting the first yere , never swell the second : for my owne part i have bin troubled as much with them or some like them , in the country of england as ever i was there : here be the flies that are called c●antharides , so much esteemed of chirurgions , with divers kinds of butterflies . thus have you heard of the worst of the countrey : but some peradventure may say no , and reply that they have heard that the people have beene often driven to great wants and extremities ; to which i answer , it is true that some have lived for a certaine time with a little bread , other without any , yet all this argues nothing against the countrey in it selfe , but condemnes the folly and improvidence of such as would venture into so rude and unmanaged a countrey , without so much provisions as should have comfortably maintained them in health and strength till by their labours they had brought the land to yeeld his fruite . i have my selfe heard some say that they heard it was a rich land , a brave country , but when they came there they could see nothing but a few canvis boothes & old houses , supposing at the first to have found walled townes , fortifications and corne fields , as if townes could have built themselves , or corne fields have growne of themselves , without the husbandrie of man. these men missing of their expectations , returned home and railed against the country . others may object that of late time there hath beene great want ; i denie it not , but looke to the originall , and tell me from whence it came . the roote of their want sprung up in england , for many hundreds hearing of the plenty of the country , were so much their owne foes and countries hindrance , as to come without provision ; which made things both deare and scant : wherefore let none blame the co●ntry so much as condemne the indiscreetnesse of such as will needs runne themselves upon hardship . and i dare further assure any that will carrie provision enough for a yeare and a halfe , shall not neede to feare want , if he either be industrious himselfe , or have industrious agents to mannage his estate and affaires . and whereas many doe disparrage the land saying a man cannot live without labour , in that they more disparage and discredit themselves , in giving the world occasion to take notice of their droanish disposition , that would live of the sweate of another mans browes : surely they were much deceived , or else ill informed , that ventured thither in hope to live in plenty and idlenesse , both at a time : and it is as much pitty as he that can worke and will not , should eate , as it is pitty that he that would worke and cannot , should fast . i condemne not such therefore as are now there , and are not able to worke ; but i advise for the future those men that are of weake constitutions to keepe at home , if their estates cannot maintaine servants . for all new england must be workers in some kinde : and whereas it hath beene formerly reported that boyes of tenne or a twelve yeares of age might doe much more than get their living , that cannot be , for he must have more than a boyes head , and no lesse than a mans strength , that intends to live comfortably ; and hee that hath understanding and industrie , with a stocke of an hundered pound , shall live better there , than he shall doe here of twenty pound per annum . but many i know will say if it be thus , how comes it to passe then that they are so poore ? to which i answere , that they are poore but in comparison , compare them with the rich merchants or great landed men in england , and then i know they will seeme poore . there is no probability they should be exceeding rich , because none of such great estate went over yet ; besides , a man of estate must first scatter before he gather , he must lay out monies for transporting of servants , and cattle and goods , for houses and fences and gardens , &c. this may make his purse seeme light , and to the eye of others seeme a leaking in his estate , whereas these disbursments are for his future enrichments : for he being once well seated and quietly setled , his increase comes in double ; and howsoever they are accounted poore , they are well contented , and looke not so much at abundance , as a competencie ; so little is the poverty of the country , that i am perswaded if many in england which are constrained to begge their bread were there , they would live better than many doe here , that have money to buy it . furthermore when corne is scarse , yet may they have either or flesh for their labour : and surely that place is not miserably poore to them that are there , where foure egges may be had for a penny , and a quart of new milke at the same rate : where butter is sixe-pence a pound , and cheshire-cheese at five pence ; sure middlesex affoords london no better penny-worths . what though there be no such plenty , as to cry these things in the streetes ? yet every day affords these penny-worths to those that neede them in most places . i dare not say in all : can they be very poore , where for foure thousand soules , there are fifteene hundred head of cattle , besides foure thousand goates , and swine innumerable ? in an ill sheepe-yeare i have knowne mutton as deere in old-england , and deerer than goates-flesh is in new-england , which is altogether as good if fancy be set aside . chap. xii . what provision is to be made for a iourney at sea , and and what to carry with us for our use at land. many peradventure at the looking over of these relations , may have inclinations or resolution for the voyage , to whom i wish all prosperity in their undertakings ; although i will use no forcive arguments to perswade any , but leave them to the relation ; yet by way of advice , i would commend to them a few lines from the pen of experience . and because the way to new england is over sea , it will not be amisse to give you directions , what is most necessary to bee carried . many i suppose , know as well , or better than my selfe ; yet all doe not , to those my directions tend ; although every man have ship-provisions allowed him for his five pound a man , which is salt beefe , porke , salt fish , butter , cheese , pease , pottage , water-grewell , and such kinde of victuals , with good biskets , and sixe-shilling beere : yet will it be necessary , to carry some comfortable refreshing of fresh victuall . as first , for such as have ability , some conserved , and good clarret wine to burne at sea : or you may have it by some of your vintners or wine-coopers burned here , & put up into vessels , which will keepe much better than other burnt wine , is a very comfortable thing for the stomacke ; or such as are sea-sicke : sallet-oyle likewise . prunes are good to be stewed ; sugar for many things : white biskets , and egs , and bacon , rice , poultry , and some weather-sheepe to kill aboard the ship ; and fine flowre-baked meates , will keepe about a weeke or nine dayes at sea. iuyce of lemons well put up , is good either to prevent or cure the scurvy . here it must not be forgotten to carry small skillets , or pipkins , and small frying-panns , to dresse their victuals in at sea. for bedding , so it be easie , and cleanely , and warme , it is no matter how old or coarse it be for the use of the sea ; and so likewise for apparrell , the oldest cloathes be the fittest , with a long coarse coate , to keepe better things from the pitched ropes and plankes . whosoever shall put to sea in a stoute and well-conditioned ship , having an honest master , and loving seamen , shall not neede to feare , but he shall finde as good content at sea , as at land. it is too common with many to feare the sea more than they neede , and all such as put to sea , confesse it to be lesse tedious than they either feared or expected . a ship at sea may well be compared to a cradle , rocked by a carefull mothers hand , which though it be moved up and downe , yet is it not in danger of falling : so a ship may often be rocked too and againe upon the troublesome sea , yet seldome doth it sinke or over-turne , because it is kept by that carefull hand of providence by which it is rocked . it was never knowne yet , that any ship in that voyage was cast away , or that ever fell into the enemies hand . for the health of passengers it hath beene observed , that of sixe hundred soules , not above three or foure haue dyed at sea : it is probable in such a company , more might have dyed either by sicknesse or casualities , if they had stayed at home . for women , i see not but that they doe as well as men , and young children as well as either ; having their healths as well a● sea as at land : many likewise which have come with such foule bodies to sea , as did make their dayes uncomfortable at land , have beene so purged and clarified at sea , that they have beene more healthfull for after-times ; their weake appetites being turned to good stomackes , not onely desiring , but likewise disgesting such victuals as the sea affords . secondly , for directions for the countrey , it is not to be feared , but that men of good estates may doe well there ; alwayes provided , that they goe wel accommodated with servants . in which i would not wish them to take over-many : tenne or twelve lusty servants being able to mannage an estate of two or three thousand pound . it is not the multiplicity of many bad servants , ( which presently eates a man out of house and harbour , as lamentable experience hath made manifest ) but the industry of the faithfull and diligent labourer , that enricheth the carefull master ; so that he that hath many dronish servants ▪ shall soone be poore ; and he that hath an industrious family , shall as soone be rich . now for the incouragement of his men , he must not doe as many have done , ( more through ignorance than desire ) carry many mouthes , and no meate ; but rather much meate for a few mouthes . want of due maintenance produceth nothing but a grumbling spirit with a sluggish idlenesse , when as those servants which be well provided for , goe thorough their imployments with speede and cheerefulnesse . for meale , it will be requisite to carry a hogshead and a halfe , for every one that is a labourer , to keepe him till hee may receive the fruite of his owne labours , which will be a yeare and a halfe after his arrivall , if hee land in may or iune . he must likewise carry malt , beefe ▪ butter , cheese , some pease , good wines , vinegar , strong-waters , &c. whosoever transports more of these than he himselfe useth , his over-plus being sold , will yeeld as much profit as any other staple commodity . euery man likewise must carry over good store of apparrell ; for if he come to buy it there , he shall finde it dearer than in england . woollen-cloth is a very good cōmodity , and linnen better ; as holland , lockram , flaxen , hempen , callico stuffes , linsey-woolfies , and blew callicoe , greene sayes for housewives aprons , hats , bootes , shooes , good irish stockings , which if they be good , are much more serviceable than knit-ones . all kind of grocery wares , as sugar , prunes , raisons , currants , honey , nutmegs , clover , &c. sope , candles , and lamps , &c. all manner of houshold stuffe is very good trade there , as pewter and brasse , but great iron-pots be preferred before brasse , for the use of that country . warming-pannes and stewing-pannes bee of necessary use , and good trafficke there . all manner of iron-wares , as all manner of nailes for houses , and all manner of spikes for building of boates , ships , and fishing stages : all manner of tooles for workemen , hoes for planters , broad and narrow for setting and weeding ; with axes both broad an● pitching-axes . all manner of anger 's , piercing bits , whip-saws , two-handed saws , froes , both for the riving of pailes and laths , rings for beetles heads , and iron-wedges ; though all these be made in the countrey : ( there being divers blacke-smiths ) yet being a heavy commodity , and taking but a little stoage , it is cheaper to carry such commodities out of england . glasse ought not to be forgotten of any that desire to benefit themselves , or the countrey : if it be well leaded , and carefully pack't up , i know no commodity better for portage or sayle . here likewise must not be forgotten all vtensils for the sea , as barbels , splitting-knives , leads , and cod-hookes , and lines , machrill-hooks and lines , sharke-hookes , seanes , or basse nets , large and strong ; herring-nets , &c. such as would eate fowle , must not forget their sixe-foote gunnes , their good powder and shot , of all sorts ; a great round shot called bastable-shot , is the best ▪ being made of a blacker lead than ordinary shot : furthermore , good pooldavies to make sayles for boates , roads , and anchors for boates and pinnaces , be good ; sea-coale , iron , lead , and mil-stones , flints , ordonances , and whatsoever a man can conceive is good for the countrey , that will lie a● ballast , he cannot be a loser by it . and lest i should forget a thing of so great importance , no man must neglect to provide for himselfe , or those belonging to him , his munition for the defence of himselfe and the countrey . for there is no man there that beares a head , but that beares military armes ; even boyes of fourteene yeares of age , are practised with men in militarie discipline , every three weeks . who soever shall carrie over drummes and english colours , pattesons , halberds , pickes , muskets , bandelerous , with swords , shall not neede to feare good gaine for them , such things being wanting in the country : likewise whatsoever shall be needefull for fortifications of holds and castles , whereby the common enemy may be kept out in future times , is much desired . they as yet have had no great cause to feare ; but because securitie hath beene the overthrow of many a new plantation , it is their care according to their abilities , to secure themselves by fortifications , as well as they can : thus having shewed what commodities are most usefull , it will not be amisse to shew you what men be most fit for these plantations . first , men of good working , and contriving heads , a well experienced common wealths man for the good of the body politicke in matters of advice and counsell , a well skilled and industrious husbandman , for tillage and improvements of grounds ; an ingenious carpenter , a cunning ioyner , a handsome cooper , such a one as can make strong ware for the use of the countrie , and a good brickmaker , a tyler and a smith , a leather dresser , a gardner , and a taylour : one that hath good skill in the trade of fishing , is of speciall use , and so is a good fowler , if there be any that hath skill in any of these trades , if he can transport himselfe , he needs not feare but he may improve his time and endeavours to his owne benefit , and comfort ; if any cannot transport himselfe , he may provide himselfe of an honest master , and so may doe as well . there is is as much freedome and liberty for servants as in england and more too ; a wronged servant shall have right volens nolens from his injurious master , and a wronged master shall have right of his injurious servant , as well as here : wherefore let no servant be discouraged from the voyage , that intends it . and now whereas it is generally reported , that servants and poore men grow rich , and the masters and gentrie grow poore ; i must needs confesse that ●he diligent hand makes rich , and that labouring men having good store of employments , and as good pay ▪ live well , and contentedly ; but i cannot perceive that those that set them a worke are any way impoverished by them ; peradventure they have lesse monie by reason of them , but never the lesse riches ; a mans worke well done being more beneficiall than his monie , or other dead commodities , which otherwise would lye by him to no purpose . many men be so improvident as to set men about building of castles in the aire , or other unnecessary employments , he may grow poore ; but such as employ labourers about planting of corne , building of houses , fenceing in of ground , fishing , and divers other necessary occasions , shall receive as much or more by poore mens labours , than those that live in england doe from the industrie of such as they hire : wherefore i doe suppose this to be but the surmisings of some that are ignorant of the state of the countrey , or else misinformed by some ill willers to the plantations . many objections i know are daily invented , to hinder the proceedings of these new plantations , which may dampe the unsetled spirits of such as are not greatly affected with those undertakings ; some say the spaniard layes claime to the whole country , being the first discoverer hereof , and that he may make invasion upon those parts as well as he hath done upon s. christophers , and s. martins , and those places : but it doth not follow that because he tooke such places as lay just in his way to the west indies , that hee should come thousands of miles with a great navie to plant●tions , as yet not worth the pillage : and when the plantations are growne noted in the eyes of the common foes for wealth , it is hoped that when the bees have honie in their hives , they will have stings in their tailes . hath not virginia beene planted many yeares which is foure hundred miles nearer the spaniards course , and yet never met with any affrontments ; so that this scruple smells of feare and pusill-animitie . to wipe away all groundlesse calumniations , and to answer to every too too curious objections , and frivolous question ( some so simple as not ashamed to aske whether the sunne shines there or no ) were to run in infinitum ; but i hope that the severall manuscripts and letters , and informations by word of mouth from such of our honest countrimen which daily have recourse unto us , have given full satisfaction to such as are well willers to the plantations : and for such as are estrang●d to it in affection , if every word that hath beene eyther writ or spoken were a forcive argument , yet would it be two little to steddie their beleefe in any one particular concerning the country . some are nimble eared to heare faults , and so ready tongued to publish them , yea often times with strained constructions ; a false asseveration usually winneth more beleefe than two verifying negatives can resettle : some there are who count with claudian that it is an incomparable happinesse to have their birth , life & burying in the same place : these are never likly to remove further than the shell of their owne countrie . but because there are some noble spirits that devote their states , and their persons , to the common good of their king and country , i have therefore for their direction and delight made this relation ▪ for as the end of my travell was observation , so i desire the end of my observation may tend to the information of others : as i have observed what i have seene , and written what i have observed , so doe i desire to publish what i have written , desiring it may be beneficiall to posteritie ; and if any man desire to fill himselfe at that fountaine , from whence this tasting cup was taken , his owne experience shall tell him as much as i have here related , and thus i passe from the country as it stands to the english , and come to discourse how it stands to the old natives , and they to it , as followeth . the second part . of the indians , their persons , cloathings , diet , natures , customes , lawes , mariages , worships , conjurations , warres , games , huntings , fishings , sports , language , death , and burials . chap. i. of the connectacuts , mowhacks , or such indians as are west-ward . the country as it is in relation to the indians , is divided as it were into shires , every severall division being swayde by a severall king . the indians to the east and north east , bearing the name of churchers , and tarrenteenes . these in the southerne parts be called pequants , and narraganssts ; those who are seated west-ward be called connectacuts , and mowhacks : our indians that live to the north-ward of them be called aberginians , who before the sweeping plague , were an inhabitant not fearing , but rather scorning the confrontments of such as now count them but the scumme of the country , and would soone roote them out of their native possessions were it not for the english. these are a cruell bloody people , which were wont to come downe upon their poore neighbours with more than bruitish savagenesse , spoyling of their corne , burning their houses , slaying men , ravishing women , yea very caniballs they were , sometimes eating on a man one part after another before his face , and while yet living ; in so much that the very name of a mowhack would strike the heart of a poore abergenian dead , were here not hopes at hand of releefe from english to succour them : for these inhumane homicides confesse that they dare not meddle with a white faced man , accompanyed with his hot mouth'd weapon . these indians be a people of a tall stature , of long grimme visages , slender wasted , and exceeding great armes and thighes , wherein they say their strength lyeth ; and this i rather beleeve because an honest gentleman told me , upon his knowledge , that he saw one of them with a fillippe with his finger kill a dogge , who afterward ●●●ad him and sod him , and eate him to his dinner . they are so hardie that they can eate such things as would make other indians sicke to looke upon , being destitute of fish and flesh , they suffice hunger and maintaine nature with the use of vegetatives ; but that which they most hunt after , is the flesh of man ; their custome is if they get a stranger neere their habitations , not to butcher him immediately , but keeping him in as good plight as they can , feeding him with the best victualls they have . as a neere neighboaring indian assured me , who found what he had spoke true by a lamentable experience , still wearing the cognizance of their cruelty on his naked arme , who being taken by them eate of their foode , lodged in their beds , nay he was brought forth every day , to be new painted , piped unto , and hem'd in with a ring of bare skinned morris dancers , who presented their antiques before him . in a word , when they had sported enough about this walking maypole , a rough hewne satyre cutteth a gobbit of flesh from his brawnie arme , eating it in his view , searing it with a firebrand , least the blood should be wasted before the morning , at the dawning wherof they told him they would make an end as they had begun ; hee answered that he cared as little for their threats as they did for his life , not fearing death ; wherupon they led him bound into a wigwam , where he sate as a condemned prisoner , grating his teeth for anguish being for the present so hampered , and the next day to be entombed in so many living sepulchers ; he extends his strength to the utmost , breaketh the bands from his hands , and loosing the cords from his feete , thought at once to be revenged for the flesh of his arme , and finding a hatchet , layes one with an arme of revenge to the unliving of ten men at first onset , afterward taking the opportunitie of the dead of night , fled through the woods and came to his native home , where he still lives to rehearse his happie escapall ; of the rest of their inhumane cruelties let the dutchmen , ( who live among them ) testifie , as likewise the cruell manner of leading their prisoners captive , whom they doe not onely pinnion with sharpe thongs , but likewise bore holes through thei● hamstrings , through which they thread a cord coupling ten or a dozen men together . these indians be more desperate in warres than the other indians ; which proceeds not onely from the fiercenesse of their natures , but also in that they know themselves to be better armed and weaponed ; all of them wearing sea horse skinnes and barkes of trees , made by their art as impenitrable it is thought as steele , wearing head peeces of the same , under which thy march securely and undantedly , running , and fiercely crying out , hadree hadree succomee succomee we come we come to sucke your blood , not fearing the feathered shafts of the strong-armed bow-men , but like unruly headstrong stallions beate them downe with their right hand tamahaukes , and left hand iavelins , being all the weapons which they use , counting bowes a cowardly fight . tamahaukes be staves of two foote and a halfe long , and a knob at one end as round and bigge as a footeball : a iavelin is a short speare , headed with sharpe sea-horse teeth ; one blow or thrust with these strange weapons , will not neede a second to hasten death , from a mowhackes arme . i will conclude this discourse concerning the mowhackes , in a tragicall rehearsall of one of their combates . a sagamore inhabibiting neere these canniballs , was so dayly annoyed with their injurious inhumanitie , that he must either become a tributarie subject to their tyrannie , or release himselfe from thraldome by the stroke of warre , which he was unable to wage of himselfe : wherefore with faire entreaties , plausible perswasions , forcive arguments , and rich presents he sent to other sagamores , he procured so many souldiers as summed with his owne , made his forces sixe thousand strong ; with the which he resolutely marched towards his enemies , intending either to win the horse or loose the saddle ; his enemies having heard of his designes , plotted how to confront him in his enterprize , and overthrow him by trecherie ; which they thus attempted ; knowing their enemies were to swimme over a muddie river , they divided their bands lying in ambush on both sides the river , waiting his approach , who suspected no danger looking for nothing but victory ; but immediately they were invyroned with their unexpected foes , in their greatest disadvantage : for being in the water , shoote they could not , for swimming was their action ; and when they came to the side , they could not runne away , for their feete stucke fast in the mudde , and their adversaries impaled them about , clubbing and darting all that attained the shore ; so that all were killed and captived , saving three who swimming further under the waters ( like the ducke that escapeth the spannell by diving ) untill they were out of sight of their blood thirstie foes , recovered the shoare creeping into the thickets , from whence after a little breathing and resting of their weary limbes , they marched through the woods and arrived at their owne homes , relating to their inquisitive survivers the sadde event of their warre , who a long time after deplored the death of their friends , still placed the remembrance of that day in the callender of their mishappes . chap. ii. of the tarrenteenes or the indians inhabiting eastward . the tarrenteenes saving that they eate not mans flesh , are little lesse salvage , and cruell than these canniballs : our indians doe feare them as their deadly enemies ; for so many of them as they meete they kill . about 2 yeares agoe , our indians being busie about their accustomed huntings , not suspecting them so neere their owne liberties , were on the suddaine surprized by them , some being slaine , the rest escaping to their english asylum , whither they durst not pursue them ; their sagamore was wounded by an arrow , but presently cured by english chirurgery . these indians are the more insolent , by reason they have guns which they dayly trade for with the french , ( who will sell his eyes as they say , for beaver : ) but these doe them more credit than service ; for having guns they want powder , or if they have that , they want shot , something or other being alwayes wanting ; so that they use them for little , but to salute coasting boates that come to trade , who no sooner can anchor in any harbour ; but they present them with a vollie of shot , asking for sacke and strong liquors , which they so much love since the english used to trade it with them , that they will scarse trade for any thing else , lashing out into excessive abuse , first taught by the example of some of our english who to uncloathe them of their beaver coates , clad them with the infection of swearing and drinking , which was never in fashion with them before , it being contrary to their nature to guzell downe strong drinke , or use so much as to sippe of strong-waters , vntill our bestiall example and dishonest incitation bath brought them to it ; from which i am sure hath sprung many evill consequents , as disorder , quarrels , wrongs , unconscionable and forcive wresting of beaver and wampompeage : and from over-flowing cups there hath beene a proceeding to revenge , mu●ther and over-flowing of blood . as witnesse maister wayes boate , which they sunke with stones after they had killed his son , with three more : buzzing the english in the eares , that they see it bulged against the rockes , and the men drowned in the beating surges : but afterwards being betrayed , as many as were caught , were hanged . another who was situated on richmonds iland , living as he list amongst them , making his couetous corrupt will his law ; after many abuses , was with his family one evening treacherously murthered , under a faire pretence of trade ; so that these that lived beside the law of god ▪ and their king , and the light of nature , dyed by their hands that car'd neither for god , king , nor nature . take these indians in their owne trimme and naturall disposition , and they be reported to be wise , lofty-spirited , constant in friendship to one another ; true in their promise , and more industrious than many others . chap. iii. of the pequants and narragansets , indians inhabiting southward . the pequants be a stately warlike people , of whom i never heard any misdemeanour ; but that they were iust and equall in their dealings ; not treacherous either to their country-men , or english : requiters of courtesies , affable towards the english. their next neighbours the narragansets , be at this present the most numerous people in those parts , the most rich also , and the most industrious ; being the store-house of all such kind of wild merchandize as is amongst them . these men are ●he most curious minters of their wampompeage and mowhakes , which they forme out of the inmost wreaths of pe●iwinkle-shels . the northerne , easterne , and westerne indians fetch all their coyne from these southerne mint-masters . from hence they have most of their curious pendants & bracelets ; from hence they have their great stonepipes , which wil hold a quarter of an ounce of tobacco , which they make with steele-drils and other instruments ; such is their ingenuity & dexterity , that they can imitate the english mold so accurately , that were it not for matter and colour it were hard to distinguish them ; they make thē of greene , & sometimes of blacke stone ; they be much desired of our english tobaconists , for their rarity , strength , handsomnesse , and coolnesse . hence likewise our indians had their pots wherein they used to seeth their victuals before they knew the use of brasse . since the english came , they have employed most of their time in catching of beavers , otters , and musquashes , which they bring downe into the bay , returning backe loaded with english commodities , of which they make a double profit , by selling them to more remote indians , who are ignorant at what cheape rates they obtaine them , in comparison of what they make them pay , so making their neighbours ignorance their enrichment . although these be populous , yet i never heard they were desirous to take in hand any martiall enterprize , or expose themselves to the uncertaine events of warre : wherefore the pequants call them women-like men ; but being uncapable of a jeare , they rest secure under the conceit of their popularitie , and seeke rather to grow rich by industrie , than famous by deeds of chevalry . but to leave strangers , and come to declare what is experimentally knowne of the indians , amongst whom we live : of whom in the next chapter . chap. iv. of the aberginians or indians northward . first of their stature , most of them being betweene five or six foote high , straight bodied , strongly composed , smooth skinned , merry countenanced , of complexion something more swarthy than spaniards , black hair'd , high foreheaded , blacke ey'd , out-nosed , broad shouldred , brawny arm'd , long and slender handed , out brested , small wasted , lanke bellied , well thighed , flat kneed , handsome growne l●ggs , and small feete : in a word , take them when the blood briskes in their veines , when the flesh is on their backs , and marrow in their bones , when they frolick in their antique deportments and indian postures ; and they are more amiable to behold ( though onely in adams livery ) than many a compounded phantasticke in the newest fashion . it may puzzle beliefe , to conceive how such lustie bodies should have their rise and daily supportment from so slender a fostering ; their houses being meane , their lodging as homely , commons scant , their drinke water , and nature their best cloathing ; in them the old proverbe may well be verified : ( natura paucis contenta ) for though this be their daily portion , they still are healthfull and lusty . i have beene in many places , yet did i never see one that was borne either in redundance or defect a monster , or any that sicknesse had deformed , or casualitie made decrepit , saving one that had a bleared eye , and an other that had a wenne on his cheeke . the reason is rendred why they grow so proportionable , and continue so long in their vigour ( most of them being 50 before a wrinkled brow or gray haire bewray their age ) is because they are not brought downe with suppressing labour , vexed with annoying cares , or drowned in the excessive abuse of overflowing plenty , which oftentimes kils them more than want , as may appeare in them . for when they change their bare indian commons for the plenty of englands fuller diet , it is so contrary to their stomacks , that death or a desperate sicknesse immediately accrews , which makes so few of them desirous to see england . their swarthinesse is the sun's livery , for they are borne faire . their smooth skins proceede from the often anoynting of their bodies with the oyle of fishes , and the fat of eagles , with the grease of rackoones , which they hold in summer , the best antidote to keepe their skinne from blistering with the scorching sunne ; and it is their best armour against the musketoes , the surest expeller of the hairy excrement , and stops the pores of their bodies against the nipping winters cold . their black haire is naturall , yet it is brought to a more jetty colour by oyling , dying , and daily dressing . sometimes they weare it very long , hanging down in a loose dishevel'd womanish manner ; otherwhile tied up hard and short like a horse taile , bound close with a fillet , which they say makes it grow the faster : they are not a little phantasticall or custom-sick in this particular ; their boyes being not permitted to weare their haire long till sixteene yeares of age , and then they must come to it by degrees ; some being cut with a long foretop , a long locke on the crowne , one of each side of his head , the rest of his haire being cut even with the scalpe : the young men and souldiers weare their haire long on the one side , the other side being cut short like a screw ; other cuts they have as their fancie befooles them , which would torture the wits of a curious barber to imitate . but though they be thus wedded to the haire of their head , you cannot wooe them to weare it on their chinnes , where it no sooner growes , but it is stubbed up by the rootes , for they count it as an unusefull , cumbersome , and opprobrious excrement , insomuch as they call him an english mans bastard that hath but the appearance of a beard , which some have growing in a staring fashion , like the beard of a cat , which makes them the more out of love with them , choosing rather to have no beards than such as should make them ridiculous . chap. v. of their apparell , ornaments , paintings , and other artificiall deckings . now these naked bodies may seeme too weake to withstand the assaulting heat of their parching summers , and the piercing cold of the icie winters , or it may be surmised that these earthly fabricks should be wasted to nothing by the tempestuous dashings of wind-driven raines , having neither that which may warme within , or shelter without ; yet these things they looke not after , saving a paire of indian breeches to cover that which modesty commands to be hid , which is but a peece of cloth a yard and a halfe long , put betweene their groinings , tied with a snakes skinne about their middles , one end hanging downe with a flap before , the other like a taile behinde . in the winter time the more aged of them weare leather drawers , in forme like irish trouses , fastned under their girdle with buttons ; they weare shooes likewise of their owne making cut out of a mooses hide , many of them weare skinnes about them , in forme of an irish mantle , and of these some be beares skinnes , mooses skinnes , and beaver skinnes sewed together , otter skinnes , and rackoone skinnes ; most of them in the winter having his deepe furr'd cat skinne , like a long large muffe , which hee shifts to that arme which lieth most exposed to the winde ; thus clad , hee busles better through a world of cold in a frost-paved wildernesse , than the furred citizen in his warmer stoave . if their fancie drive them to trade , they choose rather a good course blanket , thorough which they cannot see , interposing it betweene the sunne and them ; or a piece of broade cloth , which they use for a double end , making it a coate by day , and a covering by night ; they love not to be imprisoned in our english fashion : they love their owne dogge fashion better ( of shaking their eares , and being ready in a moment ) than to spend time in dressing them , though they may as well spare it as any men i know , having little else to doe . but the chiefe reasons they render why they will not conforme to our english apparell , are , because their women cannot wash them when they bee soyled , and their meanes will not reach to buy new when they have done with their old ; and they confidently beleeve , the english will not be so liberall as to furnish them upon gif●ure : therefore they had rather goe naked than be lousie , and bri●g their bodies out of their old tune , making them more tender by a new acquired habit , which poverty would constraine them to leave : although they be thus poore , yet is there in them the sparkes of naturall pride , which appeares in their longing desire after many kinde of ornaments , wearing pendants in their eares , as formes of birds , beasts , and fishes , carved out of bone , shels , and stone , with long bracelets of their curious wrought wampompeage and mowhackees , which they put about their necks and loynes ; these they count a rare kinde of decking ; many of the better sort bearing upon their cheekes certaine pourtraitures of beasts , as beares , deares , mooses , wolves , &c. some of fowls , as of eagles , hawkes , &c. which be not a superficiall painting , but a certaine incision , or else a raising of their skin by a small sharpe instrument , under which they conveigh a certain kind of black unchangeable inke , which makes the desired forme apparent and permanent . others have certaine round impressions downe the outside of their armes and brests , in forme of mullets or spur-rowels , which they imprint by searing irons : whether these be foiles to illustrate their unparalleld beauty ( as they deeme it ) or armes to blazon their antique gentilitie , i cannot easily determine : but a sagamore with a humberd in his eare for a pendant , a black hawke on his occiput for his plume , mowhackees for his gold chaine , good store of wampompeage begi●ting his loynes , his bow in his hand , his quiver at his back . with six naked indian spatterlashes at his heeles for his guard , thinkes himselfe little inferiour to the great cham ; hee will not stick to say , hee is all one with king charles . he thinkes hee can blow downe castles with his breath , and conquer kingdomes with his conceit . this pompey can endure no equall , till one dayes adverse lotterie at their game ( called puimme ) metamorphize him into a codrus , robbing him of his conceited wealth , leaving him in minde and riches equall with his naked attendants , till a new taxation furnish him with a fresh supplie . chap. vi. of their dyet , cookery , meale-times , and hospitality at their kettles . having done with their most needfull cloathings and ornamentall deckings ; may it please you to feast your eyes with their belly-timbers , which i suppose would be but stibium to weake stomacks as they cooke it , though never so good of it selfe . in winter-time they have all manner of fowles of the water and of the land , & beasts of the land and water , pond-fish , with catharres and other rootes , indian beanes and clamms . in the summer they have all manner of sea-fish , with all sorts of berries . for the ordering of their victuals , they boile or roast them , having large kettles which they traded for with the french long since , and doe still buy of the english as their neede requires , before they had substantiall earthen pots of their owne making . their spits are no other than cloven sticks sharped at one end to thrust into the ground ; into these cloven sticks they thrust the flesh or fish they would have rosted , behemming a round fire with a dozen of spits at a time , turning them as they see occasion . some of their scullerie having dressed these homely cates , presents it to his guests , dishing it up in a rude manner , placing it on the verdent carpet of the earth which nature spreads them , without either trenchers napkins , or knives , upon which their hunger-sawced stomacks impatient of delayes , fals aboard without scrupling at unwashed hands , without bread , salt , or beere : lolling on the turkish fashion , not ceasing till their full bellies leave nothing but emptie platters : they seldome or never make bread of their indian corne , but seeth it whole like beanes , eating three or foure cornes with a mouthfull of fish or flesh , sometimes eating meate first , and cornes after , filling chinkes with their broth . in summer , when their corne is spent , isquoutersquashes is their best bread , a fruite like a young pumpion . to say , and to speake paradoxically , they be great eaters , and yet little meate-men ; when they visit our english , being invited to eate , they are very moderate , whether it be to shew their manners , or for shamefastnesse , i know not ; but at home they will eate till their bellies stand south , ready to split with fulnesse ; it being their fashion to eate all at some times , and sometimes nothing at all in two or three dayes , wise providence being a stranger to their wilder wayes : they be right infidels , neither caring for the morrow , or providing for their owne families ; but as all are fellowes at foot-ball , so they all meete friends at the kettle , saving their wives , that dance a spaniell-like attendance at their backes for their bony fragments . if their imperious occasions cause them to travell , the best of their victuals for their journey is nocake , ( as they call it ) which is nothing but indian corne parched in the hot ashes ; the ashes being sifted from it , it is afterward beaten to powder , and put into a long leatherne bag , trussed at their backe like a knapsacke ; out of which they take thrice three spoonefulls a day , dividing it into three meales . if it be in winter , and snow be on the ground , they can eate when they please , stopping snow after their dusty victuals , which otherwise would feed thē little better than a tiburne halter . in sūmer they must stay till they meete with a spring or brooke , where they may have water to prevent the imminent danger of choaking ▪ with this strange viaticum they will travell foure ot five daies together , with loads fitter for elephants than men . but though they can fare so hardly abroad , at home their chaps must walke night and day as long as they have it . they keepe no set meales , their store being spent , they champe on the bit , till they meete with fresh supplies , either from their owne endeavours , or their wives industry , who trudge to the clambankes when all other meanes faile . though they be sometimes scanted , yet are they as free as emperours , both to their country-men and english , be he stranger , or neare acquaintance ; counting it a great discourtesie , not to eate of their high-conceited delicates , and sup of their un-oat-meal'd broth , made thicke with fishes , fowles , and beasts boyled all together ; some remaining raw , the rest converted by over-much seething to a loathed mash , not halfe so good as irish boniclapper . chap. vii . of their dispositions and good qualifications , as friendship , constancy , truth , and affability . to enter into a serious discourse concerning the naturall conditions of these indians , might procure admiration from the people of any civilized nations , in regard of their civility and good natures . if a tree may be judged by his fruite , and dispositions calculated by exteriour actions ; then may it be concluded , that these indians are of affable , courteous , and well disposed natures , ready to communicate the best of their wealth to the mutuall good of one another ; and the lesse abundance they have , to manifest their entire friendship ; so much the more perspicuous is their love , in that they are as willing to part with their mite in poverty , as treasure in plenty . as he that kills a deere , sends for his friends , and eates it merrily : so he that receives but a piece of bread from an english hand , parts it equally betweene himselfe and his comerades and eates it lovingly . in a word , a friend can command his friend , his house , and whatsoever is his , ( saving his wife ) and have it freely : and as they are love-linked thus in common courtesie , so are they no way sooner dis-joynted than by ingratitude ; accounting an ungratefull person a double robber of a man , not onely of his courtesie , but of his thankes which he might receive of another for the same proffered , or received kindnesse . such is their love to one another , that they cannot endure to see their countrey-men wronged , but will stand stiffely in their defence : plead strongly in their behalfe , and justifie one anothers integrities in any warrantable action . if it were possible to recount the courtesies they have shewed the english , since their first arrivall in those parts , it would not onely steddy beleefe , that they are a loving people , but also winne the love of those that never saw them , and wipe off that needelesse feare that is too deepely rooted in the conceits of many , who thinke them envious , and of such rankerous and inhumane dispositions , that they will one day make an end of their english inmates . the worst indeede may be surmised , but the english hitherto have had little cause to suspect them , but rather to be convinced of their trustinesse , seeing they have as yet beene the disclosers of all such treacheries as have bin practised by other indians . and whereas once there was a proffer of an universall league amongst all the indians in those parts , to the intent that they might all joyne in one united force , to extirpiate the english , our indian● refused the motion , replying , they had rather be servants to the english , of whom they were confident to receive no harme , and from whom they had received so many favours , and assured good testimonies of their iove , than equals with them , who would cut their throates upon the least offence , and make them the shambles of their cruelty . furthermore , if any roaving ships be upon the coasts , and chance to harbour either east-ward , north-ward , or south-ward in any unusuall port , they will giue us certaine intelligence of her burthen and forces , describing their men either by language or features ; which is a great priviledge and no small advantage . many wayes hath their advice and endeavour beene advantagious unto us ; they being our first instructers for the planting of their indian corne , by teaching us to cull out the finest seede , to observe the fittest season , to keepe distance for holes , and fit measure for hills , to worme it , and weede it ; to prune it , and dresse it as occasion shall require . these indians be very hospitable , insomuch that when the english have trauelled forty , fifty , or threescore miles into the countrey , they have entertained them into their houses , quartered them by themselves in the best roomes , providing the best victuals they could , expressing their welcome in as good termes as could be expected from their slender breeding ; shewing more love than complement , not grumbling for a fortnights or three weekes tarrying ; but rather caring to provide accommodation correspondent to their english custome . the doubtfull traveller hath oftentimes beene much beholding to them for their guidance thorow the unbeaten wildernesse : my selfe in this particular can doe no lesse in the due acknowledgment of their love , than speake their commendations , who with two more of my associates bending our course to new plimouth , lost our way , being deluded by a misleading path which we still followed , being as we thought too broad for an indian path ( which seldome is broader than a cart's rutte ●●ut that the dayly concourse of indians from the naragansets who traded for shooes , wearing them homewards had made this indian tract like an english walke , and had rear'd up great stickes against the trees , and marked the rest with their h●tchets in the english fashion , which begat in us a security of our wrong way to be right , when indeed there was nothing lesse : the day being gloomy and our compasses at home , we travelled hard till night to lesse purpose than if we had sat still , not gaining an inch of our journey for a dayes travell : but happily wee arrived at an indian wigwamme , where we were informed of our mispris●on , and invited to a homely lodging , feasted with the haunch of a fat beere , and the ensuing morning the son of my naked hoast , for a peece of tobacco , and a foure penny whittle , tooke the clew of his traveling experience , conducting us through the strange labyrinth of unbeaten bushy wayes in the woody wildernesse twentie miles to our desired ha●bour . a second demonstration of their love in this kind may appeare in a passage of the same nature . an unexperienced wood man ranging in the woods for deere , traveled so farre beyond his knowledge , till he could not tell how to get out of the wood for trees , but the more he sought to direct himselfe out , the more he ranne himselfe in , from the home he most desired ; the night came upon him preventing his walking , and the extremitie of cold seasing upon his right foote for want of warming motion , deprived him of the use thereof , so that he could not remoove farther than his snowie bed , but had there ended his dayes , had not sixe commiserating indians , who heard of his wandering , found him out by diligent search , being almost dead with despaire and cold : but after they had conquered his despaire with the assurance of his safe conduction to his habitation , and expelled the cold by the infusion of strong waters which they brought for the same purpose ; they framed a thing like a hand barrow and carryed this selfe-helpelesse person on their bare shoulders twelve miles to his residence : many other wandring benighted coasters have beene kindly entertained into their habitations , where they have rested and reposed themselves more securely than if they had ●●ene in some blind obscure old englands inne , being the next day directed in their right way : many lazie boyes that have runne away from their masters , have beene brought home by these ranging foresters , who are as wel acquainted with the craggy mountaines , and the pleasant vales , the stately woods , and swampie groves , the spacious ponds , and swift running rivers , and can distinguish them by their names as perfectly , and finde them as presently , as the experienced citizen knows how to finde out cheape-side crosse , or london stone . such is the wisedome and pollicie of these poore men , that they will be sure to keepe correspondence with our english magistrates , expressing their love in the execution of any service they command them , so far as lyes in their powre , as may appeare in this one particular . a certaine man having layd himselfe open to the kings lawes , fearing atachment , conviction , and consequently execution : sequestred himselfe from the honest societie of his neighbours , betaking himselfe unto the obscure thickets of the wildernesse , where hee lived for a time undiscovered , till the indians who leave no place unsearched for deere , found out his haunt , and having taken notice by diverse discourses concerning him , how that it was the governers desire to know where he was ; they thought it a part of their service to certifie him where he kept his rendevouze , who thereupon desired if they could to direct men to him for his attachment , but he had shifted his dwelling , and could not be found for the present , yet he was after seene by other indians , but being double pistold , and well sworded , they seared to approach so neere him as to grapple with him : wherefore they let him alone till his owne necessary businesse cast him upon them ; for having occasion to crosse a river , he came to the side thereof , where was an indian cannow ▪ in which the indians were to crosse the river themselves , hee vauntingly commanded waftage ; which they willingly graunted , but withall plotting how they might take him prisoner , which they thus effected ; having placed him in the midship of their ticklish wherrie , they lanched forth into the deepe , causing the capering cannow to cast out her combersome ballast into the liquid water ; which swomme like a stone , and now the water having dank't his pistoles , and lost his spanish progge in the bottome , the indians swomme him out by the chinne to the shore , where having dropt himselfe a little dry , he began to bluster out a storme of rebellious resistance , till they becalmed his pelting chafe with their pelting of pibles at him , afterward leading him as they list to the governour . these people be of a kinde and affable disposition , yet are they very warie with whom they strike hands in friendshippe : nothing is more hatefull to them than a churlish disposition , so likewise is dissimulation : he that speakes seldome , and opportunely , being as good as his word , is the onely man they love . the spaniard they say is all one aramouse ( viz. all one as a dog ) the frenchman hath a good tongue , but a false heart : the english man all one speake , all one heart ; wherefore they more approve of them than of any nation : garrulitie is much condemned of them , for they utter not many words , speake seldome , and then with such gravitie as is pleasing to the eare : such as understand them not , desire yet to heare their emphaticall expressions , and lively action ; such is the milde temper of their spirits that they cannot endure objurgations , or scoldings . an indian sagomore once hearing an english woman scold with her husband , her quicke utterance exceeding his apprehension , her active lungs thundering in his eares , expelled him the house ; from whence he went to the next neighbour , where he related the unseemelinesse of her behaviour ; her language being strange to him , hee expressed it as strangely , telling them how she cryed nannana nannana nannana nan , saying he was a great foole to give her the audience , and no correction for usurping his charter , and abusing him by her tongue . i have beene amongst diverse of them , yet did i never see any falling out amongst them , not so much as crosse words , or reviling speeches , which might provoke to blowes . and whereas it is the custome of many people in their games , if they see the dice runne crosse or their cards not answere their expectations : what cursing and swearing , what imprecations , and raylings , fightings and stabbings oftentimes proceede from their testy spleene . how doe their blustering passions , make the place troublesome to themselves and others ? but i have knowne when foure of these milder spirits have sit downe staking their treasures , where they have plaied foure and twentie houres , neither eating drinking or sleeping in the interim ; nay which is most to be wondered at , not quarreling , but as they came thither in peace so they depart in peace : when he that had lost all his wampompeage , his house , his kettle , his beaver , his batchet , his knife , yea all his little all , having nothing left but his naked selfe , was as merry as they that won it ; so in sports of activitie at footeball though they play never so fiercely to outward appearance , yet angrer-boyling blood never streames in their cooler veines , if any man be throwne he laughes out his foyle , there is no seeking of revenge , no quarreling , no bloody noses , scratched faces , blacke eyes , broken shinnes , no brused members , or crushed ribs , the lamentables effects of rage ; but the goale being wonne , the goods on the one side lost ; friends they were at the footeball , and friends they must meete at the kettle . i never heard yet of that indian that was his neighbours homicide or vexation by his malepart , fancy , or uncivill tongue : laughter in them is not common , seldome exceeding a smile , never breaking out into such a lowd laughter , as doe many of our english. of all things they love not to be laught at upon any occasion ; if a man be in trade with them and the bargaine be almost strucke , if they perceive you laugh , they will scarce proceed , supposing you laugh because you have cheated them : the crocodiles teares may sooner deceive them , than the hienas smiles : although they be not much addicted to laughter , yet are they not of a dumpish sad nature , but rather naturally chearefull : a● i never saw a gigling democrite , so i never saw a teare dropping heraclite ; no disaster being so prevalent as to open the flood-gate of their eyes , saving the death of friends , for whom they lament most exceedingly . chap. viii . of their hardinesse . for their hardinesse it may procure admiration , no ordinary paines making them so much as alter their countenance ; beate them , whip them , pinch them , punch them , if they resolve not to whinch for it , they will not ; whether it be their benummed insensiblenesse of smart , or their hardie resolutions , i cannot tell ; it might be , a perillus his bull , or the disjoynting racke might force a roare from them , but a turkish drubbing would not much molest them , and although they be naturally much affraid of death , yet the unexpected approach of a mortall wound by a bullet , arrow , or sword , strikes no more terrour , causes no more exclamation , no more complaint , or whinching , than if it had beene a shot into the body of a tree : such woun●s as would be suddaine death to an english man , would be nothing to them . some of them having beene shot in at the mouth , and out under the eare , some shot in the breast , some runne thorough the flankes with darts , and other many desperate wounds which eyther by their rare skill in the use of vegitatives , or diabolicall charmes they cure in short time . although their hardinesse beare them out in such things wherein they are sure death will not ensue , yet can it not expell the feare of death , the very name and thoughts of it is so hideous to them , or any thing that presents it , or threatens it , so terrible ; insomuch that a hundred of them will runne from two or three guns , though they know they can but dispatch two or three at a discharge , yet every man fearing it may be his lot to meete with his last , will not come neare that in good earnest , which he dare play withall in jest . to make this good by a passage of experience . three men having occasion of trade amongst the westerne indians , went up with some such commodities as they thought most fit for trade ; to secure their person they tooke a carbine , two pistoles and a sword , which in outward shew was not great resistance to a hundred well skilled bow men : the indians hearing their gunnes making a thundring noyse , desired to finger one of them , & see it discharged into a tree , wondring much at the percussion of the bullet ; but they abiding two or three dayes , the gunnes were forgotten , and they began to looke at the oddes being a hundred to three , whereupon they were animated to worke treason against the lives of these men , and to take away their goods from them by force ; but one of the english understanding their language , smelt out their treachery , and being more fully enformed of their intent by the indian women , who had more pitty , hee steps to their king , and hailing him by the long haire from the rest of his councell , commanded him either to goe before him and guide him home , or else he would there kill him . the sagamore seeing him so rough , had not the courage to resist him , but went with him two miles ; but being exasperated by his men who followed him along , to resist , and goe no further ; in the end hee would not , neither for faire promises nor fierce threatnings , so that they were constrained there to kill him , which struck such an amazement and daunting into the rest of that naked crew , with the sight of the guns , that though they might easily have killed them , yet had they not the power to shoot an arrow , but followed them , yelling and howling for the death of their king forty miles ; his goods being left among them , he sent word by other indians , that unlesse they sent him his goods againe , which hee there left , hee would serve them as hee served their king , whereupon they returned him his commodities , with intreaty of peace , and promises of fairer trade if he came again . if these heartlesse indians were so cowed with so slender an onset on their owne dunghill , when there were scarce six families of ours in the countrie , what need wee now feare them being growne into thousands , and having knowledge of martiall discipline ? in the night they neede not to be feared , for they will not budge from their owne dwellings for feare of their abamacho ( the devill ) whom they much feare , specially in evill enterprizes , they will rather lye by an english fire than goe a quarter of a mile in the darke to their owne dwellings : but they are well freed from this scare-crow since the comming of the english , and lesse care for his delusions ; and whereas it hath beene reported , that there are such horrible apparitions , fearefull roarings , thundering and lightning raised by the devill , to discourage the english in their settling , i for mine owne part never saw or heard of any of these things in the countrie : nor have i heard of any indians that have lately beene put in feare , saving two or three , and they worse scar'd than hurt , who seeing a black-more in the top of a tree , looking out for his way which he had lost , surmised he was abamacho or the devill , deeming all devils that are blacker than themselves ; and being neare to the plantation , they posted to the english , and intreated their aide to conjure this devill to his owne place , who finding him to be a poore wandring black-moore , conducted him to his master . chap. ix . of their wondering at the first view of any strange invention . these indians being strangers to arts and sciences , and being unacquainted with the inventions that are common to a civilized people , are ravisht with admiration at the first view of any such sight : they tooke the first ship they saw for a walking iland , the mast to be a tree , the saile white clouds , and the discharging of ordinance for lightning and thunder , which did much trouble them , but this thunder being over , and this moving iland stedied with an anchor , they manned out their cannowes to goe and picke strawberries there , but being saluted by the way with a broad side , they cried out , what much hoggery , so bigge walke , and so bigge speake , and by and by kill ; which caused them to turne back , not daring to approach till they were sent for . they doe much extoll and wonder at the english for their strange inventions , especially for a wind-mill , which in their esteeme was little lesse than the worlds wonder , for the strangenesse of his whisking motion , and the sharpe teeth biting the corne ( as they terme it ) into such small peeces ; they were loath at the first to come neere to his long armes , or to abide in so tottering a tabernacle , though now they dare goe any where so farre as they have an english guide . the first plow-man was counted little better than a iuggler : the indians seeing the plow teare up more ground in a day , than their clamme shels could scrape up in a month , desired to see the workemanship of it , and viewing well the coulter and share , perceiving it to be iron , told the plow-man , hee was almost abamocho , almost as cunning as the devill ; but the fresh supplies of new and strange objects hath lessen'd their admiration , and quickned their inventions , and desire of practising such things as they see , wherein they expresse no small ingenuitie , and dexterity of wit , being neither furthered by art , or long experience . it is thought they would soon learne any mechanicall trades , having quicke wits , understanding apprehensions , strong memories , with nimble inventions , and a quicke hand in using of the axe or hatchet , or such like tooles ; much good might they receive from the english , and much might they benefit themselves , if they were not strongly fettered in the chaines of idlenesse ; so as that they had rather starve than worke , following no employments , saving such as are sweetned with more pleasures and profit than paines or care , and this is indeede one of the greatest accusations that can be laid against them , which lies but upon the men , ( the women being very industrious ) but it may be hoped that good example , and good instructions may bring them to a more industrious and provident course of life . for already , as they have learned much subtiltie & cunning by bargaining with the english , so have they a little degenerated from some of their lazie customes , and shew themselves more industrious . in a word , to set them out in their best colours , they be wise in their carriage , subtle in their dealings , true in their promise , honest in defraying of their debts , though poverty constraine them to be something long before ; some having died in the english debt , have left beaver by order of will for their satisfaction : they be constant in friendship , merrily conceited in discourse , not luxuriously abounding in youth , nor dotingly froward in old age , many of them being much civilized since the english colonies were planted , though but little edified in religion : they frequent often the english churches , where they will sit soberly , though they understand not such hidden mysteries . they doe easily beleeve some of the history of the bible , as the creation of the world , the making of man , with his fall : but come to tell them of a saviour , with all the passages of the gospell , and it exceeds so farre their indian beleefe , that they will cry out ( pocatnie ) id est , is it possible ? yet such is their conviction of the right way , that when some english have come to their houses , victuals being offered them , forgetting to crave gods blessing upon the creatures received , they have beene reproved by these , which formerly never knew what calling upon god meant : thus farre for their naturall disposition and qualities . chap. x. of their kings government , and subjects obedience . now for the matter of government amongst them : it is the custome for their kings to inherite , the sonne alwayes taking the kingdome after his fathers death . if there be no sonne , then the queene rules ; if no queene , the next to the blood-royall , who com●s in otherwise , is ●ut counted an usurping intruder , and if his faire carriage beare him not out the better , they will soone unscepter him . the kings have no lawes to command by , nor have they any annuall revenewes ; yet commonly are they so either feared or beloved , that halfe their subjects estate is at their service , and their persons at his command ; by which command he is better knowne than by any thing else . for though hee hath no kingly robes , to make him glorious in the view of his subjects , nor dayly guardes to secure his person , or court-like attendance , nor sumptuous pallaces ; yet doe they yeeld all submissive subjection to him , accounting him their soveraigne ; going at his command , and comming at his becke , not so much as expostulating the cause , though it be in matters thwarting their wills ; he being accounted a disloyall subject , that will not effect what his prince commands . whosoever is knowne to plot treason , or to lay violent hands on his lawfull king , is presently executed . once a yeare he takes his progresse , accompanied with a dozen of his best subjects to view his countrey , to recreate himselfe , and establish good order . when he enters into any of their houses , without any more complement , he is desired to sit downe on the ground ; ( for they use neither stooles nor cushions ) and after a little respite , all that be present , come in , and sit downe by him , one of his seniors pronouncing an oration gratulatory to his majesty for his love ; and the many good things they enjoy under his peacefull government . a king of large dominions hath his viceroyes , or inferiour kings under him , to agitate his state-affaires , and keepe his subjects in good decorum . other officers there be , but how to distinguish them by name is some-thing difficult : for their lawes , as their evill courses come short of many other nations , so they have not so many lawes , though they be not without some , which they inflict upon notorious malefactors , as traytors to their prince , inhumane murtherers , and some say for adultery ; but i cannot warrant it for a truth . for theft , as they have nothing to steale worth the life of a man , therefore they have no law to execute for trivialls ; a subject being precious in the eye of his prince , where men are so scarce . a malefactor having deserved death , being apprehended , is brought before the king , and some other of the wisest men , where they enquire out the originall of a thing ; after proceeding by aggravation of circumstances , he is found guilty , and being cast by the iury of their strict inquisition , he is condemned , and executed on this manner : the executioner comes in , who blind-folds the party , sets him in the publike view , and braines him with a tamahauke or club ; which done , his friends bury him . other meanes to restraine abuses they have none , saving admonition or reproofe ; no whippings , no prisons , stockes , bilbowes , or the like . chap. xi . of their marriages . now to speake something of their marriages , the kings or great powwowes , alias conjurers , may have two or three wives , but seldome use it . men of ordinary ranke , having but one ; which disproves the report , that they had eight or tenne wives apeece . when a man hath a desire to marry , he first gets the good-will of the maide or widdow , after , the consent of her friends for her part ; and for himselfe , if he be at his owne disposing , if the king will , the match is made , her dowry of wampompeage payd , the king joynes their hands with their hearts , never to part till death , unlesse shee prove a whore ; for which they may , and some have put away their wives , as may appeare by a story . there was one abamoch married a wife , whom a long time he intirely loved above her deservings , for that shee often in his absence entertained strangers , of which hee was oftentimes informed by his neighbours ; but hee harbouring no sparke of jealousie , beleeved not their false informations ( as he deemed them ) being in a manner angry they should slander his wife , of whose constancy hee was so strongly conceited : a long time did her whorish gloazing and syren-like tongue , with her subtle carriage , establish her in her husbands favour , till fresh complaints caused him to cast about , how to finde out the truth , and to prove his friends lyars , and his wife honest , or her a whore , and his friends true : whereupon hee pretended a long journey to visite his friends , providing all accoutraments for a fortnights journey ; telling his wife it would be so long before she could expect his returne , who outwardly sorrowed for his departure , but inwardly rejoyced , that she should enjoy the society of her old lemman ; whom she sent for with expedition , not suspecting her husbands plot , who lay not many miles off in the woods ; who after their dishonest revelings , when they were in their midnight sleepe , approaches the wiggwamme , enters the doore , which was neither barred nor lockt ; makes a light to discover what hee little suspected ; but finding his friends words to bee true , hee takes a good bastinado in his hand brought for the same purpose , dragging him by the haire from his usurped bed , so lamentably beating him , that his battered bones and bruised flesh made him a fitter object for some skilfull surgeon , than the lovely obiect of a lustfull strumpet ; which done , hee put away his wife , exposing her to the curtesie of strangers for her maintenance , that so curtesan-like had entertained a stranger into her bosome . chap. xii . of their worship , invocations , and conjurations . now of their worships : as it is naturall to all mortals to worship something , so doe these people , but exactly to describe to whom their worship is chiefly bent , is very difficult ; they acknowledge especially two , ketan who is their good god , to whom they sacrifice ( as the ancient heathen did to ceres ) after their garners bee full with a good croppe : upon this god likewise they invocate for faire weather , for raine in time of drought , and for the recovery of their sick ; but if they doe not heare them , then they verifie the old verse , flectere si nequeo superos , acharonta movebo , their pow-wows betaking themselves to their exorcismes and necromanticke charmes , by which they bring to passe strange things , if wee may beleeve the indians , who report of one pissacannawa , that hee can make the water burne , the rocks move , the trees dance , metamorphize himselfe into a flaming man. but it may be objected , this is but deceptio visus . hee will therefore doe more , for in winter , when there is no greene leaves to be got , he will burne an old one to ashes , and putting those into the water , produce a new greene leafe , which you shall not onely see , but substantially handle and carrie away ; and make of a dead snakes skinne a living snake , both to be seene , felt , and heard ; this i write but upon the report of the indians , who confidently affirme stranger things . but to make manifest , that by gods permission , thorough the devils helpe , their charmes are of force to produce effects of wonderment ; an honest gentle-man related a storie to mee , being an eye-witnes of the same : a pow-wow having a patient with the stumpe of some small tree runne thorough his foote , being past the cure of his ordinary surgery , betooke himselfe to his charmes , and being willing to shew his miracle before the english stranger , hee wrapt a piece of cloth about the foote of the lame man ; upon that wrapping a beaver skinne , through which hee laying his mouth to the beaver skinne , by his sucking charmes he brought out the stumpe , which he spat into a tray of water , returning the foote as whole as its fellow in a short time . the manner of their action in their conjuration is thus : the parties that are sick or lame being brought before them , the pow-wow sitting downe , the rest of the indians giving attentive audience to his imprecations and invocations , and after the violent expression of many a hideous bellowing and groaning , he makes a stop , and then all the auditors with one voice utter a short cant● ; which done , the pow-wow still proceeds in his invocations , somtimes roaring like a beare , other times groaning like a dying horse , foaming at the mouth like a chased bore , smiting on his naked brest and thighs with such violence , as if he were madde . thus will hee continue sometimes halfe a day , spending his lungs , sweating out his fat , and tormenting his body in this diabolicall worship ; sometimes the devill for requitall of their worship , recovers the partie , to nuzzle them up in their divellish religion . in former time hee was wont to carrie away their wives and children , because hee would drive them to these mattens , to fetch them again to confirme their beliefe of this his much desired authoritie over them : but since the english frequented those parts , they daily fall from his ●olours , relinquishing their former fopperies , and acknowledge our god to be supreame . they acknowledge the power of the english-ans god , as they call , him , because they could never yet have power by their conjurations to damnifie the english either in body or goods ; and besides , they say hee is a good god that sends them so many good things , so much good corne , so many cattell , temperate raines , faire seasons , which they likewise are the better for since the arrivall of the english ; the times and seasons being much altered in seven or eight yeares , freer from lightning and thunder , long droughts , suddaine and tempestuous dashes of raine , and lamentable cold winters . chap. xiii . of their warres . of their warres : their old souldiers being swept away by the plague , which was very rife amongst them about 14 yeares agoe , and resting themselves secure under the english protection , they doe not now practice any thing in martiall feates worth observation , saving that they make themselves forts to flie into , if the enemies should unexpectedly assaile them . these forts some be fortie or fiftie foote square , erected of young timber trees , ten or twelve foote high , rammed into the ground , with undermining within , the earth being cast up for their shelter against the dischargements of their enemies , having loope-holes to send out their winged messingers , which often deliver their sharpe and bloody embassi●s in the tawnie sides of their naked assailants , who wanting butting rammes and battering ordinances to command at distance , lose their lives by their too neare approachments . these use no other weapons in warre than bowes and arrowes , saving that their captaines have long speares , on which if they returne conquerours they carrie the heads of their chiefe enemies that they slay in the wars : it being the custome to cut off their heads , hands , and feete , to beare home to their wives and children , as true tokens of their renowned victorie . when they goe to their warres , it is their custome t● paint their faces with diversitie of colours , some being all black as ●et , some red , some halfe red ●nd halfe blacke , some blacke and white , others spotted with divers kinds of colours , being all disguised to their enemies , to make them more terrible to their foes , putting on likewise their rich iewels , pendents and wampompeage , to put them in minde they fight not onely for their children , wives , and lives , but likewise for their goods , lands and liberties ; being thus armed with this warlike paint , the antique warriers make towards their enemies in a disordered manner , without any souldier like marching or warlike postures , being deafe to any word of command , ignorant of falling off , or falling on , of doubling rankes or files , but let fly their winged shaftments without eyther feare or wit ; their artillery being spent , he that hath no armes to fight , findes legges to run away . chap. xiiii . their games and sports of activitie . bvt to leave their warres , and to speake of their games in which they are more delighted and better experienced , spending halfe their dayes in gaming and lazing . they have two sorts of games , one called puim , the other hubbub , not much unlike cards and dice , being no other than lotterie . puim is 50. or 60. small bents of a foote long which they divide to the number of their gamesters , shuffling them first betweene the palmes of their hands ; he that hath more than his fellow is so much the forwa●der in his game : many other strange whimseyes be in this game ; which would be too long to commit to paper ; hee that is a noted gamster , hath a great hole in his eare wherein hee carries his pu●●is in defiance of his antagonists . hubbub is five small bones in a small smooth tray , t●e bones bee like a die , but something f●atter , blacke on the one side and white on the other , which they place on the ground , against which violentl● themping the platter , the bones mount changi●g colours with the windy whisking of their hands too and fro ; which action in that sport they much use , smiting themselves on the breast , and thighs , crying out , hub , hub , hub ; they may be heard play at this game a quarter of a mile off . the bones being all blacke or white , make a double game ; if three be of a colour and two of another , then they affoard but a single game ; foure of a colour and one differing is nothing ; so long as a man winns , he keepes the tray : but if he loose , the next man takes it . they are so bewitched with these two games , that they will loose sometimes all they have , beaver , moose-skinnes , kettles , wampompeage , mowhackies , hatchets , knives , all is confiscate by these two games . for their sports of activitie they have commonly but three or foure ; as footeball , shooting , running and swimming : when they play country against country , there are rich goales , all behung with wampompeage , mowhackies , beaver skins , and blacke otter skinnes . it would exceede the beleefe of many to relate the worth of one goale , wherefore it shall be namelesse . their goales be a mile long placed on the sands , which are as even as a board ; their ball is no bigger than a hand-ball , which sometimes they mount in the aire with their naked feete , sometimes it is swayed by the multitude ; sometimes also it is two dayes before they get a goale , then they marke the ground they winne , and beginne there the next day . before they come to this sport , they paint themselves , even as when they goe to warre , in pollicie to prevent future mischiefe , because no man should know him that moved his patience or accidentally hurt his person , taking away the occasion of studying revenge . before they begin their armes be disordered , and hung upon some neighbouring tree , after which they make a long scrowle on the sand , over which they shake loving hands , and with laughing hearts scuffle for victorie . while the men play the boyes pipe , and the women dance and sing trophies of their husbands conqu●sts ; all being done a feast summons their departure . it is most delight to see them play , in smaller companies , when men may view their swift footemanship , their curious tossings of their ball , their flouncing into the water , their lubberlike wrestling , having no cunning at all in that kind , one english being able to beate ten indians at footeball . for their shooting they be most desperate marks-men for a point blancke object , and if it may bee possible cornicum oculos configere they will doe it : such is their celerity and dexterity in artillerie , that they can smite the swift running hinde and nimble winked pigeon without a standing paule or left eyed blinking ; they draw their arrowes between the fore fingers and the thumbe ; their bowes be quicke , but not very strong , not killing above six or seaven score . these men shoot at one another , but with swift conveighance shunne the arrow ; this they doe to make them expert against time of warre . it hath beene often admired how they can finde their arrowes , be the weedes as high as themselves , yet they take such perfect notice of the flight and fall that they seldome loose any . they are trained up to their bowes even from their childhood ; little boyes with bowes made of little stickes and arrowes of great bents , will smite downe a peece of tobacco pipe every shoot a good way off : as these indians be good markemen , so are they well experienced where the very life of every creature lyeth , and know where to smite him to make him dye presently . for their swimming it is almost naturall , but much perfected by continuall practise ; their swimming is not after our english fashion of spread armes and legges which they hold too tiresome , but like dogges their armes before them cutting through the liquids with their right shoulder ; in this manner they swimme very swift and farre , either in rough or smooth waters , sometimes for their ease lying as still as a log ; sometimes they will play the dive-doppers , and come up in unexpected places . their children likewise be taught to swimme when they are very yong . for their running it is with much celeritie and continuance , yet i suppose there be many english men who being as lightly clad as they are , would outrun them for a spurt , though not able to continue it for a day or dayes , being they be very strong winded and rightly clad for a race . chap. xv. of their huntings . for their hunting , it is to be noted that they have no swift foote grayhounds , to let slippe at the sight of the deere , no deepe mouthed hounds , or senting beagles , to finde out their desired prey ; themselves are all this , who in that time of the yeere , when the deere comes downe , having certaine hunting houses , in such places where they know the deere usually doth frequent , in which they keep their randevowes , their snares and all their accoutraments for that imployment : when they get sight of a deere , moose or beare , they studie how to get the wind of him , and approaching within shot , stab their marke quite through , if the bones hinder not . the chiefe thing they hunt after is deere , mooses , and beares , it greeves them more to see an english man take one deere , than a thousand acres of land : they hunt likewise after wolves , and wild catts , rackoones , otters , beavers , musquashes , trading both their skinnes and flesh to the english. besides their artillery , they have other devices to kill their game , as sometimes hedges a mile or two miles long , being a mile wide at one end , and made narrower and narrower by degrees , leaving onely a gap of sixe foote long , over against which , in the day time they lye lurking to shoot the deere which come through that narrow gut ; so many as come within the circumference of that hedge , seldome returne backe to leape over , unlesse they be forced by the chasing of some ravenous wolfe , or sight of some accidentatall passinger ; in the night at the gut of this hedge , they set deere traps , which are springes made of young trees , and smooth wrought coards ; so strong as it will tosse a horse if hee be caught in it . an english mare being strayed from her owner , and growne wild by her long sojourning in the woods ranging up and downe with the wilde crew , stumbled into one of these traps which stopt her speed , hanging her like mahomets tombe , betwixt earth and heaven ; the morning b●ing come , the indians went to looke what good successe their venison trappes had brought them , but seeing such a long scutted deere , praunce in their merritotter , they bade her good morrow , crying out , what cheere what cheere englishmans squaw horse ; having no better epithite than to call her a woman horse , but being loath to kill her , and as fearefull to approach neere the friscadoes of her iron heeles , they posted to the english to tell them how the case stood or hung with their squaw horse , who unhorsed their mare , and brought her to her former tamenesse , which since hath brought many a good foale , and performed much good service . in these traps deeres , mooses , beares , wolves , catts , and foxes , are often caught . for their beavers and otters , they have other kinde of trappes , so ponderous as is unsupportable for such creatures , the massie burthen whereof either takes them prisoners , or expells their breath from their squised bodyes . these kinde of creatures would gnaw the other kind of trappes asunder , with their sharpe teeth : these beasts are too cunning for the english , who seldome or never catch any of them , therefore we leave them to those skilfull hunters whose time is not so precious , whose experience bought-skill hath made them practicall and usefull in that particuler . chap. xvi . of their fishings . of their fishing , in this trade they be very expert , being experienced in the knowledge of all baites , fitting sundry baites for severall fishes , and diverse seasons ; being not ignorant likewise of the removall of fishes , knowing when to fish in rivers , and when at rockes , when in baies , and when at seas : since the english came they be furnished with english hookes and lines , before they made them of their owne hempe more curiously wrought , of stronger materials than ours , hooked with bone hookes : but lazinesse drives them to buy more than profit or commendations winnes them to make of their owne ; they make likewise very strong sturgeon nets with which they catch sturgeons of 12.14 , and 16. some 18. foote long in the day time , in the night time they betake them to their burtchen cannows , in which they carry a forty fathome line , with a sharpe bearded dart , fastned at the end thereof ; then lightning a blazing torch made of burcthen rindes , they weave it too and againe by their cannow side , which the sturgeon much delighted with , comes to them tumbling and playing , turning up his white belly , into which they thrust their launce , his backe being impenetrable ; which done they haile to the shore their strugling prize . they have often recourse unto the rockes whereupon the sea beates , in warme weather to looke out for sleepie seales , whose oyle they much esteeme , using it for divers things . in summer they seldome fish any where but in salt , in winter in the fresh water and ponds ; in frostie weater they cut round holes in the yce , about which they wil sit like so many apes , on their naked breeches upon the congealed yce , catching of pikes , pearches , breames , and other sorts of fresh water fish . chap. xvii . of their arts and manufactures . of their severall arts and imployments , as first in dressing of all manner of skinnes , which they doe by scraping and rubbing , afterwards painting them with antique embroyderings in unchangeable colours , sometimes they take off the haire , especially if it bee not killed in season . their bowes they make of a handsome shape , strung commonly with the sinnewes of mooses ; their arrowes are made of young elderne , feathered with feathers of eagles wings and tailes , headed with brasse in shape of a heart or triangle , fastned in a slender peece of wood sixe or 8 inches long , which is framed to put loose in the pithie elderne , that is bound fast for riving : their arrowes be made in this manner because the arrow might shake from his head and be left behind for their finding , and the pile onely remaine to gaule the wounded beast . their cordage is so even , soft , and smooth , that it lookes more like silke than hempe ; their sturgeon netts be not deepe , nor above 30. or 40. foote long , which in ebbing low waters they stake fast to the ground , where they are sure the sturgeon will come , never looking more at it , till the next low water . their cannows be made either of pine-trees , which before they were acquainted with english tooles , they burned hollow , scraping them smooth with clam-shels and oyster-shels , cutting their out-sides with stone-hatchets : these boates be not above a foot and a halfe , or two feete wide , and twenty foote long . their other cannows be made of thinne birch-rines , close-ribbed on the in-side with broad thinne hoopes , like the hoopes of a tub ; these are made very light , a man may carry one of them a mile , being made purposely to carry from river to river , and bay to bay , to shorten land-passages . in these cockling fly-boates , wherein an english man can scarce sit without a fearefull tottering , they will venture to sea , when an english shallope dare not beare a knot of sayle ; scudding ●ver the overgrowne waves as fast as a winde-driven ship , being driven by their padles ; being much like battle doores ; if a crosse wave ( as is seldome ) turne her keele up-side downe , they by swimming free her , and scramble into her againe . chap. xviii . of their language . of their language which is onely peculiar to themselves , not inclining to any of the refined tongues . some have thought they might be of the dispersed iewes , because some of their words be neare unto the hebrew ; but by the same rule they may conclude them to be some of the gleanings of all nations , because they have words which sound after the greeke , latine , french , and other tongues : their language is hard to learne ; few of the english being able to speake any of it , or capable of the right pronunciation , which is the chiefe grace of their tongue . they pronounce much after the diphthongs , excluding l and r , which in our english tongue they pronounce with as much difficulty , as most of the dutch doe t and h , calling a lobster a n●bstann . every countrey doe something differ in their speech , even as our northerne people doe from the southerne , and westerne from them ; especially the tarrenteens , whose tongues runne so much upon r , that they wharle much in pronunciation . when any ships come neare the shore , they demand whether they be king charles his torries , with such a rumbling sound , as if one we●e beating an unbrac't drumme . in serious discourse our southerne indians use seldome any short colloquiums , but speake their minds at large , without any interjected interruptions from any : the rest giving diligent audience to his utterance : which done , some or other returnes him as long an answere , they love not to speake multa sed multum , seldome are their words , and their deeds strangers . according to the matter in discourse , so are their acting gestures in their expressions . one of the english preachers in a speciall good intent of doing good to their soules , hath spent much time in attaining to their language , wherein he is so good a proficient , that he can speake to their understanding , and they to his ; much loving and respecting him for his love and counsell . it is hoped that he may be an instrument of good amongst th●m . they love any man that can utter his minde in their words , yet are they not a little proud that they can speake the english tongue , using it as much as their owne , when they meete with such as can understand it , puzling stranger indians , which sometimes visite them from more remote places , with an unheard language . chap. xix . of their deaths , burials , and mourning . although the indians be of lusty and healthfull bodies , not experimentally knowing the catalogue of those health-wasting diseases which are incident to other countries , as feavers , pleurisies , callentures , agues , obstructions , consumptions , subfumigations , convulsions , apoplexies , dropsies , gouts , stones , tooth-aches , pox , measels , or the like , but spinne out the threed of their dayes to a faire length , numbering three-score , foure-score , some a hundred yeares , before the worlds universall summoner 〈◊〉 them to the craving grave : but the date of their life expired , and deaths arestment seazing upon them , all hope of recovery being past , then to behold and heare their throbbing sobs and deepe-fetcht sighes , their griefe-wrung hands , and teare-bedewed cheekes , their dolefull cries , would draw teares from adamantine eyes , that be but spectators of their mournefull obsequies . the glut of their griefe being past , they commit the corpes of their diceased friends to the ground , over whose grave is for a long time spent many a briny teare , deepe groane , and irish-like howlings , continuing annuall mournings with a blacke stiffe paint on their faces : these are the mourners without hope , yet doe they hold the immortality of the never-dying soule , that it shall passe to the south-west elysium , concerning which their indian faith jumps much with the turkish alchoran , holding it to be a kinde of paradise , wherein they shall everlastingly abide , solacing themselves in odoriferous gardens , fruitfull corne-fields , greene medows , bathing their tawny hides in the coole streames of pleasant rivers ▪ and shelter themselves from heate and cold in the sumptuous pallaces framed by the skill of natures curious contrivement ; concluding that neither care nor paine shall molest them , but that natures bounty will administer all things with a voluntary contribution from the overflowing store-house of their elyzian hospitall , at the portall whereof they say , lies a great dogge , whose churlish snarlings deny a pax intrantibus , to unworthy intruders : wherefore it is their custome , to bury with them their bows and arrows , and good store of their wampompeage and mowhackies ; the one to affright that affr●nting c●rberus , the other to purchase more immense prerogatiues in their paradise . for their enemies and loose livers , whō they account unworthy of this imaginary happines , they say , that they passe to the infernall dwellings of abamocho , to be tortured according to the fictions of the ancient heathen ▪ chap. xix . of their women , their dispositions , employments , usage by their husbands , their apparell , and modesty . to satisfie the curious eye of women-readers , who otherwise might thinke their sex forgotten , or not worthy a record , let them peruse these few lines , wherein they may see their owne happinesse , if weighed in the womans ballance of these ruder indians , who scorne the tuterings of their wives , or to admit them as their equals , though their qualities and industrious deservings may justly claime the preheminence , and command better usage and more conjugall esteeme , their persons and features being every way correspondent , their qualifications more excellent , being more loving , pittifull , and modest , milde , provident , and laborious than their lazie husbands . their employments be many : first their building of houses , whose frames are formed like our garden-arbours , something more round , very strong and handsome , covered with close-wrought mats of their owne weaving , which deny entrance to any drop of raine , though it come both fierce and long , neither can the piercing north winde finde a crannie , through which he can conveigh his cooling breath , they be warmer than our english houses ; at the top is a square hole for the smoakes evacuation , which in rainy weather is covered with a pluver ; these bee such smoakie dwellings , that when there is good fires , they are not able to stand upright , but lie all along under the smoake , never using any stooles or chaires , it being as rare to see an indian sit on a stoole at home , as it is strange to see an english man sit on his heeles abroad . their houses are smaller in the summer , when their families be dispersed , by reason of heate and occasions . in winter they make some fiftie or threescore foote long , fortie or fiftie men being inmates under one roofe ; and as is their husbands occasion these poore tectonists are often troubled like snailes , to carrie their houses on their backs sometime to fishing-places , other times to hunting-places , after that to a planting place , where it abides the longest : an other work is their planting of come , wherein they exceede our english husband-men , keeping it so cleare with their clamme shell-hooes , as if it were a garden rather than a corne-field , not suffering a choaking weede to advance his audacious head above their infant corne , or an undermining worme to spoile his spurnes . their corne being ripe , they gather it , and drying it hard in the sunne , conveigh it to their barnes , which be great holes digged in the ground in forme of a brasse pot , seeled with rinds of trees , wherein they put their corne , covering it from the inquisitive search of their gurmandizing husbands , who would eate up both their allowed portion , and reserved seede , if they knew where to finde it . but our hogges having found a way to unhindge their barne doores , and robbe their garners , they are glad to implore their husbands helpe to roule the bodies of trees over their holes , to prevent those pioners , whose theeverie they as much hate as their flesh . an other of their employments is their summer processions to get lobsters for their husbands , wherewith they baite their hookes when they goe a fishing for basse or cod-fish . this is an every dayes walke , be the weather cold or hot , the waters rough or calme , they must dive sometimes over head and eares for a lobster , which often shakes them by their hands with a churlish nippe , and bids them adiew . the tide being spent , they trudge home two or three miles , with a hundred weight of lobsters at their backs , and if none , a hundred scoules meete them at home , and a hungry belly for two dayes after . their husbands having caught any fish , they bring it in their boates as farre as they can by water , and there leave it ; as it was their care to catch it , so it must be their wives paines to fetch it home , or fast : which done , they must dresse it and cooke it , dish it , and present it , see it eaten over their shoulders ; and their loggerships having filled their paunches , their sweete lullabies scramble for their scrappes . in the summer these indian women when lobsters be in their plenty and prime , they drie them to keepe for winter , erecting scaffolds in the hot sun-shine , making fires likewise underneath them , by whose smoake the flies are expelled , till the substance remain hard and drie . in this manner they drie basse and other fishes without salt , cutting them very thinne to dry suddainely , before the flies spoile them , or the raine moist them , having a speciall care to hang them in their smoakie houses , in the night and dankish weather . in summer they gather flagges , of which they make matts for houses , and hempe and rushes , with dying stuffe of which they make curious baskets with intermixed colours and portractures of antique imagerie : these baskets be of all sizes from a quart to a quarter , in which they carry their luggage . in winter time they are their hubands caterers , trudging to the clamm bankes for their belly timber , and their porters to lugge home their venison which their lazinesse exposes to the woolves till they impose it upon their wives shoulders . they likewise sew their husbands shooes , and weave coates of turkie feathers , besides all their ordinary household drudgerie which daily lies upon them , so that a bigge bellie hinders no businesse , nor a childebirth takes much time , but the young infant being greased and sooted , wrapt in a beaver skin , bound to his good behaviour with his feete up to his bumme , upon a board two foote long and one foot broade , his face exposed to all nipping weather ; this little pappouse travells about with his bare footed mother to paddle in the icie clammbankes after three or foure dayes of age have sealed his pass●board and his mothers recoverie . for their carriage it is very civill , smiles being the greatest grace of their mirth ; their musick is lullabies to quiet their children , who generally are as quiet as if they had neither spleene or lungs . to heare one of these indians unseene , a good care might easily mistake their untaught voyce for the warbling of a well tuned instrument . such command have they of their voices . these womens modesty drives them to weare more cloathes than their men , having alwayes a coate of cloath or skinnes wrapt like a blanket about their loynes , reaching downe to their hammes which they never put off in company . if a husband have a minde to sell his wives beaver , petticote , as sometimes he doth , shee will not put it off untill shee have another to put on : commendable is their milde carriage and obedience to their husbands , notwithstanding all this their customarie churlishnesse and salvage inhumanitie , not seeming to delight in frownes or offering to word it with their lords , not presuming to proclaime their female superiority to the usurping of the least title of their husbands charter , but rest themselves content under their helplesse condition , counting it the womans portion : since the english arrivall comparison hath made them miserable , for seeing the kind usage of the english to their wives , they doe as much condemne their husbands for unkindnesse , and commend the english for their love . as their husbands commending themselves for their wit in keeping their wives industrious , doe condemne the english for their folly in spoyling good working creatures . these women resort often to the english houses , where pares cum paribus congregatae , in sex i meane , they do somewhat ease their miserie by complaining and seldome part without a releefe : if her husband come to seeke for his squaw and beginne to bluster , the english woman betakes her to her armes which are the warlike ladle , and the scalding liquors , threatning blistering to the naked runnaway , who is soone expelled by such liquid comminations . in a word to conclude this womans historie , their love to the english hath deserved no small esteeme , ever presenting them some thing that is either rare or desired , as strawberries , hurtleberries , rasberries , gooseberries , cherries , plummes , fish , and other such gifts as their poore treasury yeelds them . but now it may be , that this relation of the churlish and inhumane behaviour of these ruder indians towards their patient wives , may confirme some in the beliefe of an aspersion , which i have often heard men cast upon the english there , as if they should learne of the indians to use their wives in the like manner , and to bring them to the same subjection , as to sit on the lower hand , and to carrie water , and the like drudgerie : but if my owne experience may out-ballance an ill-grounded scandalous rumour , i doe assure you , upon my credit and reputation , that there is no such matter , but the women finde there as much love , respect , and ease , as here in old england . i will not deny , but that some poore people may carrie their owne water , and doe not the poorer sort in england doe the same , witnesse your london tankerd-bearers , and your countrie-cottagers ? but this may well be knowne to be nothing , but the rancerous venome of some that beare no good will to the plantation . for what neede they carrie water , seeing every one hath a spring at his doore , or the sea by his house ? thus much for the satisfaction of women , touching this entrenchment upon their prerogative , as also concerning the relation of these indian squawes . because many have desired to heare some of the natives language , i have here inserted a small nomenclator , with the names of their chiefe kings , rivers , moneths , and dayes , whereby such as have in-sight into the tongues , may know to what language it is most inclining ; and such as desire it as an unknowne language onely , may reape delight , if they can get no profit . a aberginian an indian abbamocho the divell aunum a dogge ausupp a rackoone au so hau naut hoc lobstar assawog will you play a saw upp to morrow ascosc●i greene ausomma petuc quanocke give me some bread appepes naw aug when i see it i will tell you my minde anno ke ●●gge a sieve an nu ocke a bed autchu wompocke to day appause the morne ascom quom pauputchim thankes be given to god. b boquoquo the head bisquant the shoulderbones c chesco kean you lye commouton kean you steale cram to kill chicka chava osculari podicem cowimm● sleepes cocum the navell cos the nailes conomma a spoone cossaquot bow and arrowes cone the sunne cotattup i drinke to you coetop will you drinke tobaco connucke sommona it is almost night connu good night to you cow●mpaum si● god morrow coepot ice d dottaguck the backe bone docke taugh he necke what is your name e et ch●ssucke a knife eat chumnis indian corne eans causuacke 4 fathomes easu tomm●c quocke halfe a skin of beaver epimetsis much good may your meate doe you f is not used . g gettoquaset the great toe genehuncke the fore finger gettoquacke the knees gettoquun the knuckles gettoquan the thumb gegnewaw og let me see h haha yes hoc the body hamucke almost hub hub hub come come come haddo quo du●na moquonash where did you buy that haddogoe weage who lives here i isattonaneise the bread icattop faint with hunger icatto quam very sleepie k kean i keisseanchacke backe of the hand ksitt● it hurts me kawken●g wampompeage let me see money kagmatche● will you eate meate ketott●g a whet stone kenie very sharpe ketto●a●ese lend me monie kekechoi much paine l is not used . m matchet it is nought mat●amoi to die mitchin meat misquanium very angrie mauncheake be gonne matta no meseig haire mamanock the eye brees matchanne the nose mattone the lippes mepeiteis the teeth mattickeis the shoulders mettosowset the little toe metosaunige the little finger misqu●sh the veines mohoc the wast menisowhock the genitals mocossa the black of the naile matchanni very sicke monacus bowes and arrowes manehops sit downe monakinne a coate mawcus sinnus a paire of shooes matchemauquot it stinketh muskana a bone menota a basket meatchis be merrie mawpaw it snowes mawnaucoi very strong mutchecu a very poore man monosketenog what 's this mouskett the breech matchet wequon very blunt ma●●a ka tau caushana will you not trade mowhachei● indian gold n 〈◊〉 a boy nicke squaw a maide nean you nippe water nasamp pottadge no●a sixe nisquan the elbow noenaset the third toe nahenan a blacke bird naw naunidge the middle finger napet the arme nitchicke the hand nottoquap the skinne nogcu● the heart nobpaw nocke the breast bone nequaw the thighes netop a friend nenmia give me noeicantop how doe you n●whaw nissis farewell noei pauketan by and by kill nenelah ha i le fight with you noei comquocke a codfish nepaupe stand by no ot●ut a great journie necautauh han no such matter noewamma he laugheth noeshow a father nitka a mother netchaw a brother not●nquous a kinseman nenomous a kinswoman nau maeu nais my sonne taunais my daughter no einshom give me corne nemnis take it nenimma nequitta ta auchu give me a span of any thing . ne●● nis ca su acke 2 fathome notanumoi a little strong negac●wgh-hi lend me n●b●ks quam adiew n●● wi●yan come in nau● seam much wearie noe wammaw ●use i love you net noe whaw missu . a man of a middle stature o ottucke a deere occone a deere skinne oquan the heele ottump a bow ottommaocke tobacco ottannapeake the chinne occot●●ke the throate occasu halfe a quarter vnquagh saw au you are cunning ontoquos a wolfe p pow-wow a conjurer or wizard petta sinna give me a pipe of tobaco peoke colts-foote pappouse a child petucquanocke bread picke a pipe ponesanto make a fire papowne winter pequas a foxe pausochis a little journie peamissin a little peacumshis worke hard pokitta smoake petogge a bagge paucasu a quarter pausawniscosu halfe a fathome peunct●umocke much pray pesissu a little man pau●●●●ssoi the sunne is rising poucksha● it is broken poebugketaas you burne poussis a big bellied woman q quequas nummos what cheare quequas nim it is almost day quog quosh make haste quenobpuuncke a stoole quenops be quiet r is never used . s sagamore a king sachem idem sannup a man squaw a woman squitta a fire sparke s●ggig a basse seasicke a rattle snake shannucke a squerill skesicos the eyes sickeubecke the necke supskinge the wrist bones socottocanus the breast bone squehincke blood siccaw quant the hammes sis sau causke the shinnes su●piske ancle bones seat the foote seaseap a ducke suckis suacke a clam sequan the summer sockepup he will bite sis come out squi red swanscaw suacko 3 fathomes sawawampeago very weake succomme i will eate you sasketupe a great man t taubut nean he● thankes heartily tantacum beate him tap in goe in titta i cannot tell tahanyah what newes tonagus the eares tannicke a cranie thaw the calfe of the leg tahascat the sole of the foote tasseche quonu●ck the insteppe tonokete naum whither goe you tannissin may which is the way tunketappin where live you tonocco wam where have you bin tasis a paire of stockings tockucke a hatchet towwow a sister tom maushew a husband tookesin enough sleepe titto kean l●atoquam doe you nod and sleepe tau kequam very heavie tauh coi it is very cold v vkepemanous the breast 〈◊〉 vnkesheto will you trucke w wampompeage indian money winnet very good web a wife wigwam a house waw●●●t enough whenan the tongue whanksis a foxe wawpatucke a goose wawpiske the bellie whoe nuncke a ditch wappinne the wind wawtom understand you wompey white wa aoy the sunne is downe wa●coh the day breakes wekemawquot it smells sweete weneikin●e it is very handsome whissu hochuck the kettle boyleth waawnew you have lost your way woenaunta it is a warme summer wompoca to morrow wawmauseu an honest man weneicu a rich man weitagcone a cleere day wawnauco yesterday x never used y yeips sit downe yaus the sides yaugh there yough yough now yoakes lice the number of 20. a quit 1 nees 2 nis 3 yoaw 4 abbona 5 ocqinta 6 enotta 7 sonaske 8 assaquoquin 9 piocke 10 appon●a qiut 11 apponees 12 apponis 13 appoyoaw 14 apponabonna 15 apponaquinta 16 apponenotta 17 apponsonaske 18 apponasquoquin 19 neeniss●hicke 20 the indians count their time by nights , and not by dayes , as followeth . sawup 1 sleepes isoqu●●ocquock 2 sleepes sucqunnocquocke 3 sleepes yoawqunnocquock 4 sleepes abonetta ta sucqunnocquock 5 sleepes nequitta ta sucqunnocquock 6 sleepes enotta ta sucqunnocquock 7 sleepes soesicta sucqunnocquock 8 sleepes pausa quoquin sucqunnocquock 9 sleepes pawquo qunnocquock 10 sleepes how they call their moneths . a quit-appause 1 moneths neec-appause 2 moneths ni●-appause 3 moneths yoaw appause 4 moneths abonna appause 5 moneths nequit appause 6 moneths e●otta appause 7 moneths sonaske appause 8 moneths assaquoquin appause 9 moneths piocke appause 10 moneths app●na quit appause 11 moneths app●●●ce● appause 12 moneths apponnis appause 13 moneths apponyouw appause 14 moneths nap nappona appause 15 moneths nap napocquint appause 16 moneths nap nap enotta appause 17 moneths napsoe sicke appause 18 moneths nappawsoquoquin appause 16 moneths neesnischicke appause 20 moneths neesnischicke appon a quit appause 21 moneths neesnischicke apponees appause 22 moneths neesnischick apponis appause 23 moneths neesnischick appo yoaw appause 24 moneths the names of the indians as they be divided into severall countries . tarrenteens churchers aberginians narragansets pequants n●pn●ts connectacuts mowhacks the names of sagamores . woenohaquahham anglice king iohn montowompate anglice king iames mausquonomend igowam sagamore chickkatawbut naponset sagamore caroni●●es narraganset sagamore osomeagen sagamore of the pequants kekut petchutacut sagamore nassawwho●an woesemagen two sagamoes of nipust . pissacannua a sagamore and most noted nigromancer . sagamores to the east and north-east , bearing rule amongst the churchers and tarrenteens . nepawhamis asteco assotomowite nannopo●nacund nattonanite . noenotchuo●k the names of the noted habitations . merrimack igowam igoshaum chobocco anglice nahumkeake salem saugus swampscot nahant wìnnisimmet mis●aum mishaumut charles towne massachusets boston mistick pigsgusset water tow napons●t matampan dorchester pawtuxet plymouth wessaguscus conihosset mannimeed soewampse● situate amuskeage pemmiquid saketeho● piscat●qua cannibek penopscot pa●toquid nawquot musketoquid nipnet whawcheusets at what places be rivers of note . cannibeck river merrimacke river t●bobocco river saugus river mistick river mishaum river naponset river wessaguscus river luddams●oard ●oard narragausets river muske toquid river hunniborne river connectacut river finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a15685-e2280 wessagustus dorchester . roxberry . boston . charles-towne . medford . new-towne . water-towne . misticke . winnisimet . ilands there saugus . nahant . salem . agowam . merrimack river . a short story of the rise, reign, and ruin of the antinomians, familists, and libertines that infected the churches of new-england and how they were confuted by the assembly of ministers there as also of the magistrates proceedings in court against them : together with god's strange remarkable judgements from heaven upon some of the chief fomenters of these opinions : and the lamentable death of mrs. hutchison : very fit for these times, here being the same errors amongst us, and acted by the same spirit : published at the instant request of sundry, by one that was an eye and ear-witness of the carriage of matters there. winthrop, john, 1588-1649. 1692 approx. 251 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 43 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65392 wing w1270 estc r6157 12416692 ocm 12416692 61688 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65392) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61688) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 906:7) a short story of the rise, reign, and ruin of the antinomians, familists, and libertines that infected the churches of new-england and how they were confuted by the assembly of ministers there as also of the magistrates proceedings in court against them : together with god's strange remarkable judgements from heaven upon some of the chief fomenters of these opinions : and the lamentable death of mrs. hutchison : very fit for these times, here being the same errors amongst us, and acted by the same spirit : published at the instant request of sundry, by one that was an eye and ear-witness of the carriage of matters there. winthrop, john, 1588-1649. weld, thomas, 1590?-1662. [18], 64 [i.e. 66] p. printed for tho. parkhurst ..., london : 1692. reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed to john winthrop. cf. nuc pre-1956. formerly ascribed to thomas weld. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hutchinson, anne marbury, 1591-1643. antinomianism. freedom of religion -new england -early works to 1800. new england -church history -17th century. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a short story of the rise , reign , and ruin of the antinomians , familists , and libertines that infected the churches of new-england : and how they were confuted by the assembly of ministers there : as also of the magistrates proceedings in court against them . together with god's strange remarkable judgements from heaven upon some of the chief fomenters of these opinions ; and the lamentable death of mrs. hutchison . very fit for these times ; here being the same errors amongst us , and acted by the same spirit . published at the instant request of sundry , by one that was an eye and ear-witness of the carriage of matters there . ephes. 4. 14. be no more children , tossed to and fro , and carried about with every wind of doctrine , by the slight of men , and cunning craftiness , whereby they lie in wait to deceive . beware , lest ye being led away with the error of the wicked , re fall from your own stedfastness , 2 pet. 3. 17. london , printed for tho. parkhurst , at the bible and three crowns at the lower end of cheapside , near mercer's chappel , 1692 to the reader . i meeting with this book , newly come forth of the press , and being earnestly pressed by divers to perfect it , by laying down the order and sense of this story , ( which in the book is omitted ) though for mine own part , i was more slow unto it ; ( not as if i think it contains any thing but truth ; but ) because the names of some parties , that acted in our troubles , that have , since that time , ( i hope ) repented , and so god having pardoned their sins in heaven , i should have been loth to have revived them on earth ; but considering that their names are already in print without any act of mine , and that the necessity of the times call for it , and it 's requisite that gods great works should be made known ; i therefore , in a strait of time , ( not having had many hours , ) have drawn up this following preface , and prefixed hereunto , with some additions to the conclusion of the book . i commend thy self and this to the blessing of god. t. w. the preface . after we had escaped the cruel hands of persecuting prelates , and the dangers at sea , and had pretty well out-grown our wilderness troubles in our first plantings in new-england ; and when our common-wealth began to be founded , and our churches sweetly setled in peace , ( god abounding to us in more happy enjoyments then we could have expected : ) lest we should now grow secure , our wise god ( who seldom suffers his own , in this their wearisome pilgrimage , to be long without trouble ) sent a new storm after us , which proved the forest trial that ever befel us since we left our native soil . which was this , that some going thither from hence , full fraught with many unsound and loose opinions , after a time , began to open their packs , and freely vent their wares to any that would be their customers ; multitudes of men and women , church-members and others , having tasted of their commodities , were eager after them , and were streight infected before they were aware , and some being tainted conveyed the infection to others : and thus that plague first began amongst us , that had not the wisdom and faithfulness of him , that watcheth over his vineyard night and day , by the beams of his light and grace , cleared and purged the air , certainly we had not been able to have breathed there comfortably much longer . our discourse of them shall tend to shew , 1. what these opinions were . 2. how they spread so fast , and prevailed so suddenly . 3. how they did rage and reign when they had once gotten head . 4. how they fell and were ruined , when they were at highest . the opinions , ( some of them ) were such as these ; i say , some of them , to give but a tast , for afterwards you shall see a litter of fourscore and eleven of their brats hung up against the sun , besides many new ones of mistriss hutchinsons ; all which they hatched and dandled ; as , 1. that the law , and the preaching of it , is of no use at all , to drive a man to christ. 2. that a man is united to christ , and justified without faith : yea , from eternity . 3. that faith is not a receiving of christ , but a man's discerning that he hath received him already . 4. that a man is united to christ onely by the work of the spirit upon him , without any act of his . 5. that a man is never effectually christ's , till he hath assurance . 6. this assurance is onely from the witness of the spirit . 7. this witness of the spirit is meerly immediate , without any respect to the word , or any concurrence with it . 8. when a man hath once this witness , he never doubts more . 9. to question my assurance , though i fall into murther or adultery , proves that i never had true assurance . 10. sanctification can be no evidence of a mans good estate . 11. no comfort can he had from any conditional promise . 12. poverty in spirit ( to which christ pronounceth blessedness , mat. 5. 3. ) is onely this , to see i have no grace at all . 13. to see i have no grace in me , will give me comfort ; but to take comfort from sight of grace , is legal . 14. an hypocrite may have adam's graces that he had in innocency . 15. the graces of saints and hypocrites differ not . 16. all graces are in christ , as in the subject , and none in us , so that christ believes , christ loves , &c. 17. christ is the new creature . 18. god loves a man never the better for any holiness in him , and nevertheless , be he never so unholy . 19. sin in a child of god must never trouble him . 20. trouble in conscience for sins of commission , or for neglect of duties , shews a man to be under a covenant of vvorks . 21. all covenants to god expressed in works are legal works . 22. a christian is not bound to the law as a rule of his conversation . 23. a christian is not bound to pray except the spirit moves him . 24. a minister that hath not this ( new ) light , is not able to edifie others that have it . 25. the whole letter of the scripture is a covenant of works . 26. no christian must be prest to duties of holiness . 27. no christian must be exhorted to faith , love , and prayer , &c. except we know he hath the spirit . 28. a man may have all graces , and yet want christ. 29. all a believer's activity is onely to act sin . now these , most of them , being so gross , one would wonder how they should spread so fast and suddenly amongst a people so religious and well taught . for declaring of this be pleased to attend two things . 1. the nature of the opinions themselves , which open such a fair and easie way to heaven , that men may pass without difficulty . for , if a man need not be troubled by the law , before faith , but may step to christ so easily ; and then if his faith be no going out of himself to take christ , but only a discerning that christ is his own already , and is only an act of the spirit upon him , no act of his own done by him ; and if he , for his part , must see nothing in himself , have nothing , do nothing , only he is to stand still and wait for christ to do all for him . and then if after faith , the law no rule to walk by , no sorrow or repentance for sin ; he must not be pressed to duties , and need never pray , unless moved by the spirit : and if he falls into sin , he is never the more disliked of god , nor his condition never the worse . and for his assurance , it being given him by the spirit , he must never let it go , but abide in the height of comfort , tho' he falls into the grossest sins that he can . then their way to life was made easie , if so , no marvel so many like of it . and this is the very reason , besides the novelty of it , that this kind of doctrine takes so well here in london , and other parts of the kingdom , and that you see so many dance after this pipe , running after such and such , crowding the churches and filling the doors and windows , even such carnal and vile persons ( many of them ) as care not to hear any other godly ministers , but only their leaders . oh it pleaseth nature well to have heaven and their lusts too . 2. consider their slights they used in somenting their opinions , some of which i will set down : as i. they laboured much to acquaint themselves with as many , as possibly they could , that so they might have the better opportunity to communicate their new light unto them . ii. being once acquainted with them , they would strangely labour to insinuate themselves into their affections , by loving salutes , humble carriage , kind invitements , friendly visits , and so they would win upon men , and steal into their bosoms before they were aware . yea , assoon as any new-comers ( especially , men of note , worth and activity , fit instruments to advance their design ) were landed , they would be sure to welcome them , shew them all courtesie , and offer them room in their own houses , or of some of their own sect , and having gotten them into their web , they could easily poyson them by degrees ; it was rare for any man thus hooked in , to escape their leaven . iii. ( because such men as would seduce others , had need be some way eminent ) they would appear very humble , holy , and spiritual christians , and full of christ ; they would deny themselves far , speak excellently , pray with such soul-ravishing expressions and affections , that a stranger that loved goodness , could not but love and admire them , and so be the more easily drawn after them ; looking upon them as men and women as likely to know the secrets of christ , and bosom-counsels of his spirits , as any other . and this opinion of them was the more lifted up through the simplicity and weakness of their followers , who would , in admiration of them , tell others , that since the apostles time , they were perswaded , none ever received so much light from god , as such and such had done , naming their leaders . 4. as they would lift up themselves , so also their opinions , by guilding them over with specious terms of free-grace , glorious-light , gospel-truths , as holding forth naked christ : and this took much with simple honest hearts that loved christ , especiaily with new converts , who were lately in bondage under sin and wrath , and had newly tasted the sweetness of free-grace ; being now in their first love to christ , they were exceeding glad to embrace any thing , that might further advance christ and free grace ; and so drank them in readily . 5. if they met with christians that were full of doubts and fears about their conditions , ( as many tender and godly hearts there were ) they would tell them they had never taken a right course for comfort , but had gone on ( as they were led ) in a legal way of evidencing their good estate by sanctification , and gazing after qualifications in themselves , and would shew them from their own experience , that themselves for a long time , were befool'd even as they are now , in poring upon graces in themselves , and while they did so they never prospered ; but were driven to pull all that building down , and lay better and safer foundations in free-grace ; and then would tell them of this gospel-way we speak of , how they might come to such a setled peace that they might never doubt more , tho' they should see no grace at all in themselves : & so ( as it is said of the harlots dealing with the young man , pr. 7. 21. ) with much fair speech they caused them to yield , with the flattering of their lips they forced them . 6. they commonly labour'd to work first upon women , being ( as they conceived ) the weaker to resist ; the more flexible , tender , and ready to yield : and if once they could winde in them , they hoped by them , as by an eve , to catch their husbands also , which indeed often proved too true amongst us there . 7. as soon as they had thus wrought in themselves , and a good conceit of their opinions , by all these ways of subtilty , into the hearts of people ; nextly , they strongly endeavour'd with all the craft they could , to undermine the good opinion of their ministers , and their doctrine , and to work them clean out of their affections , telling them they were sorry that their teachers had so mis-bed them , and train'd them up under a covenant of works , and that themselves never having been taught of god , it is no wonder they did no better teach them the truth , and how they may sit till dooms-day under their legal sermons , and never see light ; and withal sometimes casting aspersions on their persons , and practice , as well as their doctrine , to bring them quite out of esteem with them . and this they did so effectually , that many declined the hearing of them , tho' they were members of their churches , and others that did hear , were so filled with prejudice that they profited not , but studied how to object against them , and censure their doctrine , which ( whilst they stood right ) were wont to make their hearts to melt and tremble . yea , some that had been begotten to christ by some of their faithful labours in this land , for whom they could have laid down their lives , and not being able to bear their absence , follow'd after them thither to new-england , to injoy their labours ; yet these falling acquainted with those seducers , were suddenly so alter'd in their affections towards those their spiritual fathers , that they would neither hear them , nor willingly come in their company , professing they had never received any good from them . 8. they would not , till they knew men well , open the whole mystery of their new religion to them , but this was ever their method , to drop a little at once into their followers as they were capable , and never would administer their physick . till they had first given good preparatives to make it work , and then stronger and stronger potions , as they found the patient able to bear . 9. they would in company now and then let fall some of their most plausible errors , as a bait let down to catch withal ; now if any began to nibble at the bait , they would angle still , and never give over till they had caught them ; but if any should espy the naked hook , and so see their danger , and profess against the opinions , then you should have them fairly retreat , and say , nay , mistake me not , for i do mean even as you do , you and i are both of one mind in substance , and differ only in words : by this kind of iesuitical dealing , they did not only keep their credit with them , as men that held nothing but the truth ; but gained this also , viz. that when afterwards , they should hear men taxed for holding errors , they would be ready to defend them , and say , ( out of their simplicity of heart ) such men hold nothing but truth , for i my self judged of them , as you do , but when i heard them explain themselves , they and i were both one : by this machivilian policy , these deluders wrere reputed sound in their judgments , and so were able to do the more hurt , and were longer undetected . 10. what men they saw eminent in the country , and of most esteem in the hearts of the people , they would be sure still , to father their opinions upon them , and say , i hold nothing but what i had from such and such a man , whereas their iudgments and expressions also were in truth far differing from theirs upon point of tryal , but if it came to pass , that they were brought face to face to make it good , ( as sometimes they have been ) they would winde out with some evasion or other , or else say , i understood him so : for it was so frequent with them to have many dark shadows and colours to cover their opinions and expressions withal , that it was a wonderful hard matter to take them tardy , or to know the bottom of what they said or sealed . 11. but the last and worst of all , which most suddenly diffused the venom of these opinions into the very veins and vitals of the people in the country , was mistress hutchinsons double weekly lecture , which she kept under a pretence of repeating sermons , to which resorted sundry of boston , and other towns about , to the number of fifty , sixty , or eighty at once ; where after she had repeated the sermon , she would make her comment upon it , vent her mischievous opinions as she pleased , and wreathed the scriptures to her own purpose ; where the custom was for her scholars to propound questions , and she ( gravely sitting in the chair ) did make answers thereunto . the great respect she had at first in the hearts of all , and her profitable and sober carriage of matters , for a time , made this her practice less suspected by the godly magistrates , and elders of the church there , so that it was winked at for a time , ( though afterward reproved by the assembly , and called into court but it held so long , until she had spread her leaven so far , that had not providence prevented , it had proved the canker of our peace , and ruine of our comforts . by all these means and cunning slights they used , it came about that those errors were so soon conveyed , before we were aware , not only into the church of boston , where most of these seducers lived , but also into almost all the parts of the country round about . these opinions being thus spread , and grown to their full ripeness and latitude , through the nimbleness and activity of their fomenters , began now to lift up their heads full high , to stare us in the face , and to confront all that opposed them . and that which added vigour and boldness to them was this , that now by this time they had some of all sorts , and quality , in all places to defend and patronise them ; some of the magistrates , some gentlemen , some scholars , and men of learning , some burgesses of our general court , some of our captains and souldiers , some chief men in towns , and some men eminent for religion , parts , and wit. so that wheresoever the case of the opinions came in agitation , there wanted not patrons to stand up to plead for them , and if any of the opinionists were complained of in the courts for their misdemeanors , or brought before the churches for conviction or censure , still , some or other of that party would not onely suspend , giving their vote against them , but would labour to justifie them , side with them , and protest against any sentence that should pass upon them , and so be ready , not onely to harden the delinquent against all means of conviction , but to raise a mutiny , if the major part should carry it against them ; so in town-meetings , military-trainings , and all other societies , yea , almost in every family , it was hard , if that some or other were not ready to rise up in defence of them , even as of the apple of their own eye . now , oh their boldness , pride , insolency , alienations from their old and dearest friends , the disturbances , divisions , contentions they raised amongst us , both in church and state , and in families , setting division betwixt husband and wife ! oh the sore censures against all sorts that opposed them , and the contempt they cast upon our godly magistrates , churches , ministers , and all that were set over them , when they stood in their way ! now the faithful ministers of christ must have dung cast on their faces , and be no better than legal preachers , baal's-priests , popish factors , scribes , pharisees , and opposers of christ himself . now they must be pointed at , as it were with the finger , and reproached by name , such a church officer is an ignorant man , and knows not christ ; such an one is under a covenant of works ; such a pastor is a proud man , and would make a good persecuter ; such a teacher is grossly popish ; so that through these reproaches , occasion was given to men to abhor the offerings of the lord. now , one of them in a solemn convention of ministers , dared to say to their faces , that they did not preach the covenant of free-grace , and that they themselves had not the seal of the spirit , &c. now , after our sermons were ended at our publick lectures , you might have seen half a dozen pistols discharged at the face of the preacher , ( i mean ) so many objections made by the opinionists in the open assembly against our doctrine delivered if it suited not their new fancies , to the marvellous weakning of holy truths delivered , ( what in them lay ) in the hearts of all the weaker sort ; and this done not once and away , but from day to day after our sermons ; yea , they would come when they heard a minister was upon such a point , as was like to strike at their opinions , with a purpose to oppose him to his face . now , you might have seen many of the opinionists rising up , and contemptuously turning their backs upon the faithful pastors of that church , and going forth from the assembly when he began to pray or preach . now , you might have read epistles of defiance and challenge , written to some ministers after their sermons , to cross and contradict truths by them delivered , and to maintain their own way . now , might one have frequently heard , both in court and church-meetings where they were dealt withal , about their opinions , and exorbitant carriages , such bold and menacing expressions as these . this i hold , and will hold to my death , and will maintain it with my blood . and if i cannot be heard here , i must be forced to take some other course . they said moreover what they would do against us ( biting their words in ) when such and such opportunities should be offered to them , as they daily expected . insomuch that we had great cause to have feared the extremity of danger from them , in case power had been in their hands . now , you might have heard one of them preaching a most dangerous sermon in a great assembly ; when he divided the whole country into two ranks , some ( that were of his opinion ) under a covenant of grace , and those were friends to christ ; others under a covenant of works , whom they might know by this , if they evidence their good estate by their sanctification : those were ( said he ) enemies to christ , herods , pilates , scribes and pharisees , yea , antichrists ; and advised all under a covenant of grace , to look upon them as such , and did , with great zeal , stimulate them to deal with them as they would with such : and withal alledging the story of moses that killed the egyptian , barely left it so : i mention not this or any thing , in the least degree , to reflect upon this man , or any other ; for god hath long since opened his eyes ( i hope ) but to shew what racket these opinions did make there , and will any where else where they get an head . now , might you have seen open contempt cast upon the face of the whole general court in subtile words to this very effect . that the magistrates were ahabs , amaziahs , scribes and pharisees , enemies to christ , led by satan , that old enemy of free-grace , and that it were better that a milstone were hung about their necks , and they were drowned in the sea , than they should censure one of their iudgment , which they were now about to do . another of them you might have seen so audaciously insolent , and high-flown in spirit and speech , that she bad the court of magistrates ( when they were about to censure her for her pernicious carriages ) take heed what they did to her , for she knew by an infallible revelation , that for this act which they were about to pass against her , god would ruin them , their posterity , and that whole common-wealth . by a little taste of a few passages instead of multitudes here presented , you may see what an heighth they were grown unto , in a short time ; and what a spirit of pride , insolency , contempt of authority , division , sedition , they were acted by : it was a wonder of mercy that they had not set our common-wealth and churches on a fire and consumed us all therein . they being mounted to this heighth , and carried with such a strong hand ( as you have heard , ) and seeing a spirit of pride , subtilty , malice , and contempt of all men , that were not of their minds , breathing in them ( our hearts sadded , and our spirits tyred ) we sighed and groaned to heaven , we humbled our souls by prayer and fasting that the lord would find out and bless some means and ways for the cure of this sore , and deliver his truth and our selves from this heavy bondage . which ( when his own time was come ) he hearkned unto , and in infinite mercy looked upon our sorrows , and did in a wonderful manner , beyond all expectation free us by these means following . 1. he stirred up all the ministers spirits in the country to preach against those errors and practices , that so much pestered the country , to inform , to confute , to rebuke , &c. thereby to cure those that were diseased already , and to give antidotes to the rest , to preserve them from infection . and tho' this ordinance went not without its appointed effect , in the latter respect , yet we found it not so effectual for the driving away of this infection , as we desired , for they ( most of them ) hardned their faces , and bent their wits how to oppose , and confirm themselves in their way . 2. we spent much time and strength in conference with them , sometimes in private before the elders only , sometimes in our publick congregation for all comers ; many , very many hours and half days together we spent therein to see if any means might prevail ; we gave them free leave , with all lenity and patience , to lay down what they could say for their opinions , and answered them , from point to point , and then brought clear arguments from evident scriptures against them , and put them to answer us even until they were oftentimes brought to be either silent , or driven to deny common principles , or shuffle off plain scripture ; and yet ( such was their pride and hardness of heart that ) they would not yield to the truth , but did tell us they would take time to consider of our arguments , and in the mean space meeting with some of their abetters , strengthened themselves again in their old way , that when we dealt with them next time , we found them further off than before , so that our hopes began to languish of reducing them by private means . 3. then we had an assembly of all the ministers and learned men in the whole country , which held for three weeks together at cambridge ( then called new-town ) mr. hooker , and mr. bulkley ( alias buckley ) being chosen moderators , or prolocutors , the magistrates sitting present all that time , as hearers , and speakers also when they saw fit : a liberty also was given to any of the country to come in and hear , ( it being appointed , in great part , for the satisfaction of the people ) and a place was appointed for all the opinionists to come in , and take liberty of speech , ( only due order observed ) as much as any of our selves had , and as freely . the first week we spent in confuting the loose opinions that we gathered up in the country , the summ of which is set down , pag. 1. &c. the other fortnight we spent in a plain syllogistical dispute , ( ad vulgus as much as might be ) gathered up nine of the chiefest points , ( on which the rest depended ) and disputed of them all in order , pro & con . in the forenoons we framed our arguments , and in the afternoons produced them in publick and next day the adversary gave in their answers , and produced also their arguments on the same questions ; then we answered them , and replyed also upon them the next day . these disputes are not mentioned at all in the following discourse , happily , because of the swelling of the book . god was much present with his servants , truth began to get ground , and the adverse party to be at a stand , but after discourse amongst themselves , still they hardned one another , yet the work of the assembly ( through gods blessing ) gained much on the hearers , that were indifferent , to strengthen them , and on many wavering , to settle them : the error of the opinions and wilfulness of their maintainer's , laid stark naked . 4. then after this mean was tried , and the magistrates saw that neither our preaching , conference , nor yet our assembly meeting did effect the cure , but that , still , after conference had together , the leaders put such life into the rest , that they all went on in their former course , not only to disturb the churches , but miserably interrupt the civil peace , and that they threw contempt both upon courts and churches , and began now to raise sedition amongst us , to the indangering of the common-wealth ; hereupon for these grounds named , ( and not for their opinions , as themselves falsely reported , and as our godly magistrates have been much traduced here in england ) for these reasons ( i say ) being civil disturbances , the magistrate convents them , ( as it plainly appears , pag. 28 , 29. of this book ) and censures them ; some were disfranchised , others fined , the incurable amongst them banished . this was another mean of their subduing some of the leaders being down , and oth●…rs gone , the rest were weakned , but yet they ( for all this ) strongly held up their heads many a day after . 5. then god himself was pleased to step in with his casting voice , and bring in his own vote and suffrage from heaven by testifying his displeasure against their opinions and practices , as clearly as if he had pointed with his finger , in causing the two fomenting women in the time of the height of the opinions to produce out of their wombs , as before they had out of their brains , such monstrous births , as no chronicle ( i think ) hardly ever recorded the like . mistriss dier brought forth her birth of a woman child , a fish , a beast , and a fowl , all woven together in one , and without an head , as pag. 44 , describes , to which i refer the reader . mistriss hutchison being big with child , and growing towards the time of her labour , as other women do , she brought forth not one , ( as mistris dier did ) but ( which was more strange to amazement ) thirty monstrous births or thereabouts , at once ; some of them bigger , some lesser , some of one shape , some of another ; few of any perfect shape , none at all of them ( as far as i could ever learn ) of humane shape . these things are so strange , that i am almost loth to be the reporter of them , lest i should seem to feign a new story , and not to relate an old one , but i have learned otherwise ( blessed be his name ) than to delude the world with untruths . and these things are so well known in new-england , that they have been made use of in publick , by the reverend teacher of boston , and testified by so many letters to friends here , that the things are past question . and see how the wisdom of god sitted this judgment to her sin every way , for look as she had vented mishapen opinions , so she must bring forth deformed monsters ; and as about thirty opinions in number , so many monsters ; and as those were publick , and not in a corner mentioned , so this is now come to be known and famous over all these churches , and a great part of the world. and though he that runs may read their sin in these judgments ; yet , behold the desperate and stupendious hardness of heart in these persons and their followers , who were so far from seeing the finger of god in all these dreadful passages , that they turned all from themselves upon the faithful servants of god that laboured to reclaim them , saying , this is for you , ye legalists , that your eyes might be farther blinded , by god's hand upon us , in your legal ways , and stumble and fall , and in the end break your necks into hell , if ye imbrace not the truth . now i am upon mistris hutchison's story , i will digress a little to give you a farther tast of her spirit , viz. after she was gone from us to the island , the church of boston sent unto her four of their members , ( men of a lovely and winning spirit , as most likely to prevail ) to see if they could convince and reduce her , according to 2 thess. 3. 13. when they came first unto her , she asked from whom they came , and what was their business ? they answered , we are come in the name of the lord iesus , from the church of christ at boston , to labour to convince you of , &c — at that word she ( being filled with as much disdain in her countenance , as bitterness in her spirit ) replied , what , from the church at boston ? i know no such church , neither will i own it , call it the whore and strumpet of boston , no church of christ : so they said no more , seeing her so desperate , but returned . behold the spirit of error , to what a pass it drives a man ! this loud-speaking providence from heaven in the monsters , did much awaken many of their followers ( especially the tenderer sort ) to attend god's meaning therein ; and made them at such a stand , that they dared not slight so manifest a sign from heaven , that from that time we found many of their ears boared ( as they had good cause ) to attend to counsel , but others yet followed them . 6. the last stroke that slew the opinions , was the falling away of their leaders . 1. into more hideous and soul-destroying delusions , which rain ( indeed ) all religion , as , that the souls of men are mortal like the beasts . that there is no such thing as inherent righteousness . that these bodies of ours shall not rise again . that their own revelations of particular events were as infallible as the scripture , &c. 2. they also grew ( many of them ) very loose and degenerate in their practices ( for these opinions will certainly produce a filthy life by degrees ; ) as no prayer in their families , no sabbath , insufferable pride , frequ●…nt and hideous lying ; divers of them being proved guilty ; some of five , other of ten gross lies ; another falling into a lie , god smote him in the very act , that he sunk down into a deep swound , and being by hot waters recover'd , and coming to himself , said , oh god , thou mightst have struck me dead , as ananias and saphira , for i have maintained a lie . mistress hutchison and others cast out of the church for lying , and some guilty of fouler sins than all these , which i here name not . these things exceedingly amazed their followers , ( especially such as were led after them in the simplicity of their hearts , as many were ) and now they began to see that they were deluded by them . a great while they did not believe that mistress hutchison and some others did hold such things as they were taxed for , but when themselves heard her defending her twenty nine cursed opinions in boston church , and there falling into fearful lying , with an impudent fore-head in the open assembly , then they believed what before they could not , and were ashamed before god and men , that ever they were so led aside from the lord and his truth , and the godly counsel of their faithful ministers , by such an impostor as she was . now no man could lay more upon them , than they would upon themselves , in their acknowledgment . many after this came unto us , who before flew from us , with such desires as those in act. 2. men and brethren , what shall we do ? and did willingly take shame to themselves in the open assemblies by confessing ( some of them with many tears ) how they had given offence to the lord and his people , by departing from the truth , and being led by a spirit of error , their alienation from their brethren in their affections , and their crooked and perverse walking in contempt of authority , slighting the churches , and despising the counsel of their godly teachers . now they would freely discover the slights the adversaries had used to undermine them by , and steal away their eyes from the truth and their brethren , which before ( whilst their eyes were seal'd ) they could not see . and the fruit of this was great praise to the lord , who had thus wonderfully wrought matters about ; gladness in all our hearts and faces , and expressions of our renewed affections by receiving them again into our bosoms , and from that time untill now have walked ( according to their renewed covenants ) humbly and lovingly amongst us , holding forth truth and peace with power . but for the rest , which ( notwithstanding all these means of conviction from heaven and earth , and the example of their seduced brethrens return ) yet stood obdurate , yea more hardned ( us we had cause to fear ) than before ; we convented those of them that were members before the churches , and yet laboured once and again to convince them , not only of their errors , but also of sundry exorbitant practices which they had fallen into ; as manifest pride , contempt of authority , neglecting to hear the church , and lying , &c. but after no means prevailed , we were driven with sad hearts to give them up to satan . yet not simply for their opinions ( for which i find we have been slanderously traduced ) but the chiefest cause of their censure was their miscarriages ( as have been said ) persisted in with great obstinacy . the persons cast out of the churches , were about nine or ten , as far as i can remember ; who , for a space , continued very hard and impenitent , but afterward some of them were received into fellowship again , upon their repentance . these persons cast out , and the rest of the ring-leaders that had received sentence of banishment , with many others infected by them , that were neither censured in court , nor in churches , went all together out of our iurisdiction and precinct into an island called read-island , ( sirnamed by some , the island of errors ) and there they live to this day , most of them ; but in great strife and contention in the civil estate , and otherwise ; hatching and multiplying new opinions , and cannot agree , but are miserably divided into sundry sects and factions . but mistress hutchison being weary of the island , or rather , the island weary of her , departed from thence with all her family , her daughter , and her children , to live under the dutch , near a place called by sea-men , and in the map , hell-gate . ( and now i am come to the last act of her tragedy , a most heavy stroak upon her self and hers , as i received it very lately from a godly hand in new-england . ) there the indians set upon them , and slew her , and all her family ; her daughter , and her daughters husband , and all their children , save one that escaped ; ( her own husband being dead before ; ) a dreadful blow . some write that the indians did burn her to death with fire , her house and all the rest named that belonged to her ; but i am not able to affirm by what kind of death they slew her , but slain it seems she is , according to all reports . i never heard that the indians in those parts did ever before this , commit the like outrage upon any one family , or families ; and therefore gods hand is the more apparently seen herein , to pick out this woful woman , to make her , and those belonging to her , an unheard-of heavy example of their cruelty above others . thus the lord heard our groans to heaven , and freed us from this great and sore affliction , which first was small , like elias's cloud ; but after spread the heavens ; and hath ( through great mercy ) given the churches rest from this disturbance ever since ; that we know none that lifts up his head to disturb our sweet peace , in any of the churches of christ among us ; blessed for ever be his name . i bow my knees to the god of truth and peace , to grant these churches as full a riddance from the same , or like opinions , which do destroy his truth , and disturb their peace . a postscript . i think it fit to add a comfortable passage of news from those parts written to me very lately by a faithful hand , which as it affected mine own heart , so it may do many others , viz. that two sagamores , ( or indian princes ) with all their men , women and children , have voluntarily submitted themselves to the will and law of our god , with expressed desires to be taught the same ; and have for that end , put themselves under our government and protection , even in the same manner , as any of the english are : which morning-peep of mercy to them ( saith he ) is a great means to awaken the spirit of prayer and faith for them in all the churches . t. welde . a catalogue of such erroneous opinions as were found to have been brought into new-england , and spread under hand there , as they were condemned by an assembly of the churches , at new-town , aug. 30. 1637. the errors . 1. in the conversion of a sinner , which is saving and gracious , the faculties of the soul , and workings thereof , in things pertaining to god , are destroyed and made to cease . the confutation . 1. this is contrary to the scripture , which speaketh of the faculties of the soul , ( as the understanding and the will ) not as destroyed in conversion , but as changed , luke 24 45. christ is said to have opened their understandings : ioh. 21. 18. peter is said to be led whither he would not , therefore he had a will. again , to destroy the faculties of the soul , is to destroy the immortality of the soul. error 2. instead of them , the holy ghost doth come and take place , and doth all the works of those natures , as the faculties of the human nature of christ do . confutation 2. this is contrary to scripture , which speaketh of god , as sanctifying our souls and spirits , 1 thess. 5. 23. purging our consciences , heb. 9. 14. refreshing our memories , ioh. 14. 26. error 3. that the love which is said to remain , when faith and hope cease , is the holy ghost . confutation 3. this is contrary to the scriptures , which put an express difference between the holy ghost , and love , 2 cor. 6. 6. and if our love were the holy ghost , we cannot be said to love god at all ; or if we did , it was , because we were personally united to the holy ghost . error 4 , 5. that those that be in christ , are not under the law , and commands of the word , as the rule of life . alias , that the will of god in the word , or directions thereof , are not the rule whereunto christians are bound to conform themselves , to live thereafter . confutation 4 , 5. this is contrary to the scriptures , which direct us to the law , and to the testimony , esa. 8. 20. which also speaks of christians , as not being without law to god , but under the law to christ , 1 cor. 9. 22. error 6. the example of christ's life , is not a pattern according to ‑ which men ought to act , confutation 6. this position ( those actions of christ excepted which he did as god , or as a mediator , god and man , or on special occasions , which concern not us ) is unsound , being contrary to the scripture , wherein the example of christs life is propounded to christians , as a pattern of imitation , both by christ and his apostles , mat. 11. 29. learn of me , for i am meek , &c. 1 cor. 11. 1. be ye followers of me , as i am of christ , ephes. 5. 2. walk in love , as christ hath loved us , 1 pet. 2. 21. christ also suffered for us , leaving us an example , that ye should follow his steps , 1 joh. 2. 26. he that saith he abideth in him , ought so to walk , even as he hath walked . error 7. the new creature , or the new man mentioned in the gospel , is not meant of grace , but of christ. confutation 7. the false-hood of this proposition appeareth from the scriptures , which first propound christ and the new creature , as distinct one from another , 2 cor. 5. 17. if any man be in christ , he is a new creature . secondly , the new man is opposed to the old man , the old man is meant of lusts and vices , and not of adams person , ephes. 2. 22 , 24. therefore the new man is meant of graces and vertues , and not of the person of christ , col. 3. 9 , 10. thirdly , the new man is expresly said to consist in righteousness and true holiness , ephes. 4. 25. and to be renewed in knowledge , col. 3. 10. which are graces , and not christ. error 8. by love , 1 corinth . 13. 13. and by the armour mentioned , ephes. 6. are meant christ. confutation 8. this position is near of kin to the former ; but , secondly , the opposite , 1 cor. 13. meaneth that love which he exhorteth christians to bear one towards another , which if it were meant of christ , he might be said to exhort them to bear christ one to another , as well as to love one another . 2. faith and hope there mentioned , have christ for their object ; and if by love be meant christ , he had put no more in the latter word , than in the two former . 3. and besides , it may as well be said , faith in love , as faith in christ , and hope in love , as hope in christ , if that were the meaning . and by armour , ephes. 6. cannot be meant christ. first , because two parts of that armour are faith and hope , whereof the scriptures make christ the object : col. 1. 5. beholding the stedfastness of your faith in christ , 1 cor. 15. 19. if in this life only we had hope in christ , &c. now these graces , and the object of them cannot be the same , secondly , a person armed with that armour , may be said to be a sincere , righteous , patient christian , but if by the armour be meant christ , such predication should have been destroyed , and you might more properly say , a christified christian. error 9. the whole letter of the scripture holds for a covenant of works . confutation 9. this position is unsound , and contrary to the constant tenor of the gospel , a main part of the scriptures which in the letter thereof holds not forth a covenant of works , but of grace , as appeareth , ioh. 3. 16. 1. tim. 1. 15. mat. 11. 28. heb. 8. 10 , 11. 12. error 10. that god the father , son and holy ghost , may give themselves to the soul , and the soul may have true union with christ , true remission of sins , true marriage and fellowship , true sanctification from the blood of christ , and yet be an hypocrite . confutation 10. the word [ true ] being taken in the sense of the scriptures ; this also crosseth the doctrine of ephes. 4. 24. where righteousness and true holiness are made proper to him , that hath heard and learned the truth , as it is in jesus . error 11. as christ was once made flesh , so he is now first made flesh in us , ere we be carried to perfection . confutation 11. christ was once made flesh , ioh. 1. 14. no other incarnation is recorded , and therefore not to be believed . error 12. now in the covenant of works , a legalist may attain the same righteousness for truth , which adam had in innocency before the fall. confutation 12. he that can attain adams righteousness in sincerity , hath his sin truly mortified , but that no legalist can have , because true mortification is wrought by the covenant of grace , rom. 6. 14. sin shall not have dominion over you , for you are not under the law , but under grace . error 13. that there is a new birth under the covenant of works , to such a kind of righteousness , as before is mentioned , from which the soul must be again converted , before it can be made partaker of gods kingdom . confutation 13. this is contrary to tit. 3. 4. where the new birth is made a fruit of gods love towards man in christ ; of any new birth besides this , the scripture speaketh not . it is also contrary to 2 cor. 3. where it is made the work of the spirit , ( that is , the gospel ) opposed to the letter ( that is , to the law ) to give life ; the new birth brings forth the new creature , and the new creature argueth our being in christ , 2 cor. 5. 17. it is true indeed , gods children that are born again , must be converted again , as mat. 18. 3. but that conversion is not from that grace which they have received , but from the corruption that still remains . error 14. that christ works in the regenerate , as in those that are dead , and not as in those that are alive , or the regenerate after conversion are altogether dead to spiritual acts. confutation 14. this is contrary to rom. 6. 11. ye are alive unto god , in jesus christ , ephes. 2. 1 , 5. he hath quickned us , 1 pet. 2. 5. living stones , gal. 2. 20. the life that i now live . error 15. there is no inherent righteousness in the saints , or grace , and graces are not in the souls of believers , but in christ only . confutation 15. this is contrary to 2 tim. 1. 5. the unfeigned faith that dwelt in thee , and dwelt first in thy grandmoother , 2 pet. 1. 4. partakers of the divine nature ; which cannot be , but by inherent righteousness , 2 tim. 1. 6. stir up the grace of god which is in thee , iohn 1. 16. of his fulness , we all receive grace for grace : but if there be no grace in us , we receive nothing from his fulness , 2 cor. 4. 16. our inward man is renewed day by day , rom. 12. 2. with ephes. 4. 24. we are changed or renewed . error 16. there is no difference between the graces of hypocrites and believers , in the kinds of them . confutation 16. if this be true , then hypocrites are wise , humble , merciful , pure , &c. and so shall see god , mat. 5. 8. but they are called fools , mat. 7. 26. mat. 25. 1 , 2 , 3. neither shall they see god , mat. 24. 51. mat. 13. 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. heb. 6. 7 , 8 , 9. the difference of the grounds , argueth the difference in the kinds of graces . error 17. true poverty of spirit , doth kill and take away the sight of grace . confutation 17. this is contrary to mark 9. 24. lord , i believe , help my unbelief : if this were so , then poverty of spirit should binder thankfulness ; and so one grace should hinder another , and the graces of the spirit should hinder the work of the spirit , and cross the end why he is given to us , 1 cor. 2. 12. error 18. the spirit doth work in hypocrites , by gifts and graces , but in gods children immediately . confutation 18. this is contrary to nehem. 5. 15. so did i because of the fear of the lord : heb. 11. 17. noah moved with fear , prepared an ark. error 19. that all graces , even in the truly regenerate , are mortal and fading . confutation 19. this is contrary to ioh. 4. 14. they are graces which flow from a fountain which springeth up to eternal life ; and therefore not fading , ier. 31. 39 , 40. error 20. that to call into question , whether god be my dear father , after or upon the commission of some hainous sins , ( as murther , incest , &c. ) doth prove a man to be in the covenant of works . confutation 20. it being supposed that the doubting here spoken of , is not that of final despair , or the like ; but only that the position denieth a possibility of all doubting to a man under a covenant of grace , this is contrary to scripture , which speaketh of god's people under a covenant of grace , in these or other cases , exercised with sweet doubtings and questions : david was a justifi'd man , ( for his sins were pardoned , 2 sam. 12. 12 , 13. ) yet his bones waxed old , through his roaring all the day long , and the heaviness of gods hand was upon him night and day , and the turning of his moisture into the drought of summer , psal. 32. 3 , 4. and gods breaking his bones by with-holding from him the joy of his salvation , psal 51 8. shew that he was exercised with sweet doubts and questions at least , as this position speaketh of ; and the like may be gathered out of psal. 77. 3 , 4. where the holy man asaph , mentioneth himself , being troubled when he remembred god , and that he was so troubled , he could not speak nor sleep , and expostulateth with god ; will the lord cast off for ever ? and will he be favourable no more ? and ver . 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. these shew that he had at least sweet doubts , as the position mentioneth , and yet he was not thereby proved to be under a covenant of works ; for he doth afterward confess this to be his infirmity , vers . 10. and receiveth the comfort of former experiences , in former days , and his songs in the nights , and of gods former works , vers . 5 , 6. 10 , 11 , 12. and he resumeth his claim of his right in god by vertue of his covenant , verse 13. error 21. to be justified by faith , is to be justified by works . confutation 21. if faith , in this position be considered not simply as a work , but in relation to its object , this is contrary to the scripture , that so appropriateth justification to faith ; as it denieth it to works , setting faith and works in opposition one against another in the point of justification , as rom. 3. 27. where is boasting then ? it is excluded . by what law ? by the law of works ? no , but by the law of faith ; and ver . 28. we conclude , that a man is justified by faith , without the works of the law , and chap. 4. 16. therefore it is by faith , that it may be by grace , compared with vers . 4. to him that worketh is the reward reckoned , not of grace , but of debt . error 22. none are to be exhorted to believe , but such whom we know to be the elect of god , or to have his spirit in them effectually . confutation 22. this is contrary to the scriptures , which maketh the commission which christ gave his disciples , in these words , go , preach the gospel to every creature ; he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved , mark 16. 15 , 16. where the latter words imply an exhortation to believe , and the former words direct , that this should not only be spoken to men known to be elected , or only to men effectually called , but to every creature ; the scripture also telleth us , that the apostles , in all places , called upon men to repent and believe the gospel , which they might not have done , had this position been true . error 23. we must not pray for gifts and graces , but only for christ. confutation 23. this is contrary to scripture which teacheth us to pray for wisdom , iam. 1. 5. and for every grace bestowed by vertue of the new covenant , ezek. 36. 37. as acknowledging every good gift , and every perfect giving is from above , and cometh down from the father of lights . the whole 119. psalm , besides innumerable texts of scripture , doth abundantly confute this , by shewing that the servants of god have been taught by the spirit of god to pray for every gift and grace needful for them , and not only for christ. error 24. he that hath the seal of the spirit , may certainly judge of any person , whether he be elected or no. confutation 24. this is contrary to deut. 29 , 29. secret things belong to god ; and such is election of men not yet called . error 25. a man may have all graces and poverty of spirit , and yet want christ. confutation 25. this is contrary to mat. 5. 3. blessed are the poor in spirit : but without christ none can be blessed , ephes. 4. 22 , 24. he that hath rightoousness and true holiness , hath learned the truth , as it is in jesus , and therefore hath christ. error 26. the faith that justifieth us is in christ , and never had any actual being out of christ. confutation 26. this is contrary to scripture , luke 17. 5. lord increase our faith , ergo , faith was in them , 2 tim. 1. 6. faith is said to dwell in such and such persons , therefore faith was in them , isa. 64. 7. no man stirs up himself to lay hold upon thee . error 27. it is incompatible to the covenant of grace , to joyn faith thereunto . confutation 27. this is contrary to mark 16. 16. preach the gospel , he that believeth shall be saved , rom 4. 3. abraham believed , and it was accounted to him for righteousness , and abraham is a pattern to all under the covenant of grace , rom. 4. 24. error 28. to affirm there must be faith on mans part to receive the covenant , is to undermine christ. confutation 28. first , faith is requir'd on mans part to receive the covenant of grace , according to these scriptures , ioh. 1. 12. to as many as received him , even to them that believed on his name , mark 16. 16. he that believeth shall be saved . secondly , to affirm there must be faith on mans part to receive christ , is not to undermine christ , but to exalt him , according to these scriptures , ioh. 3. 33. he that believeth , hath put to his seal that god is true ; and so honours gods truth , which cannot undermine christ ; rom. 4. 20. but was strong in the faith ; giving glory to god , &c. error 29. an hypocrite may have these two witnesses , 1 ioh. 5. 5. that is to say , the water and blood. confutation 29. no hypocrite can have these two witnesses , water and blood , that is , true justification and sanctification , for then he should be saved , according to these scriptures , rom. 8. 30. 2 thes. 2. 13. acts 26 , 18. error 30. if any thing may be concluded from the water and blood , it is rather damnation , than salvation . confutation 30. this is contrary to the scripture last mentioned . error 31. such as see any grace of god in themselves , before they have the assurance of gods love sealed to them , are not to be received members of churches . confutation 31. this is contrary to acts 8. 37 , 38. where the eunuch saw his faith only , and yet was presently baptized ; and therefore by the same ground might be admitted . error 32. after the revelation of the spirit , neither devil nor sin can make the soul to doubt . confutation 32. this position savours of error , else asaph had not the revelation of the spirit , seeing he doubted , ( psal. 73. 13. ) whether he had not cleansed his heart in vain , and that god had forgotten to be gracious ; then also faith should be perfect , which was never found , no not in our father abraham . error 33. to act by vertue of , or in obedience to a command is legal . confutation 33. so is it also evangelical , the mystery of the gospel is said to be revealed for the obedience of faith , rom. 16. 25. also the lord jesus is said to be the author of salvation to all that obey him , heb. 5. 9. if we love christ , we are to keep his commandments , joh. 14. 29. error 34. we are not to pray against all sin , because the old man is in us , and must be ; and why should we pray against that which cannot be avoided ? confutation 34. this is contrary to 1 thess. 5. 23. 1 cor. 13. 7. error 35. the efficacy of christ's death is to kill all activity of graces in his members , that he might act all in all . confutation 35. this is contrary to rom. 6. 4. our old man is crucified wit●… him , that the body of sin might be destroyed , that we should not serve sin : contrary also to heb. 4. 14. that he might through death destroy him , &c. and 1 ioh. 3. 8. whence we infer , that if christ came to destroy the body of sin , to destroy the devil , to dissolve the works of the devil , then not to kill his own graces , which are the works of his own spirit . error 36. all the activity of a believer , is to act to sin . confutation 36. contrary to rom. 7. 15. as also to gal. 5. 17. the spirit lusteth against the flesh. error 37. we are compleatly united to christ , before , or without any faith wrought in us by the spirit . confutation 37. the term [ united ] being understood of that spiritual relation of men unto christ , whereby they come to have life and right to all other blessings in christ , 1 joh. 5. 12. he that hath the son hath life : and the term [ compleatly ] implying a presence of all those bands and ligaments and means , as are required in the word , or are any ways necessary to the making up of the union , we now conceive this assertion to be erroneous , contrary to scripture , that either expresly mentioneth faith when it speaketh of this union , ephes. 3. 17. that christ may dwell in your hearts by faith , gal. 2. 20. christ liveth in me by faith ; or ever implyeth it in those phrases that do express union ; as coming to christ , iohn 6. 35. and eating and drinking christ , vers . 47. compared with v. 54. having the son , 1 iohn 5. 12. and receiving christ , iohn 1. 12. and marriage unto christ , ephes. 5. 32. if there be no dwelling of christ in us , no coming to him , no receiving him , no eating nor drinking him , no being married to him before and without faith ; but the former is true , therefore also the latter . error 38. there can be no true closing with christ in a promise that hath a qualification or condition expressed . confutation 38. this opinion we conceive erroneous , contrary to esay 55 1 , 2. ho! every one that thirsteth , come ye to the waters . mat. 11. 28. come to me all ye that are weary and heavy laden . john 7. 37. if any man thirst , let him come to me and drink , revel . 22. 17. let him that is athirst come . mark 1. 15. repent and believe the gospel : if the word indefinitely be sanctified , for the begetting of faith , if the gospel it self be laid down in a conditional promise , if the apostles and prophets , and christ himself , have laid hold upon such promisea to help to union , and closing with himself , then there may be a true closing with christ , in a promise that hath a qualification or condition expressed . error 39. the due search and knowledge of the holy scripture , is not a safe and sure way of searching and finding christ. confutation 39. this is contrary to express words of scripture , joh. 5. 39. search the scriptures , for they testifie of me , act. 10 , 43. to him give all the prophets witness , rom. 3. 21. the righteousness of god witnessed by the law and the prophets , esay 8. 20. to the law and to the testimony , act. 17. 11. the bereans were more noble , in that they searched the scriptures daily . if the prophets give witness to christ , if his righteousness be witnessed by law and prophets , and that they be noble that daily search the scriptures , and that christ so far alloweth their testimony of him , that the scripture saith , there is no light , but in and according to them , then the due searching and knowledge of scriptures , is a safe way to search christ ; but the former is true , and therefore also the latter . error 40. there is a testimony of the spirit and voice unto the soul , meerly immediate , without any respect unto , or concurrence with the word . confutation 40. this immediate revelation without concurrence with the word , doth not onely countenance but confirm that opinion of enthusiasme , justly refused by all the churches , as being contrary to the perfection of the scriptures , and perfection of god's wisdom therein : that which is not revealed in the scripture , ( which is objectum adaequatum fidei ) is not to be believed : but that there is any such revelation , without concurrence with the word , is no where revealed in the scripture , ergo. 1 cor. 4. 16. presume not above that which is written . again , if there be any immediate revelation without concurrence of the word , then it cannot be tried by the word , but we are bid to try the spirits . to the law and testimony , esa. 8. 20. to try all things , 1 thes. 5. 21. so the bereans , acts 17. 11. and the rule of trial is the word , ioh. 5. 39. error 41. there be distinct seasons of the workings of the several persons ; so the soul may be said to be so long under the fathers , and not the sons , and so long under the sons work , and not the spirits . confutation 41. this expression is not according to the pattern of wholsome words , which teacheth a joint-concurrence of all the persons , working in every work that is wrought ; so that we cannot say , the father works so long , and the son works not , because the same work at the same time is common to them both , and to all the three persons , as the father draws , ioh. 6. 44. so the son sends his spirit to convince , and thereby draws , ioh. 16. 7 , 8. error 42. there is no assurance true or right , unless it be without fear and doubting . confutation 42. this is contrary to scripture , the penman of psal. 77. had true assurance , v. 6. and yet he had doubts and fears of god's eternal mercy , ver . 7 , 8 , 9. the best faith is imperfect , and admits infirmity , v. 10. 1 cor. 13. 10 , 11 , 12. where there is flesh that doth fight against every grace , and act thereof , and is contrary to it , there can be no grace perfect , ergo , doubting may stand with assurance , gal. 5. 17. error 43. the spirit acts most in the saints , when they endeavour least . confutation 43. reserving the special seasons of god's preventing grace to his own pleasure ; in the ordinary constant course of his dispensation , the more we endeavour , the more assistance and help we find from him , prov. 2. 3 , 4 , 5. he that seeks and digs for wisdom as for treasure , shall find it , hos. 6. 3. 2 chron. 15. 2. the lord is with you , while you are with him : if by endeavour be meant the use of lawful means and ordinances commanded by god to seek and find him in , then is it contrary to mat. 7. 7. ask , seek , knock , &c. error 44. no created work can be a manifest sign of god's love . confutation 44. if created works , flowing from union with christ , be included , it is against iohn's epistles , and many scriptures , which make keeping the commandments ; love to the brethren , &c. evidences of a good estate , so consequently of god's love . error 45. nothing but christ is an evidence of my good estate . confutation 45. if here christ manifesting himself in works of holiness , be excluded ; and nothing but christ nakedly revealing himself to faith , be made an evidence , it is against the former scriptures . error 46. it is no sin in a believer not to see his grace , except he be wilfully blind . confutation 46. this is contrary to the scripture , which makes every transgression of the law sin , though wilfulness be not annexed ; and this crosseth the work of the spirit which sheweth us the things that are given us of god ; 1 cor. 2. 12. and crosseth also that command , 2 cor. 13. 5. prove your faith , and therefore we ought to see it . error 47. the seal of the spirit is limited onely to the immediate witness of the spirit , and doth never witness to any work of grace , or to any conclusion by a syllogism . confutation 47. this is contrary to rom. 8. 16. to that which our spirit bears witness , to that the spirit of god bears witness , for they bear a joint witness , as the words will have it ; but our spirits bear witness to a work of grace ; namely , that believers are the children of god , ergo. error 48. that conditional promises are legal . confutation 48. contrary to ioh. 3. 16. mat. 5. 3 , &c. error 49. we are not bound to keep a constant course of prayer in our families , or privately , unless the spirit stir us up thereunto . confutation 49. this is contrary to ephes. 6. 18. 1 thess. 5. 17. error 50. it is poverty of spirit , when we have grace , yet to see we have no grace in our selves . confutation 50. the weak believer , mark 9. 24. was poor in spirit , yet saw his own faith weak , though it were . peter , when he was brought to poverty of spirit by the bitter experience of his pride , he saw the true love he had unto christ , and appealed to him therein , iohn 21. 15. paul was less than the least of all saints in his own eyes , therefore poor in spirit , yet saw the grace of god , by which he was that he was , and did what he did , and was truly nothing in his own eyes , when he had spoken of the best things he had received and done , ephes. 3. 18. if it be poverty of the spirit to see no grace in our selves , then should poverty of spirit cross the office of the spirit , which is to reveal unto us , and make us to see what god gives us , 1 cor. 2. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. then it should make us sin , or cross the will of god , which is , that we should not be ignorant of the gracious workings of christ in us from the power of his death and resurrection , rom. 6. 3. know ye not , &c. then would it destroy a great duty of christian thankfulness , in , and for all the good things which god vouchsafeth us , 1 thess. 5. 18. error 51. the soul need not to go out to christ for fresh supply , but it is acted by the spirit inhabiting . confutation 51. though we have the spirit acting and inhabiting us , this hinders not , but i may and need go out to christ for fresh supply of grace , john 1. 16. of whose fulness we have all received , and grace for grace ; 2 cor. 12. 8. paul sought thrice to christ for fresh supply ; heb. 12. 2. look unto christ the author and finisher of our faith. we must look up to the hills from whence cometh our help , ephes. 4. 16. by whom all the body receiveth increase , and to the edifying of it self . error 52. it is legal to say , we act in the strength of christ. confutation 52. this is contrary to the scriptures , the gospel bids us be strong in the lord , and in the power of his might , ephes. 6. 10. and be strong in the grace that is in christ iesus , 2 tim. 2. 1. and paul saith , i can do all things through christ that strengtheneth me , phil. 4. 13. and that was not legal strength . error 53. no minister can teach one that is anointed by the spirit of christ , more than he knows already , unless it be in some circumstances . confutation 53. this is also contrary to scripture , 2 cor. 1. it is god that establisheth us with you , &c. ephes. 1. 13. and 4. 12 , 14. the corinthians and ephesians were anointed and sealed , and yet were taught more of paul in his epistles than onely in some circumstances . error 54. no minister can be an instrument to convey more of christ unto another , than he by his own experience hath come unto . confutation 54. this is contrary to ephes. 4. 11 , 12. the weakest minister may edifie the strongest christian which hath more experience than himself . error 55. a man may have true faith of dependance , and yet not be justified . confutation 55. this is contrary to the scripture , act. 13. 39. all believers are justified ; but they that have true faith of dependance are believers , therefore justified . error 56. a man is not effectually converted , till he hath full assurance . confutation 56. this is cross to the scripture , esa. 5. 10. wherein we see that a man may truly fear god ( therefore truly converted ) and yet walk in darkness , without clear evidence , or full assurance . error 57. to take delight in the holy service of god , is to go a whoring from god. confutation 57. no scripture commands us to go a whoring from god , but first , the scripture commands us to delight in the service of god , psal. 100. 2. serve the lord with gladness , esa. 58. 13. thou shalt call the sabbath thy delight ; ergo. secondly , god loves not such as go a whoring from him , psal. 73. ult . but god loves a chearful server of god , 2 cor. 8. therefore such as serve him cheerfully , do not thereby go a whoring from him . error 58. to help my faith , and comfort my conscience in evil hours , from former experience of god's grace in me , is not a way of grace . confutation 58. what the saints have done , and found true comfort in , that is a way of grace ; but they did help their faith , and comfort their conscience from former evidences of god's grace in them , psal. 77. 5 , 6 , 11. i considered the days of old , and called to remembrance my songs in the night ; and by this raised he up his faith , as the latter part of this psalm sheweth ; and this was in evil hours , ver . 2 , 3. 2 cor. 1. 12. this is our rejoicing , that in simplicity and godly pureness , we have had our conversation ; and this was in sad hours , v. 4 , 5 , 8 , 9 , 10. iob 35. 10. none saith , where is god that made me , which giveth songs in the night ? here the not attending to former consolation , is counted a sinful neglect . error 59. a man may not be exhorted to any duty , because he hath no power to do it . confutation 59. this is contrary to phil. 2. 12 , 13. work out your salvation , &c. for it is god that worketh in you both the will and the d●…ed , ephes. 5. 14. awake thou that sleepest , so 1 cor. 15. ult . error 60. a man may not prove his election by his vocation , but his vocation by his election . confutation 60. this is contrary to 1 thess. 2. 4. knowing your election , because our gospel came unto you , not in word onely , but in power , 2 thess. 2. 13 , 14. god hath elected you to life , through sanctification of the spirit , whereunto he hath called you by our gospel . error 61. all doctrines , revelations and spirits , must be tried by christ the word , rather than by the word of christ. confutation 61. this assertion of it extends to exclude the word ; we conceive it contrary to esa. 8. 20. iohn 5. 39. acts 17. 11. also to iohn 4. 1 , 2. try the spirits , every spirit that confesseth that iesus christ is come in the flesh , &c. where spirits and doctrines confessing that christ is come in the flesh , are made distinct from christ. error 62. it is a dangerous thing to close with christ in a promise . confutation 62. this is contrary to ioh. 3. 16. act. 10. 43. esa. 55. 1 , 2. mat. 11. 28. ioh. 7. 37. if christ in these places invite men to come unto him , and bids them incline and hearken , and tells them their souls shall live , and they shall drink and be refreshed by him , and by these promises incourageth them to close with him , then it is no dangerous thing to close with him in a promise , it is no danger to obey a command of god : but we are commanded to believe the gospel , mark 1. 15. the promise being a part of the gospel . error 63. no better is the evidence from the two witnesses of water and blood , mentioned 1 ioh. 5. 6 , 7 , 8. than mount calvary , and the souldiers that shed christ's blood , and these might have drunk of it ; poor evidences . confutation 63. then what god hath ordained or made an evidence , is no better than what he hath not made ; then christ loseth his end in coming by water and blood , v. 6. then the spirit should agree no better with the witness of water and blood , then it doth with mount calvary , and the souldiers : but the spirit doth agree with the water and the blood , and not with the other , 1 ioh. 5. 7. these three agree in one . error 64. a man must take no notice of his sin , nor of his repentance for his sin . confutation 64. this is contrary to david , whose sin was ever before him , psal. 51. he considered his ways ( and the evil of them ) that he might turn his feet to god's testimonies , psal. 119. 59. if we confess our sins , he is faithful and just , &c. if we say we have not sinned , we make him a liar , 1 joh. 1. 8 , 9. 10. iob took notice of sin , and of his repentance , i abhor my self and repent in dust and ashes , job 42. 6. david seeth , and saith , i am sorry for my sins , psal. 28. 38. solomon's penitent must know the plague in his heart , that is , his sin , and the punishment thereof , 1 kings 8. 38. error 65. the church in admitting members , is not to look to holiness of life , or testimony of the same . confutation 65. this is contrary to rom. 1. 7. and the inscriptions of divers epistles , being directed to saints , and saints by calling ; and 1 cor. 14. 33. churches of the saints , acts 2. the members there were said to repent before they were admitted , and 1 cor. 5. the incestuous person should not then have been cast out for want of holiness , and paul could not be received into communion without testimony , act. 9. 26. error 66. to lay the brethren under a covenant of works , hurts not , but tends to much good , to make men look the better to their evidences . confutation 66. if that be done ungroundedly , it is contrary to esa. 5. 20. where woe is pronounced to such as call good evil , &c. and , ezek. 13. 22. that make such hearts sad , as the lord would not have sadded ; and it is against the rule of the covenant , 1 cor. 13. besides , it may trench upon the devil's office , in accusing the brethren , and then it will be good to tell untruth , good to break house and church-communion , then good to break nearest relations , then good to bite one another , and good to offend the little ones , mat. 18. error 67. a man cannot evidence his iustification by his sanctification , but he must needs build upon his sanctification , and trust to it . confutation 67. first , this is contrary to 1 iohn 3. 18 , 19. where the holy ghost saith , that by unfeigned and hearty love we may have assurance ; and yet neither there , nor any where else , would have us trust to our sanctification ; so vers . 7. he that doth righteousness is righteous , as he is righteous . secondly , if poverty of spirit , which emptieth us of all confidence in our selves , may evidence a man's iustification , without trusting to it , then may sanctification without trusting to it ; but the former is true , therefore also the latter . thirdly , if it be an ordinance of god to evidence our iustification by our sanctification , then we may do this without trusting to it ; but that is apparent from 2 pet. 1. 10. ergo. error 68. faith justifies an unbeliever , that is , that faith that is in christ justifieth me that have no faith in my self . confutation 68. this is contrary to hab. 2. 4. for if the just shall live by his faith , then that faith that justifies , is not in christ. so iohn 3. ult . he that believeth not , the wrath of god abideth on him : it is not another's faith will save me . error 69. though a man can prove a gracious work in himself , and christ to be the author of it , if thereby he will prove christ to be his , this is but a sandy foundation . confutation 69. this is contrary to these scriptures , iohn 14. 21. and 28. he that keepeth my commandments , is he that loveth me , and he that loveth me , shall be loved of my father ; and i will love him , and will shew my self unto him , 1 john 3. 14. we know that we have passed from death to life , because we love the brethren : and 1 john 5. 12. he that hath the son hath life : therefore he that can prove that he hath spiritual life , may assure himself that he hath christ. error 70. frequency , or length of holy duties , or trouble of conscience for neglect thereof , are all signs of one under a covenant of works . confutation 70. this is contrary to these scriptures , 1 cor. 15. 58. be abundant always in the work of the lord : if the faithful in christ jesus be commanded to abound always in the work of the lord , that is , holy duties , then frequency in holy duties , is no sign of one under a covenant of works : but the former is true , therefore also the latter ; as also 1 thess. 4. 17 , 18. psal. 55. 17. evening and morning , and noon will i pray and make a noise , and he will hear me ; and elsewhere , seven times a day do i praise thee , psalm 119. 146. psal. 1. 2. so also contrary is the third branch to these scriptures , 2 cor. 7. 8. 11. the corinthians were troubled in conscience , and sorrowed that they had neglected the holy duties of church-censure towards the incestuous person ; and esa. 64. 7. and 8. cant. 5. 2. rom. 7. 19. i do not the good i would ; which he lamenteth and complaineth of . error 71. the immediate revelation of my good estate , without any respect to the scriptures , is as clear to me , as the voice of god from heaven to paul. confutation 71. this is contrary to iohn 14. 26. he shall teach you all things , and bring all things to your remembrance , &c. whence we reason thus . if the spirit reveal nothing without concurrence of the word , then this revelation of the spirit , without respect to the word , is not clear , nor to be trusted : but the spirit doth reveal nothing , but with respect to the word , for iohn 14. 26. if the office of the spirit be to teach , and to bring to remembrance the things that christ hath taught us , esay 8. 20. whatever spirit speaks not according to this word , there is no light there . error 72. it is a fundamental , and soul-damning error , to make sanctification an evidence of justification . confutation 72. this is contrary to these scriptures , rom. 8. 1. they that walk after the spirit , are freed from condemnation , and are in christ , and so justified : so 1 iohn 3. 10. in this are the children of god known , &c. error 73. christ's work of grace can no more distinguish between an hypocrite and a saint , then the rain that falls from heaven , between the just and the unjust . confutation 73. this proposition being general , includes all gracious works , and being so taken , is contradicted in the parable of the sower , mat. 13. 20 , 21 , 22. where the good ground is distinguished from the stony by this , that it brings forth fruit with patience , so hebr. 6. 9. there is something better in the saints , than those common gifts which are found in hypocrites . error 74. all verbal covenants , or covenants expressed in words , as church covenants , vows , &c. are covenants of works , and such as strike men off from christ. confutation 74 first . this is contrary to scripture , esay 44. 5. one shall say , i am the lord 's , and another shall call himself by the name of the god of iacob : rom. 10. 10. with the mouth confession is made to salvation . secondly , contrary to reason , for then the covenant of grace is made a covenant of works , by the writing , reading and preaching of the same , for they are verbal expressions of the covenant on god's part , as church-covenants verbally express our closing herewith . error 75. the spirit giveth such full and clear evidence of my good estate , that i have no need to be tried by the fruits of sanctification , this were to light a candle to the sun. confutation 75. this opinion taken in this sense , that after the spirit hath testified a man's good estate , the person need not to be tried by the fruit of sanctification , is contrary to the scope of the whole first epistle of saint iohn , where variety of arguments are propounded to all believers in common , 1 iohn 5. 13. to distinguish the persons of believers from unbelievers ; the water is annexed to the spirit and blood , 1 iohn 5. 8. error 76. the devil and nature may be cause of a gracious work. confutation 76. the words are unsavoury , and the position unsound , for taking [ gracious ] according to the language of the scripture , gracious words , luke 4. 22. let your speech be gracious : gracious words are such as issue from the saving grace of christ's spirit in-dwelling in the soul , which neither the devil nor nature is able to produce ; for christ professeth , john 15. 3 , 4. without me ye can do nothing : nothing truly gracious john 3. whatever is born of the flesh , is flesh ; and rom. 7. 18. in my flesh dwells no good , ( truly spiritual and gracious ) gen. 6. 5. every imagination of the thoughts of a man's heart is evil , and that continually : besides , the devil is that evil and wicked one , onely wickedness , an adversary to god's grace and glory ; that which is contrary to corrupt nature , and the hellish nature of satan , and above the power of both , they cannot be the causes of gracious works . error 77. sanctification is so far from evidencing a good estate , that it darkens it rather ; and a man may more clearly see christ , when he seeth no sanctification , than when he doth ; the darker my sanctification is , the brighter is my justification . confutation 77. this is contrary to the scripture of truth , which rather giveth the name of light to sanctification and holiness , and even for this use , to clear our justification , 1 iohn 1. 6 , 7. for the holy ghost concludes , as from a clear and infallible promise , and proposition , that if we walk in the light , as he is in the light , then doth the blood of christ cleanse us from all sin ; meaning , that then and thereby it appeareth that it is done : as by the contrary , unholiness , and unholy walking is like darkness , which obscureth all the goodly presumption , flourishes , and hopes of an unregenerate man , vers . 6. for this purpose , 1 ioh. 5. 8. the water of sanctification is made a witness ; now the nature of a witness is not to darken and obscure matters in question , but to clear them ; and psal. 51. 10 , 11 , 12. when david saw his heart so unclean , and his spirit so altogether out of order , his justification was not then brighter , for then he should have had the joy of his salvation more full , and not so to sink , as that he begs it might be restored to him , as implying , that his joy for the present was wanting to him . error 78. god hath given six witnesses , three in heaven , and three in earth , to beget and build justifying faith upon . confutation 78. this expression answers not the pattern of wholsom words , for if this position be taken thus , god hath given all these six witnesses both to beget and also to build justifying faith upon , it is contrary to scripture , for god hath not given all these six witnesses to beget justifying faith , because the water of sanctification , which is one of the six , doth not go before justifying faith , but followeth after it , for our hearts are justified by faith , act. 15. 9. error 79. if a member of a church be unsatisfied with any thing in the church , if he express his offence , whether he hath used all means to convince the church or no , he ●…y depart . confutation 79. contrary to the rule of our saviour , matth. 18. if thy brother effend ▪ ( convictingly ) admonish ; whence it is evident , that in our carriage towards a private brother , we must convince him , before admonish him , much less separate from him . therefore our carriage towards the whole church must upon greater reason be with like prudence , and tenderness ; whence the argument follows thus . an offence taken before conviction , will not bear an admonition , much less separation from a brother or church ; but the offence in the question propounded is such , ergo. error 80. if a man think he may edifie better in another congregation , than in his own , that is ground enough to depart ordinarily , from word , seals , fastings , feastings , and all administrations in his own church , notwithstanding the offence of the church , often manifested to him for so doing . confutation 80. it is contrary to the condition and station of a member of the body in which he stands , 1 cor. 12 , 27. a member must not put it self from the body upon its own thoughts ; as the admission of a member was by the consent of the whole , so likewise must his dismission be . it is contrary also to the duty of a member , ephes. 4. 16. there must be an effectual working in every part for the edification of the whole , which this departure from the administration of all the holy ordinances in the church will necessarily hinder . it is contrary also to the good of the whole church , and the rule which the lord hath appointed for the preservation thereof , 1 cor. 14. 33. god is not the author of confusion , and therefore not of this practice which will certainly bring it ; for if one member , upon these his imaginations , may depart , why may not ten , yea twenty , yea an hundred ? why may not the pastor , upon such grounds , leave his people , as well as they him , considering the tie is equal on both parts ? error 81. where faith is held forth by the ministery , as the condition of the covenant of grace on man's part , as also evidencing justification by sanctification , and the activity of faith , in that church there is not sufficient bread . confutation 81. this position seemeth to deny faith to be a condition at all , or at all active , and so if condition in this place signifie a qualification in man wrought by the holy ghost , without which the promises do not belong to men , this is contrary to scripture , for iohn 6. 48. christ is the bread of life ; and yet in the same chapter , faith is held out as a condition of the covenant by the ministery of christ himself ; and the activity of it is held forth in these words , verily i say unto you , unless ye eat the flesh , and drink the blood of the son of man , you have no life in you ; and who so eateth , &c. as for the lawfulness of evidencing justification by sanctification ( if it be understood of that sanctification which is by faith in christ ) it is contrary to the intent of the whole epistle of iohn , besides many other places of scripture , which yet hold forth bread sufficient ( if by sufficient is meant that d●…ctrin , which in its right use is wholsom and good food ) for it was written th●… their joy might be full ; yet the evidencing of justification by sanctification is expresly held forth , chap. 1. vers 7. where he saith , if we walk in the light , as christ is in the light , we have fellowship one with another , and the blood of iesus christ cleanseth us from all sin : by walking in the light , in opposition to walking in darkness spoken of before , vers . 6. sanctification is evidently meant , and this is expresly noted to be an evidence of our good condition , when it is said , if we so walk , the blood of christ cleanseth us from all sin . error 82. a minister must not pray nor preach against any error , unless he declare in the open congregation , upon any members inquiry , the names of them that hold them . confutation 82. this is contrary to scriptures , which teach ministers to pray and preach against all errors by whomsoever they be held , when it calleth them watchmen and stewards , in whom faithfulness is required in all administrations : yet withal it enjoyneth them , if a brother sin not openly , to admonish him in secret , first between them two alone , and afterward in the presence of two or three witnesses , and after that ( and not before ) to bring the matter to the church , mat. 18. 15 , 16 , 17. unsavoury speeches confuted . these that follow were judged by the assembly aforesaid , as unsafe speeches . 1. to say that we are justified by faith , is an unsafe speech , we must say , we are iustified by christ. answer 1. false , for the constant language of the scripture is not unsafe ; but we are justified by faith , is the constant language of the scripture , rom. 5. 1. being justified by faith ; the righteousness of faith , rom. 10. 31 , 32. righteousness by faith , phil. 3. 9 , 10. 2. the distinct phrase of the scripture used in distinguishing legal and evangelical righteousness is no unsafe speech ; but such is this , rom. 9. 31 , 32. israel found not righteousness , because they sought it of the law , and not of , or by faith , so rom. 10. 5 , 6. the righteousness of faith , saith thus , &c. the apostle makes these two so directly opposite , as membra dividentia , or contrary species , that there is no danger one should be taken for another , but that it 's so safe , as that he that affirms the one denies the other : yea , in the most exact expression that ever paul made , to exclude whatsoever might be unsafe towards a man's justification , you have this phrase , yea twice in the same verse , phil. 3. 5. not having mine own righteousness , which is of the law , but that which is through the faith of christ ; and again , the righteousness which is of god by faith ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ergo , it is no unsafe speech , yea , it must be said on the contrary from those grounds , that to say a man is justified before faith , or without faith , is unsafe , as contrary to the language of the scriptures . and for the second part , that we must say , we are justified by christ , it is true so far , as that it cannot be denied , nor is it unfound or unsafe at all so to speak , but if it mean a must of necessity always , or onely so to speak , as it is here set in opposition to the phrase of being justified by faith , then it is utterly false , for as much as the scripture leads us along in the way of other expressions ordinarily , and the apostle gives us the truth of doctrine and soundness of phrase together , rom. 10. 3. christ is the end of the law for righteousness to every one that believeth . 2. to evidence justification by sanctification , or graces , savours of rome . answer . not so , 1. rome acknowledgeth not justification in our common sense , scil. by righteousness imputed . 2. rome denies evidencing of our justification and peace with god , and teacheth doctrine of doubting , and professeth that a man cannot know what god will do with him for life or death , unless by special revelation , which is not ordinary : but if they mean old rome , or paul's rome , to which he wrote , it 's true , that it savours of the doctrine that they received , as appeareth , rom. 8. 28. all things co-work for good ( the evil of every evil being taken away , which is a point of justification , and this is propounded under the evidence of the love of god ) to them that love him , because , rom. 8. 2 , 9 , 13 , 14. the evidencing of our being in christ , freedom from condemnation and adoption , is prosecuted by arguments from sanctification , as by having the spirit , being led by the spirit , walking after the spirit , mortifying the deeds of the flesh by the spirit : and if hereto were added the doctrine of sr. iohn , so abundant this way in his first epistle ( whereof i have already made mention ) i doubt not , but it was the faith of the church of rome that then was , so that the speech is unsavoury , and casting a foul aspersion on a good thing expressed in the scriptures , but as for the point it self , that is included , we refer it to it's place , to be discussed , when it is rightly stated . 3. if i be holy , i am never the better accepted of god ; if i be unholy , i am never the worse ; this i am sure of , he that hath elected me must save me . answ. these words savour very ill , and relish of a careless and ungracious spirit , for howsoever we grant that our acceptation unto justification is always in and through christ the same in god's account , yet this expression imports , that though a man's conversation be never so holy and gracious , yet he can expect never the more manifestation of god's kindness and love to him , contrary to psal. 50. ult . to him that orders his conversation aright , i will shew the salvation of god ; and iohn 14. 21. it implies secondly , that though a man's conversation be never so vile and sensual , yet he need not fear nor expect any farther expression of god's displeasure and anger to break forth against him , or withdrawings of his favour from him , contrary to psal. 51. 8 , 11 , 12. where god breaks david's bones for his sin ; and ionah 2. 4. ionah was as one cast out of god's presence ; and 2 chron. 15. 2. if you forsake him he will forsake you : and , in a word , it imports , as if god neither loved righteousness , nor hated wickedness , contrary to psal. 45. 6 , 7. and did take no delight in the obedience of his people , contrary to psal. 147. 11. the lord delighteth in those that fear him , &c. as concerning the last clause , he that hath elected me must save me : it is true , the foundation of god's election remaineth sure , yet it is as true , that whom he chuseth , he purposeth to bring to salvation , through sanctification of the spirit , 2 thes. 2. 13. 4. if christ will let me sin , let him look to it , upon his honour be it . answ. this resorts the lord's words upon himself , prov. 4. 22 , 24. keep thine heart , &c. ponder thy paths , &c. and therefore no less blasphemous , and is contrary to the professed practice of david , psal. 18. 23. i was upright before him , and kept my self from mine iniquity : the latter clause puts the cause of god's dishonour upon himself , no less blasphemous than the former , and contrary to rom. 2. 23. where the dishonouring of god is laid upon themselves . 5. here is a great stir about graces , and looking to hearts , but give me christ , i seek not for graces , but for christ ; i seek not for promises , but for christ ; i seek not for sanctification , but for christ ; tell not me of meditation and duties , but tell me of christ. answ. 1. this speech seemeth to make a flat opposition between christ and his graces , contrary to that in joh. 1. 16. of his fulness we all received , and grace for grace ; and between christ and his promises , contrary to gal. 3. 13 , 14. christ was made a curse , that we might receive the promise of the spirit ; and , luk. 1. 70. with 74. and betwixt christ and all holy duties , contrary to tit. 2. 14. and therefore hold forth expressions not agreeing to wholsome doctrine . 6. a living faith , that hath living fruits , may grow from the living law. answ. this whole speech is utterly cross to the sound form of words required , 2 tim. 1. 13. hold fast the form of sound words , 1. that a hypocrite may have a living law , is contrary to iam. 2. 17. where the hypocrites faith is called a dead faith. 2. that a hypocrite may bring forth living fruit , is contrary to that , heb. 9. 14. 3. that all this grows from a living law , contrary to 2 cor. 3. 6. where the law is called a killing letter , and to gal. 3. 21. if there had been a law which could have given life , &c. 7. i may know i am christ's , not because i do crucisie the lusts of the flesh , but because i do not crucifie them , but believe in christ that crucifieth my lusts for me . answ. 1. the phrase is contrary to the scripture language , gal. 5. 24. they that are christ's , have crucified the flesh with the affections and lusts . 2. it savours of the flesh , for these three things may seem to be expressed in it . 1. if scripture makes not opposite , but subordinate , rom. 8. 13. i through the spirit crucifie the flesh . 2. that if i do not crucifie my lusts , then there is an open and free way of looking to christ , contrary to the scripture , mat. 5. 8. blessed are the pure in heart , for they shall see god , both in boldness of faith here , and fruition hereafter , 2 tim. 2. 19. let every one that names the lord iesus , depart from iniquity . 3. that believing in christ may ease me from endeavouring to crucifie my lusts in my own person ; which is so gross , that it needs no more confutation than to name it . 4. the safe sense that may be possibly intended in such a speech , is this , if i crucifie the flesh in my own strength , it is no safe evidence of my being in christ ; but if renouncing my self , i crucifie the flesh in the strength of christ , applying his death by faith , it is a safe evidence of my being in christ : but this sense conveighed in these words , is to conveigh wholesome doctrine in an unwholsome channel , and a darkening and losing the truth in an unsavoury expression . 8. peter more leaned to a covenant of works than paul , paul's doctrine was more for free-grace than peters . answ. to oppose these persons and the doctrine of these two apostles of christ , who were guided by one and the same spirit in preaching and penning thereof , ( 2 pet. 1. 21. holy men of god spake as they were moved by the holy ghost , 2 tim. 3. 16. all scripture is given by inspiration of god ) in such a point as the covenant of works and grace , is little less than blasphemy . 9. if christ be my sanctification , what need i look to any thing in myself , to evidence my iustification ? answ. this position is therefore unsound , because it holds forth christ to be my sanctification , so as that i need not look to any inherent holiness in my self ; whereas christ is therefore said to be our sanctification , because he works sanctification in us , and we daily ought to grow up in him , by receiving new supply and increase of grace from his fulness , according to 2 pet. 3. 18. grow in grace , and in the knowledge of our lord iesus christ. the proceedings of the general court holden at new-town , in the massachusets in new-england , octob. 2. 1637. against mr. wheelwright , and other erroneous and seditious persons , for their disturbances of the publick peace . although the assembly of the churches had confuted and condemned most of those new opinions which were sprung up amongst us , and mr. cotton had in publick view consented with the rest , yet the leaders in those erroneous ways would not give in , but stood still to maintain their new light , which they had boasted of , and that the difference was still as wide as before , viz. as great as between heaven and hell : mr. wheelwright also continued his preaching after his former manner , and mistriss hutchison her wonted meetings and exercises , and much offence was still given by her , and others , in going out of the ordinary assemblies , when mr. wil. began any exercise ; and some of the messengers of the church of boston had contemptuously withdrawn themselves from the general assembly , with professed dislike of their proceedings , and many evidences brake forth of their discontented and turbulent spirits ; it was conceived by the magistrates , and others of the countrey , that the means which had been used proving uneffectual , the case was now desperate , and the last remedy was to be applied , and that without farther delay , lest it should be attempted too late , when fitter opportunity might be offered for their advantage , as they had boasted , and did certainly expect upon the return of some of their chief supporters , who by a special providence were now absent from them : and for this end the general court being assembled in the ordinary course , it was determined to begin with these troublers of our peace , and to suppress them by the civil authority , whereunto there was a fair occasion offered upon a seditious writing , which had been delivered into the court in march , when mr. wheel . was convict of sedition , &c. under the hands of more than threescore of them , and intituled , a remonstrance , or petition ; the contents whereof were as followeth : we whose names are under-written ( have diligently observed this honoured courts proceedings against our dear and reverend brother in christ , mr. wheel . now under censure of the court for the truth of christ ) we do humbly beseech this honourable court , to accept this remonstrance and petition of ours , in all due submission tendred to your worships . for first , whereas our beloved brother mr. wheel . is censured for contempt , by the greater part of this honoured court , we desire your worships to consider the sincere intention of our brother to promote your end in the day of fast , for whereas we do perceive your principal intention the day of fast looked chiefly at the publick peace of the churches , our reverend brother did to his best strength , and as the lord assisted him , labour to promote your end , and therefore endeavoured to draw us nearer unto christ , the head of our union , that so we might be established in peace , which we conceive to be the true way , sanctified of god , to obtain your end , and therefore deserves no such censure as we conceive . secondly , whereas our dear brother is censured of sedition , we beseech your worships to consider , that either the person condemned must be culpable of some seditious fact , or his doctrin must be seditious , or must breed sedition in the hearts of his hearers , or else we know not upon what grounds he should be censured . now to the first , we have not heard any that have witnessed against our brother for any seditious fact. secondly , neither was the doctrine it self , being no other but the very expressions of the holy ghost himself , and therefore cannot justly be branded with sedition . thirdly , if you look at the effects of his doctrine upon the hearers , it hath not stirred up sedition in us , not so much as by accident ; we have not drawn the sword , as sometimes peter did rashly , neither have we rescued our innocent brother , as sometimes the israelites did ionathan , and yet they did not seditiously . the covenant of free grace held forth by our brother , hath taught us rather to become humble suppliants to your worships , and if we should not prevail , we would rather with patience give our cheeks to the smiters . since therefore the teacher , the doctrine , and the hearers be most free from sedition ( as we conceive ) we humbly beseech you in the name of the lord iesus christ , your judge and ours , and for the honour of this court , and the proceedings thereof , that you will be pleased either to make it appear to us , and to all the world , to whom the knowledge of all these things will come , wherein the sedition lies , or else acquit our brother of such a censure . farther , we beseech you , remember the old method of satan , the ancient enemy of free grace , in all ages of the churches , who hath raised up such calumnies against the faithful prophets of god , eliah was called the troubler of israel , 1 king. 18. 17 , 18 amos was charged for conspiracy , amos 7. 10. paul was counted a pestilent fellow , or mover of sedition , and a ring-leader of a sect , acts 24. 5. and christ himself , as well as paul , was charged to be a teacher of new doctrine , mark 1. 27. acts 17. 19. now we beseech you consider , whether that old serpent work not after his old method , even in our days . farther , we beseech you , consider the danger of medling against the prophets of god , psal. 105. 14 , 15. for what ye do unto them , the lord jesus takes as done unto himself ; if you hurt any of his members , the head is very sensible of it : for so saith the lord of hosts , he that toucheth you , toucheth the apple of mine eye , zech. 2. 8. and better a mill-stone were hanged about our necks , and that we were cast into the sea , than that we should offend any of these little ones which believe on him , mat. 18. 6. and lastly , we beseech you consider , how you should stand in relation to us , as nursing fathers , which give us incouragement to promote our humble requests to you , or else we would say with the prophet , isa. 22. 4. look from me , that i may weep bitterly ; labour not to comfort me , &c. or as ier. 9. 2. oh that i had in the wilderness a lodging-place of a way-faring man. and thus have we made known our griefs and desires to your worships , and leave them upon record with the lord and with you , knowing that if we should receive repulse from you , with the lord we shall find grace . amongst others who had subscribed to this writing , william aspinwall was one , and being returned for one of the deputies of boston , it was propounded in the court , whether he was fit to be received a member of the court , having subscribed to the said writing , which was so much to the dishonour and contempt thereof , &c. whereupon he was demanded if he would justifie the matter contained in the said writing : which when he had peremptorily affirmed by the vote of the court he was presently dismissed : whereupon mr. cogshall , another of the deputies of boston , who had not subscribed to the said writing , being then a deputy of the court , spake very boldly to the court , and told them , that seeing they had put out mr. aspinwall for that matter , they were best make one work of all , for as for himself , though his hand were not to the petition , yet he did approve of it , and his hand was to a protestation , which was to the same effect ; whereupon the court dismissed him also , and sent word to boston to chuse two new deputies ; then mr. coddington the third deputy , moved the court ( by order from the town of boston ) that the former censure against mr. vvheelwright might be reversed , and that the order made against receiving such as should not be allowed by the magistrates might be repealed ; whereby the court perceived their obstinate resolution in maintaining this faction , and thereupon gave order he should be sent for ; and for the law , the answer was , that whereas a declaration had been made of the equity of that law , and that specially for the satisfaction of those of boston , and an answer had been published by some of them , wherein much reproach and slander had been cast upon the court , to which a reply had been made above six weeks since , but was kept in upon expectation that the late assembly would have had some good eff●…ct , in clearing the points in controversie , and reconciling the minds of the adverse party , but they continuing obstinate and irreconcileable , it was thought fit the whole proceedings about the law should be brought forth ; and accordingly the next day , the declaration , the answer , and the reply , were all brought to the court , and there openly read ; which gave such satisfaction to those which were present , as no man ought to object , and some that were of the adverse party , and had taken offence at the law , did openly acknowledge themselves fully satisfied . when the warrant came to the town of boston , they assembled together and agreed ( the greater part of them ) to send the same deputies which the court have rejected , pretending that it was their liberty , and those were the ablest men , &c. but mr. cotton coming amongst them , and perceiving their rash and contemptuous behaviour , by his wisdom diverted them from that course ; so they chose two other , but one of them they knew would be rejected , because his hand was also to the seditious writing , as it fell out , for he refusing to acknowledge his fault in it , was also dismissed , and a new warrant sent for another to be chosen , which they never made any return of , but that contempt the court let pass . when mr. wheelwright appeared , it was declared to him , that whereas he was long since convicted of sedition and contempt of authority , and time had been given him from court to court , to come to the knowledge of his offence , the court thought it now time to know how his mind stood , whether he would acknowledge his offence , or abide the sentence of the court ? his answer was to this effect , that he had committed no sedition nor contempt , he had delivered nothing but the truth of christ , and for the application of his doctrine , it was by others , and not by him , &c. to which it was answered by the court , that they had not censured his doctrine , but left it as it was ; but his application , by which he laid the magistrates , and the ministers and most of the people of god in these churches , under a covenant of works , and thereupon declared them to be enemies to christ , and antichrists , and such enemies as herod and pilate ; and the scribes and pharisees , &c. perswading the people to look at them , and deal with them as such , and that he described them so , as all men might know who he meant , as well as if he had named the parties ; for he was present in the court a little before , when both magistrates and ministers did openly profess their judgment in that point , and that they did walk in such a way of evidencing justification by sanctification , &c. as he held forth to be a covenant of works . secondly , the fruits of that sermon of mr. wheelwrights , together with the declaration of his judgment in that point both before and since , have declared it to tend to sedition : for whereas before he broached his opinions , there was a peaceable and comely order in all affairs in the churches , and civil state , &c. now the difference which he hath raised amongst men , by a false distinction of a covenant of grace and a covenant of works ; whereby one party is looked at as friends to christ , and the other as his enemies , &c. all things are turned upside down amongst us . as first , in the church , he that will not renounce his sanctification , and wait for an immediate revelation of the spirit , cannot be admitted , be he never so godly ; he that is already in the church , that will not do the same , and acknowledge this new light , and say as they say , is presently noted , and under esteemed , as favouring of a covenant of works ; thence it spreads into the families , and sets divisions between husband and wife , and other relations there , till the weaker give place to the stronger , otherwise it turns to open contention ; it is come also into civil and publick affairs , and hath bred great disturbance there , as appeared in the late expedition against the p●…quids ; for whereas in former expeditions the town of boston was as forward as any others to send of their choice members , and a greater number th●… other town●… , in the time of the former governour , now in this last service they sent not a member , but one or two whom they cared not to be rid of , and but a few others , and those of the most refuse sort , and that in such a careless manner , as gave great discouragement to the service , not one man of that side accompanying their pastor , when he was sent by the joint consent of the court , and all the elders upon that expedition , not so much as bidding him farewel ; what was the reason of this difference ? why , nothing but this , mr. wheelwright had taught them that the former governour , and some of the magistrates then were friends of christ and free-grace , but the present were enemies , &c. antichrists , persecutors : what was the reason that the former governour never stirred out , but attended by the sergeants , with halberts or carbines ; but this present governour neglected ? why , the people were taught to look at this , at an enemy to christ , &c. the same difference hath been observed in town lots , rates , and in neighbour meetings , and almost in all affairs , whereby it is apparent what disturbance the seditious application of mr. wheelwright hath wrought among us ; therefore as the apostle saith , i would they were cut off that trouble you ; and as cain , hagar and ishmael , were expressed as troublers of the families , ( which were then as common-wealths ) so justice requires , and the necessity of the peace calls for it , that such disturbers should be put out from amongst us , seeing it is one of their tenents , that it is not possible their opinions , and external peace , can stand together ; and that the difference between them and us is ( as they say ) as wide as between heaven and hell. further the court declared what means had been used , to convince him , and to reduce him into the right way , as first at the court , when he was convict of his offence , the ministers being called together , did labour by many sound arguments , both in publick and private , to convince him of his error and sin , but he contemptuously slighted whatsoever they or the magistrates said to him in that behalf ; and since that much pains had been taken with him , both by conference and writing , not only privately , but also by the late assembly of the churches , wherein his erroneous opinions , which were the ground-work of his seditious sermon were clearly confuted , and himself put to silence , yet he obstinately persisted in justification of his erroneous opinions ; and besides , there was an apology written in defence of the proceedings of the court against him , which though it were kept in for a time , in expectation of a remonstrance , which some of his party were in hand with , for justification of his sermon , yet it was long since published , and without question he hath seen it : besides , the court hath used much patience towards him from time to time , admonishing him of his danger , and waiting for his repentance , in stead whereof he hath threatned us with an appeal , and urged us to proceed : to this mr. wheelwright replyed , that he would , by the help of god , make good his doctrines , and frees them from all the arguments which had been brought against them in the late assembly , and denyed that he had seen the apology , but confessed that he might have seen it if he would . this was observed as an argument of the pride of his spirit , and wilful neglect of all the means of light in that he would not vouchsafe to read a very brief writing , and such as so much concerned him . although the cause was now ready for sentence , yet night being come , the court arose , and enjoyned him to appear the next morning . the next morning he appeared , but long after the hour appointed ; the court demanded what he had to alledge , why sentence should not proceed against him : he answered , that there was no sedition or contempt proved against him , and whereas he was charged to have set forth the magistrates and ministers , as enemies to christ , &c. he desir'd it might be shewed him in what page or leaf of his sermon , he had so said of them ; the court answer'd , that he who designs a man by such circumstances , as do note him out to common intendments , doth as much as if he named the party : when paul spake of those of the circumcision , it was as certain whom he meant , as if he named the iews ; when in bohemia they spake of differences between men , sub una & sub utraque , it was all one as to have said papists and protestants ; so of the monstrants and remonstrants : for by the means of him and his followers , all the people of god in this countrey were under the distinction of men , under the covenant of grace , and men under a covenant of works . mr. vvheelw . alledged a place in mat. ●…1 . where christ speaking against the scribes and pharisees , no advantage could they take against him , because he did not name them : but it was answer'd , they did not spare him for that cause , for then they would have taken their advantage at other times , when he did name them . one or two of the deputies spake in his defence , but it was to so little purpose ( being only more out of affection to the party , than true judgment of the state of the cause ) that the court had little regard of it . mr. vvheelwright being demanded if he had ought else to speak , said that there was a double fallacy in the charge laid upon him . 1. in that the troubles of the civil state were imputed to him , but as it was by accident , as it is usual in preaching of the gospel . 2. that it was not his sermon that was the cause of them , but the lord jesus christ. to which the court answer'd , that it was apparent he was the instrument of our troubles , he must prove them to be by such accident , and till then the blame must rest upon himself , for we know christ would not own them , being out of his way . after these and many other speeches had passed , the court declaring him guilty for troubling the civil peace , both for his seditious sermon , and for his corrupt and dangerous opinions , and for his contemptuous behaviour in divers courts formerly , and now obstinately maintaining and justifying his said errors and offences , and for that he refused to depart voluntarily from us , which the court had now offered him , and in a manner perswaded him unto ; seeing it was apparent unto him , from that of our saviour , matth. that we could not continue together without the ruine of the whole , he was sentenced to be disfranchised and banished our jurisdiction , and to be put in safe custody , except he should give sufficient security to depart before the end of march : upon this , he appealed to the king's majesty , but the court told him an appeal did not lie in this case , for the king having given us an authority by his grant under his great seal of england to hear and determine all causes without any reservation , we were not to admit of any such appeals for any such subordinate state , either in ireland , or scotland , or other places ; and if an appeal should lie in one case , it might be challenged in all , and then there would be no use of government among us , neither did an appeal lie from any court in any county or corporation in england , but if a party will remove his cause to any of the king 's higher courts , he must bring the king 's writ for it ; neither did he tender any appeal , nor call any witnesses , nor desired any act to be entred of it : then he was demanded if he would give security for his quiet departure ; which he refusing to do , he was committed to the custody of the marshal . the next morning he bethought himself better , and offered to give security , alledging that he did not conceive the day before , that a sentence of banishment was pronounced against him ; he also suffered to relinquish his appeal , and said he would accept of a simple banishment ; the court answer'd him , that for his appeal , he might do as he pleased , and for his departure , he should have the liberty the court had offered him , provided he should not preach in the mean time ; but that he would not yield unto ; so in the end the court gave him leave to go home , upon his promise , that if he were not departed out of this jurisdiction within fourteen days , he would render himself at the house of mr. stanton one of the magistrates , there to abide as a prisoner , till the court should dispose of him . mr. cogshall . the next who was called , was mr. iohn cogshall , one of the deacons of boston , upon his appearance the court declared that the cause why they had sent for him , was partly by occasion of his speeches and behaviour in this court the other day , and partly for some light miscarriages at other times , and that they did look at him , as one that had a principal hand in all our late disturbances of our publick peace . the first things we do charge you with , is your justifying a writing called a remonstrance or petition , but indeed a seditious libel , and that when mr. asp. was questioned by the court about it , you stood up uncalled , and justified the same , saying to this effect : that if the court meant to dismiss him for that it was best to make but one work of all , for though your self had not your hand to the petition , yet you did approve thereof , and your hand was to the protestation , which was to the same effect ; whereupon you being also dismissed , used clamorous and unbeseeming speeches , to the court at your departure , whereby we take you to be of the same mind with those who made the petition , and therefore liable to the same punishment ; upon this the petition was openly read , and liberty was granted to him to answer for himself . his first answer was , that what he then spake , he spake as a member of the court : to which it was answer'd again , that 1. he was no member of the court standing upon tryal whether to be allowed or rejected , at such a time as he uttered most of those speeches . 2. admit he were , yet it is no priviledge of a member to reproach or affront the whole court , it is licentiousness , and no liberty , when a man may speak what he list ; for he was reminded of some words he uttered at his going forth of the court , to this effect , that we had censured the truth of christ , and that it was the greatest stroak that ever was given to free-grace . to which he answer'd , that his words were mistaken ; for he said that he would pray that our eyes might be opened to see what we did , for he thought it the greatest stroak that ever was given to n. e. for he did believe that mr. wheelwright did hold forth the truth . he was further charged , that at the court , after the day of elections , he complained of injury , that the petition which was tendered , was not presently read before they went to election . to which being answer'd , that it was not then seasonable , and against the order of that day , but the court were then ready to hear it , if it were tendered ; whereupon he turned his back upon the court , and used menacing speeches to this effect . that since they could not be heard then , they would take another course . to which he answer'd ( confessing he spake over hastily at that time ) that his words were only these , then we must do what god shall direct us . he was further charged that he should say , that half the people that were in church-covenant in n. e. were under a covenant of works ; this he did not deny , but said , he proved it by the parable of the ten virgins , mat. 15. after these and many other speeches had passed between the court and himself ; by which it plainly appeared , that he had been a very busie instrument in occasioning of our publick disturbances , and his justifying of mr. wheelwrights sermon , and the petition or remonstrance being seditious writings , a motion was made for his banishment , but he pretended that there was nothing could be laid to his charge , but matter of different opinion , and that he knew not one example in scripture , that a man was banished for his judgment : it was answer'd , that if he had kept his judgment to himself , so as the publick peace had not been troubled or endangered by it , we should have left him to himself , for we do not challenge power over mens consciences , but when seditious speeches and practices discover such a corrupt conscience , it is our duty to use authority to reform both . but though a great part of the court did encline to a motion for his banishment ; yet because his speech and behaviour at present were more modest and submiss , than formerly they had been , and for that he excused his former intemperances by his much employment and publick businesses , it was thought fit to deliver him from that temptation , so he was only sentenced to be disfranchised , with admonition no more to occasion any disturbance of the publick peace , either by speech , or otherwise , upon pain of banishment and further censure . mr. aspin . the next who was called , was mr. william aspin , to whom the court said , that his case was in a manner the same with master cogshals , his hand was to the petition , he had justified master wheelwright's sermon , and had condemned the court , and therefore what could he say , why the court should not proceed to sentence ? for he had been present and heard what was said to master cogshall to have convinced him of his fault , and therefore it would be needless to repeat any thing . to this he answer'd , and confessed the petition , and that his heart was to it , as well as his hand ; and that that for which mr. wheelwright was censured , was for nothing but the truth of christ , and desired to know what we could lay to his charge therein . the court told him , that he being a member of this civil body , and going contrary to his relation and oath , to stop the course of justice in countenancing seditious persons and practices against the face of authority , this made him to be a seditious person . he answered , he did but prefer an humble petition , which he could not do , but he must intimate some cause why , and that mephibosheth in his petition did imply as much of davids unjust sentence against him as was in this petition . the court replyed that he was ill advised to bring that example for his justification which makes clearly against him , for mephibosheth doth not charge david with any injustice , not so much as by implication , but excuseth himself , and layeth all the blame upon his servant . then he alledged the petition of esther to abasuerus ; but neither would that serve his turn , for she petitioned for her life , &c. without charging the king with injustice . he still fled to this plea , that it is lawful for subjects to petition ; the court answered that this was no petition , but a seditious libel , the mis-naming of a thing doth not alter the nature of it : besides , they called it in the first place a remonstrance , which implies that they pretended interest , and is in the nature of it a plea , which challengeth a right of a party : besides , they give peremptory judgment in the cause , and that directly opposite to the judgment of the court ; the court declared mr. wheelwright guilty , they proclaim him innocent , the court judged his speech to be false and seditious , they affirmed it to be the truth of christ , and the very words of the holy ghost , which is apparently untrue , if not blasphemous . further in pretending their moderation , they put arguments in the peoples minds to invite them to violence , by bringing the example of peter drawing his sword , wherein they blame not his fact , but his rashness ; and that of the people rescuing ionathan , which to make the more effectual , they say that it was not seditious . lastly , it was great arrogance of any private man thus openly to advance his own judgment of the court , therefore it will appear to their posterity as a brand of infamy , upon these erroneous opinions , that those who maintained them were not censured for their judgment , but for seditious practices : he further pleaded , that no petition can be made in such a case , but something may be mistaken through misprision as trenching upon authority , the court answer'd , that if they had only petitioned the court to remit this censure , or had desired respite for further considerations , or leave to propound their doubts , there could have been no danger of being mistaken . besides there was no need of such haste in petitioning , seeing the sentence was not given , but deferring to the next court , master vvheelwright ●●j●…yned only to appear there . the court then being about to give s●…ntence , mast●… aspin desired the court to shew a rule in scripture for banishment ; the court answered as before , that hagar and ishmael were banished for disturbance : he replied that if a father give a ch●… a portion , and sent him forth , it was not b●…nishment : but it was answered , the scripture calls it a casting out , not a sending forth ; and one said further that he was a child worthy of such a portion . then the sentence of the court was for his dis-franchisemnnt and banishment , and time given him to the last of march upon security for his departure then , which he presently tendered , and so was dismissed . the court intended only to have dis-franchised him , as they had done mr. cogshall , but his behaviour was so contemptuous , and his speeches so peremptory , that occasioned a further aggravation , and it appeared afterward to be by an over-ruling hand of god , for the next day it was discovered , that he was the man that did frame the petition , and drew many to subscribe to it , and some had their names put to it without their knowledge , and in his first draught there were other passages so foul , as he was forced to put them out , and yet many had not subscribed , but upon his promise that it should not be delivered without advice of mr. cotton , which was never done . vvilliam baulston , and ed. hutchison . after these , two of the serjeants of boston were called , vvilliam baulston and ed hutchison , these both had their hands to the petition , and just●…fied the same ; vvill. baulston told the court , that he knew that if such a petition had been made in any other place in the world , there would have been no fault found with it . the other told the court , ( turning himself in a scornful manner ) that if they took away his estate , they must keep his wi●…e and children ; for which he was presently committed to the offi●…r . the court reasoned a good while with them both , but they were peremptory , and would acknowledge no failing , and because of their contemptuous sp●…eches , and for that they w●…re known to be very busie persons , and such as had offered contempt to the magistrates , for that they were not of their opinion , they were dis-franchised and fined , vvill baulston twenty pounds , ed. h●…tchison fourty pounds . the next morning ed. hutchison acknowledged his fault in his misbehaviour in the face of the court , and so was released of his imprisonment , but both were disabled from bearing any publick office. tho. marshal , dynely , and dier . rich. gridly . another day were called four more of the principal stirring men , who had subscribed to the petition , thomas marshal the ferry-man , who justified the petition so far , that he would not acknowledge any fault ; yet he answered more modestly th●…n the former , therefore he was not sined , but dis-franchised , and put out of his place . dynely , and dyer had little to say for themselves , but persisting in their justification , they were also dis-franchised : likewise rich. gridly , an honest poor man , but very apt to meddle in publick affairs , beyond his calling or skill , ( which indeed was the fault of them all , and of many others in the countrey ) mean condition , and weak parts , having nothing to say , but that he could find no fault , &c. was dis-franchised . mrs. hutchison . all these ( except mr. wheelwright ) were but young branches , sprung out of an old root , the court had now to do with the head of all this faction , ( dux faemina facti ) a woman had been the breeder and nourisher of all these distempers , one mistriss hutchison , the wife of mr. william hutchison of boston ( a very honest and peaceable man , of good estate ) and the daughter of mr. marvary , sometimes a preacher in lincolnshire , after of london , a woman of a haughty and fierce carriage , of a nimble wit and active spirit , and a very voluble tongue , more bold than a man , though in understanding and judgment , inferiour to many women . this woman had learned her skill in england , and had discovered some of her opinions in the ship , as she came over , which had caused some jealousie of her , which gave occasion of some delay of her admission , when she first desired fellowship with the church of boston , but she cunningly dissembled and coloured her opinions , as she soon got over that block , and was admitted into the church , then she began to go to work , and being a woman very helpful in the times of child-birth , and other occasions of ●…dily infirmities , and well furnished with means for those purposes , she easily insinuated her self into the affections of many , and the rather , because she was much inquisitive of them about their spiritual estates , and in discovering to them the danger they were in , by trusting to common gifts and graces , without any such witness of the spirit , as the scriptures holds out for a full evidence ; whereby many were convinced that they had gone on in a covenant of works , and were much humbled thereby , and brought to inquire more after the lord jesus christ , without whom all their gifts and graces , all their contributions , &c. would prove but legal , and would vanish : all this was well , and suited with the publick ministery , which went along in the same way , and all the faithful imbraced it , and blessed god for the good success that appeared from this discovery . but when she had thus prepared the way by such wholsome truths , then she begins to set forth her own stuff , and taught , that no sanctification was any evidence of a good estate , except their justification were first cleared up to them by the immediate witness of the spirit , and that to see any work of grace , ( either faith or repentance , &c. ) before this immediate witness , was a covenant of works : whereupon many good souls , that had been of long approved godliness , were brought to renounce all the work of grace in them , and to wait for this immediate revelation : then sprung up also that opinion of the in-dwelling of the person of the holy ghost , and of union with christ , and justification before faith , and a denying of any gifts or graces , or inherent qualifications , and that christ was all , did all , and that the soul remained always as a dead o●…gan : and other of those gross errours , which were condemned in the late assembly , and whereof divers had been quashed by the publick ministry ; but the main and bottom of all , which tended to quench all endeavour , and to bring to a dependance upon an immediate witness of the spirit , without sight of any gift or grace , this stuck fast , and prevailed so , as it began to be opposed , and she being questioned by some , who marvelled that such opinions should spread so fast , she made answer , that where-ever she came , they must and they should spread . and indeed it was a wonder upon what a sudden the whole church of boston ( some few excepted ) were become her new-converts , and infected with her opinions , and many also out of the church , and of other churches also , yea , many prophane persons became of her opinion , for it was a very easie , and acceptable way to heaven , to see nothing , to have nothing , but wait for christ to do all ; so that after she had thus prevailed , and had drawn some of eminent place and parts to her party ( whereof some profited so well , as in a few months they out-went their teacher ) then she kept open-house for all comers , and set up two lecture-days in the week , when they usually met at her house , threescore or fourscore persons ; the pretence was to repeat sermons , but when that was done , she would comment upon the doctrines , and interpret all passages at her pleasure , and expound dark places of scripture ; so as whatsoever the letter held forth ( for this was one of her tenents , that the whole scripture in the letter of it held forth nothing but a covenant of works ) she would be sure to make it serve her turn , for the confirming of her main principles , whereof this was another , that the darker our sanctification is , the clearer is our iustification ; and indeed most of her new tenents tended to slothfulness , and quench all endeavour in the creature : and now was there no speech so much in use , as of vilifying sanc●…ification , and all for advancing christ and free-grace ; and the whole pedegree of the covenant of works was set forth with all its complements , beginning at cain , if thou dost well , shalt thou not be accepted ? then it is explained and ratified at mount sinai , and delivered in the two tables , and after sprinkled with the blood of christ , exod. 24. and so carryed on in the letter of the scripture , till it be compleat , as the covenant of grace by the spirit , seals forgiveness of sins , one of the venters whereon christ begets children , &c. and in the end , wherefore is all this adoe , but that having a more cleanly way , to lay all that opposed her ( being near all the elders , and most of the faithful christians in this countrey ) under a covenant of works , she might with the more credit , disclose and advance her master-piece of immediate revela●…ons , under the fair pretence of the covenant of free-grace ? wherein she had not failed of her aim , to the utter subversion both of churches and civil state , if the most wise and merciful providence of the lord had not prevented it , by keeping so many of the magistrates , and elders , free from the infection : for upon the countenance which it took from some eminent persons , her opinions began to hold up their heads , in church assemblies , and in the court of justice , so as it was held a matter of offence to speak any thing against them in either assembly : thence sprang all that trouble to the pastour of boston , for his free and faithful speech in the court , though required and approved : thence took mr. wheelwright courage to inveigh in his sermon against men in a covenant of work ( as he placed them ) and to proclaim them all enemies to christ , scribes and pharisees , &c. whereas before he was wont to teach in a plain and gentle stile , and though he would sometimes glaunce upon these opinions , yet it was modestly and reservedly , not in such a peremptory and censorious manner , as he did then and after ; for they made full account the day had been theirs : but blessed be the lord , the snare is broken , and we are delivered ; and this woman , who was the root of all these troubles , stands now before the seat of justice , to be rooted out of her station , by the hand of authority guided by the finger of divine providence , as the sequel will shew . when she appeared , the court spake to her to this effect . mrs. hutchinson , you are called hither as one of those who have had a great share in the causes of our publick disturbances , partly by those erroneous opinions which you have broached and divulged amongst us , and maintaining them , partly by countenancing and incouraging such as have sowed seditions amongst us , partly by casting reproach upon the faithful ministers of this countrey , and upon their ministry , and so weaken their hands in the work of the lord , and raising prejudice against them , in the hearts of their people , and partly by maintaining weekly and publick meetings in your house , to the offence of all the countrey , and the detriment of many families , and still upholding the same , since such meetings were clearly condemned in the late general assembly . now the end of your sending for , is , that either upon sight of your errours , and other offences , you may be brought to acknowledge and reform the same , or otherwise that we may take such course with you , as you may trouble us no farther . we do desire therefore to know of you , whether you will justifie and maintain what is laid to your charge or not ? mistriss hutchinson . i am called here to answer to such things as are laid to my charge ; name one of them . court. have you countenanced , or will you justifie those seditious practises which have been censured here in this court ? hutch . do you ask me upon point of conscience ? court. no , your conscience you may keep to your self , but if in this cause you shall countenance and incourage these that thus transgress the law , you must be called in question for it , and that is not for your conscience , but for your practice . hutch . what law have they transgressed ; the law of god ? court. yes , the fifth commandment , which commands us to honour father and mother , which includes all in authority , but these seditious practices of theirs , have cast reproach and dishonour upon the fathers of the common-wealth . hutch . do i entertain , or maintain them in their actions , wherein they stand against any thing that god hath appointed ? court. yes , you have justified mr. wheelwright his sermon , for which you know he was convict of sedition , and you have likewise countenanced and encouraged those that had their hands to the petition . hutch . i deny it , i am to obey you onely in the lord. court. you cannot deny but you had your hand in the petition . hutch . put case i do fear the lord , and my parent do not , may not i entertain one that fears the lord , because my father will not let me ? i may put honour upon him as a child of god. court. that is nothing to the purpose , but we cannot stand to dispute causes with you now ; what say you to your weekly publick meetings ? can you show a warrant for them ? hutch . i will shew you how i took it up , there were such meetings in use before i came , and because i went to none of them , this was the special reason of my taking up this course , we began it but with five or six , and though it grew to more in future time , yet being tolerated at the first , i knew not why it might not continue . court. there were private meetings indeed , and are still in many places , of some few neighbours , but not so publick and frequent as yours , and are of use for increase of love , and mutual edification , but yours are of another nature , if they had been such as yours , they had been evil , and therefore no good warrant to justifie yours ; but answer by what authority or rule you uphold them . hutch . by tit. 2. where the elder women are to teach the younger . court. so we allow you to do , as the apostle there means , privately , and upon occasion , but that gives no warrant of such set meetings for that purpose ; and besides , you take upon you to teach many that are elder than your self , neither do you teach them that which the apostle commands , viz. to keep at home . hutch . will you please to give me a rule against it , and i will yield ? court. you must have a rule for it , or else you cannot do it in faith , yet you have a plain rule against it ; i permit not a woman to teach . hutch . that is meant of teaching men. court. if a man in distress of conscience , or other temptation , &c. should come and ask your counsel in private , might you not teach him ? hutch . yes . court. then it is clear , that it is not meant of teaching men , but of teaching in publick . hutch . it is said , i will pour out my spirit upon your daughters , and they shall prophesie , &c. if god give me a gift of prophesie , i may use it . court. first , the apostle applies that prophesie unto those extraordinary times , and the gifts of miracles and tongues , were common to many , as well as the gift of prophesie . secondly , in teaching your children , you exercise your gift of prophesie , and that within your calling . hutch . i teach not in a publick congregation ; the men of berea are commended for examining paul's doctrine : we do no more but read the notes of our teachers sermons , and then reason of them by searching the scriptures . court. you are gone from the nature of your meeting , to the kind of exercise , we will follow you in this , and shew you your offence in them , for you do not as the bereans , search the scriptures for their confirming in the truths delivered , but you open your teachers points , and declare his meaning , and correct wherein you think he hath failed , &c. and by this means you abase the honour and authority of the publick ministery , and advance your own gifts , as if he could not deliver his matter so clearly to the hearers capacity as your self . hutch . prove that , that any body doth that . court. yes , you are the woman of most note , and of best abilities , and if some other take upon them the like , it is by your teaching and example , but you shew not in all this , by what authority you take upon you to be such a publick instructer : ( after she had stood a short time , the court gave her leave to sit down , for her countenance discovered some bodily infirmity , ) hutch . here is my authority , aquila and priscilla , took upon them to instruct apollo more perfectly , yet he was a man of good parts , but they being better instructed , might teach him . court. see how your argument stan●… , priscilla with her husband took apollo home to instruct him privately , therefore mistriss hutchison , without her husband , might teach sixty or eighty . hutch . i call them not , but if they come to me , i may instruct them . court. yet you shew us not a rule . hutch . i have given you two places of scripture . court. but neither of them will suit y●…ur practice . hutch . must i shew my name written therein ? court. you must shew that which must be equivalent , seeing your ministery is publick , you would have them receive your instruction , as coming from such an ordinance . hutch . they must not take it as it comes from me , but as it comes from the lord jesus christ ; and if i took upon me a publick ministery , i should break a rule , but not in exercising a gift of prophesie , and i would see a rule to turn away them that come to me . court. it is your exercise which draws them , and by occasion thereof , many families are neglected , and much time lost , and a great damage comes to the common-wealth thereby , which we that are betrusted with , as the fathers of the common-wealth , are not to suffer . divers other speeches passed to and fro about this matter , the issue was , that not being able to bring any rule to justifie this her disordered course , she said she walked by the rule of the apostle , gal. which she called the rule of the new creature , but what rule that was , she would not , or she could not tell , neither would she consent to lay down her meetings , except authority did put them down , and then she might be subject to authority . then the court laid to her charge , the reproach she had cast upon the ministers , and ministry in this country , saying , that none of them did preach the covenant of free grace , but mr. cotton , and that they have not the seal of the spirit , and so were not able ministers of the new testament : she denied the words , but they were affirmed by divers of the ministers , being desired by the court to be present for that end . the matter was thus ; it being reported abroad , that mistriss hutchison did flight them and their ministery in their common talk , as if they did preach nothing but a covenant of works , because they pressed much for faith and love , &c. without holding forth such an immediate witness of the spirit as she pretended , they advised with master cotton about it , and a meeting was appointed at his house , and she being sent for , and demanded the reason why she had used such speeches , at first she would not acknowledge them ; but being told that they could prove them by witnesses , and perswaded to deal freely and truly therein , she said , that the fear of man was a snare , and therefore she was glad she had this opportunity to open her mind , and thereupon she told them , that there was a wide difference betwixt master cotton ' s ministery and theirs , and that they could not hold forth a covenant of free grace , because they had not the seal of the spirit , and that they were not able ministers of the new testament . it was near night , so the court brake up , and she was injoyned to appear again the next morning . when she appeared the next day , she objected , that the ministers had spoken in their own cause , and that they ought not to be informers and witnesses both , and required that they might be sworn to what they had spoken : to which the court answered , that if it were needful , an oath should be given them : but because the whole court ( in a manner man by man ) did declare themselves to be fully satisfied of the truth of their testimonies , they being 6 or 7 men of long approved godliness , and sincerity in their course , and for that it was also generally observed , that those of her party did look at their ministery ( for the most part ) as a way of the covenant of works , and one had been punished about half a year before , for reporting the like of them . the court did pause a while at it , whereupon she said , that she had mr. wilson ' s notes of that conference , which were otherwise than they had related : the court wi●…led her to shew them , but her answer was , she had left them at home : whereupon mr. wilson ( with the leave of the court ) said , that if she brought forth his notes , they should find written at the foot of them , that he had not written down all that was spoken , but being ofen interrupted , he had omitted divers passages ; then she appealed to mr. cotton , who being called , and desired to declare what he remembred of her speeches , said , that he remembred onely that which took impression on him , for he was much grieved that she should make such comparison between him and his brethren , but yet he took her meaning to be onely of a gradual difference , when she said , that they did not hold forth a covenant of free grace , as he did , for she likened them to christ's disciples , and their ministery , before his ascension , and before the holy ghost was come down upon them ; and when she was asked by some of them , why they could not preach a covenant of free-grace ? she made answer , because they had not the seal of the spirit : upon this the court wished her to consider , that mr. cotton did in a manner agree with the testimony of the rest of the elders : and as he remembred , onely so much as at present took most impression on him , so the rest of the elders had reason to remember some other passages , which he might not hear , or not so much observe as they whom it so nearly and properly concerned : all this would not satisfie mistriss hutchison , but she still called to have them sworn ; whereupon the court being weary of the clamour , and that all mouths might be stopped , required three of the ministers to take an oath , and thereupon they confirmed their former testimony . upon this she began to speak her mind , and to tell of the manner of god's dealing with her , and how he revealed himself to her , and made her know what she had to do : the governour perceiving whereabout she went , interrupted her , and would have kept her to the matter in hand , but seeing her very unwilling to be taken off , he permitted her to proceed . her speech was to this effect . mistriss hutchison . when i was in old england , i was much troubled at the constitution of the churches there , so far , as i was ready to have joyned to the separation , whereupon i set apart a day for humiliation by my self , to se●…k direction from god , and then did god discover unto me the unfaithfulness of the churches , and the danger of them , and that none of those ministers could preach the lord jesus aright , for he had brought to my mind , that in 1 iohn 4. 3. every spirit that confesseth not , that iesus christ is come in the flesh is the spirit of antichrist ; i marvelled what this should mean , for i knew that neither protestants nor papists did deny that christ was come in the flesh ; and are the turks then the onely antichrists ? now i had none to open the scripture to me , but the lord , he must be the prophet , then he brought to my mind another scripture , he that denies the testament , denies the death of the testator ; from whence the lord did let me see , that every one that did not preach the new-covenant , denies the death of the testator : then it was revealed to me that the ministers of england were these antichrists , but i knew not how to bear this , i did in my heart rise up against it , then i begged of the lord that this atheism might not be in my heart : after i had begged this light , a twelve moneth together , at last he let me see how i did oppose christ jesus , and he revealed to me that place in esa. 46. 12 , 13. and from thence shewed me the atheism of my own heart , and how i did turn in upon a covenant of works , and did oppose christ jesus ; from which time the lord did discover to me all sorts of ministers , and how they taught , and to know what voice i heard , which was the voice of moses , which of iohn baptist , and which of christ ; the voice of my beloved , from the voice of strangers ; and thenceforth i was the more careful whom i heard , for after our teacher mr. cotton , and my brother wheelwright were put down , there was none in england that i durst hear . then it pleased god to reveal himself to me in that of esa. 30. 20. though the lord give thee the bread of adversity , &c. yet thine eyes shall see thy teachers ; after this the lord carrying mr. cotton to new-england ( at which i was much troubled ) it was revealed to me , that i must go thither also , and that there i should be pers●…cuted , and suffer much trouble . i will give you another scripture , jer. 46. fear not iacob my servant , for i am with thee ; i will make a full end of all the nations , &c. then the lord did reveal himself to me , sitting upon a throne of justice , and all the world appearing before him , and though i must come to new england , yet i must not fear nor be dismaied . the lord brought another scripture to me , esa. 89. the lord spake this to me with a strong hand , and instructed me , that i should not walk in the way of this people , &c. i will give you one place more , which the lord brought to me by immediate revelations , and that doth concern you all ; it is in dan. 6. when the presidents and princes could find nothing against him , because he was faithful , they sought matter against him concerning the law of his god , to cast him into the lions den ; so it was revealed to me , that they should plot against me , but the lord bid me not to fear , for he that delivered daniel , and the three children , his hand was not shortened . and see this scripture fulfilled this day in mine eyes , therefore take heed what ye go about to do unto me , for you have no power over my body , neither can you do me any harm , for i am in the hands of the eternal jehovah my saviour , i am at his appointment , the bounds of my habitation are cast in heaven , no farther do i esteem of any mortal man , than creatures in his hand ; i fear none but the great jehovah , which hath foretold me of these things ; and i do verily believe that he will deliver me out of your hands , therefore take heed how you proceed against me ; for i know that for this you go about to do to me , god will ruin you and your posterity , and this whole state. when she had thus vented her mind , the court demanded of her , how she expected to be delivered , whether by miracle as daniel was ? to which she answered , yes , by miracle , as dainiel was : being farther demanded , how she did know that it was god that did reveal these things to her , and not satan ? she answered ; how did abraham know that it was the voice of god , when he commanded him to sacrifice his son ? mr. cotton being present , and desired by the court to deliver his judgment about mistriss hutchison her revelations , answered ; there be two sorts of revelations , some are without and besides scripture ; those i look at as satanical , and tending to much danger ; other are such as the apostle speaks of , ephes. 1. where he prayeth for a spirit of revelation to be given them , those are never dispensed but according to the word of god ; though the word revelation be uncouth , yet in scripture-sense i think it not lawful so to express it , and whenever it comes , it comes with the ministery of the word . being again desired to express himself particularly concerning her revelations , he demanded of her ( by the leave of the court ) whether by a miracle she doth mean a work beyond the power of nature , or onely above common providence ? for if ( as you say ) you expect deliverance from this court , beyond the power of nature , then i should suspect such a revelation to be false . to this she answered , you know when it comes , god doth not describe the way . mr. cotton asked her again , whether ( when she said she should be delivered ) she meant a deliverance from the sentence of the court , or from the calamity of it ? she answered , yea , from the calamity of it . mistriss hutchison having thus freely and fully discovered her self , the court and all the rest of the assembly ( except those of her own party ) did observe a special providence of god , that ( while she went about to cover such offences as were laid to her charge , by putting matters upon proof , and then quarrelling with the evidence ) her own mouth should deliver her into the power of the court , as guilty of that which all suspected her for , but were not furnished with proof sufficient to proceed against her ; for here she hath manifested , that her opinions and practice have been the cause of all our disturbances , and that she walked by such a rule as cannot stand with the peace of any state ; for such bottomless revelations , as either came without any word , or without the sense of the word , ( which was framed to humane capacity ) if they be allowed in one thing , must be admitted a rule in all things ; for they being above reason and scripture , they are not subject to control : again , she hath given a reason why she hath so much slighted the faithful ministers of christ here , why ? it was revealed to her long since in england , that all the pack of them were antichristians , so as she durst hear none of them , after mr. cotton and mr. wheelwright were once gone ; for they could not preach christ and the new-covenant ( as she affirms , ) why , but they did preach somewhat , and if they could not hold forth christ in a covenant of free-grace , then must they needs hold him forth in a covenant of works ; then are they not able ministers of the new testament , nor sealed by the spirit ; for the servants of god , who are come over into new england , do not think themselves more spiritual than other of their brethren whom they have left behind , nor that they can or do hold forth the lord jesus christ in their ministry , more truly than he was held forth in england , and seeing their ministery was a most precious sweet savour to all the saints before she came hither , it is easie to discern from what sink that ill vapour hath risen , which hath made so many of her seduced party to loath now the smell of those flowers which they were wont to find sweetness in : yet this is not all ( though it be too too vile ) she can fetch a revelation that shall reach the magistrates and the whole court , and the succeeding generations , and she hath scripture for it also ; daniel must be a type of mistriss hutchison , the lions den of the court of justice , and the presidents and princes of the reverend elders here , and all must sort to this conclusion , she must be delivered by miracle , and all we must be ruined ; see the impudent boldness of a proud dame , that athaliah-like makes havock of all that stand in the way of her ambitious spirit ; she had boasted before that her opinions must prevail , neither could she endure a stop in her way , as appeared once upon a slight occasion , when her reputation being a little touched upon mistake , yet so carried , as she could not get the party upon that advantage which she expected , she vented her impatience with so fierce speech and countenance , as one would hardly have guessed her to have been an antitype of daniel , but rather of the lions after they were let loose . the like appeared in her , when she could not have her will against her faithful pastor for his opposing her opinions , as she apprehended ; so as neither reason , nor scripture , nor the judgment and example of such as she reverenced , could appease her displeasure . so that the court did clearly discern , where the fountain was of all our distempers , and the tragedy of munster ( to such as had read it ) gave just occasion to fear the danger we were in , seeing ( by the judgment of luther writing of those troublous times ) we had not to do with so simple a devil , as managed that business , and therefore he had the less fear of him ; but satan seemed to have commission now to use his utmost cunning to undermine the kingdom of christ here ( as the same luther foretold , he would do , when he should enterprize any such innovation under the clear light of the gospel , ) so as the like hath not been known in former ages , that ever so many wise , sober , and well grounded christians , should so suddenly be seduced by the means of a woman , to stick so fast to her , even in some things wherein the whole current of scripture goeth against them , and that notwithstanding that her opinions and practice have been so gross in some particulars , as their knowledge and sincerity would not suffer them to approve , yet such interest hath she gotten in their hearts , as they seek cloaks to cover the nakedness of such deformities , as in the mean time they are ashamed to behold . the court saw now an inevitable necessity to rid her away , except we would be guilty , not onely of our own ruine , but also of the gospel : so in the end the sentence of banishment was pronounced against her , and she was committed to the marshal , till the court should dispose of her . another day , captain iohn underhill was sent for , and being charged with joyning in the said petition , acknowledged the same , professing that he could see no fault in it : being demanded a rule by which he might take so much upon him , as publickly to contradict the sentence of the court , &c. he alledged the example of ioab his rough speech to david , when he retired himself for absalom's death , and that david did not reprove him for it . to this the court answered . first , that ioab was then in the matters of his own calling , and being general of the army , had liberty , by his place , to give advice to the king in causes of that nature , but when he failed in the manner of his speech , therein he is not to be excused , and therefore not to be followed . secondly , ioab did not contradict or reprove any judicial sentence of the king , but onely an inordinate passion . thirdly , he was occasioned by an urgent necessity of the safety of the king and state. fourthly , that which he spake was in private , for the king had withdrawn himself . fifthly , it appears that david did take it as a great miscarriage , for he presently displaced him . again , in our cause , the captain was but a private man , and had no calling to deal in the affairs of the court , therefore no warrant from hence . he insisted much upon the liberty which all states do allow to military officers , for free speech , &c. and that himself had spoken sometimes as freely to count nassaw . but it was answered , we are not to look at what some do tolerate , but what is lawful , and there may be a reason of state , to connive at that disorder at some season , which may not with honour and safety be permitted at another . being farther demanded , how they came so many of them , to be so suddenly agreed in so weighty and doubtful a case ? he answered , that many of them being present when mr. wheelwright was convict of sedition , they were sore grieved at it , and suddenly rushing out of the court , a strange motion came into all their minds , so as they said ( in a manner altogether ) come let us petition ; and for his part , from that time to this , his conscience which then led him to it , will not suffer him to retract it . the court pittied him much , and were grieved at his obstinacy , that when all his arguments were taken away , he had no defence left , he would yet maintain a bad cause by the light of a deluded conscience ; and withal they took notice how these ungrounded revelations began to work , and what dangerous consequences were like to follow of them , when so many persons upon such a sudden motion had no scruple to enterprize such a seditious action , nor can be brought by any light of reason or scripture , to see their errour ; so the court ( when they saw no other remedy ) dis-franchised him , and discharged him of his place , but allowed him his quarters means . there were divers who were not present when that sudden motion , or revelation first set the petition on foot , but were drawn in after , who soon found their error , and did as freely acknowledge it , and desired to have their names put out of it , which was easily granted , and their offence , with a loving admonition , remitted . it had been observed a good time since , that some of the leaders of this faction ( by occasion of new disciples , being inquisitive about their tenents ) would let fall these answers , i have many things to tell you , but you cannot bear them now ; and there is a great light to break forth , if men do not resist it , and you shall see the bottom hereafter ; and one of them reproved the rest , telling them , that they had spoiled their cause , by being over hasty , and too open , &c. and now it began to appear , what their meaning were , for after mistriss hutchison had discovered the secret , by her speech in the court , then others opened their minds , and professedly maintained these enthusiasms as the oracles of god. and that such revelations as abraham had to kill his son , and as paul had in the ship , and when he was caught up into the third heaven , &c. were ordinary , so that mr. cotton took notice of the danger of them , and publickly confuted them in diverse sermons . among other like passages there was one that fell out at mr. wheelw . his farewel to those whom he used to preach unto at the mount. one of his own scholars told him openly , that he had preached antichristianism , and had set up a christ against a christ ; the same party maintained immediate revelations , without any word at all , saying , that the free promises were onely for those under the law , but we are to look for all our assurance by immediate revelation ; and that in the new testament there are no signs , no not our baptism , for the baptism of water is of no use to us when once we are baptized with the holy ghost : he said also , that a man might be adopted and not justified , and that every new creature is as a dead lump , not acting at all , but as christ acts in him ; and denyed all inherent righteousness ; and that the commandments were a dead letter . these things were so gross , as mr. wheelwright could not but contradict him ; yet he did it so tenderly , as might well discover his near agreement in the points , though his wisdom served him to be more reserved till a fitter season ; for that poor man being newly come on to the profession of religion , must needs learn those points of m●… . wheelw . or draw them as necessary consequents from some of his tenents : and it is frequently found to be an effect of all unsound and unsafe doctrines , that still the scholar goes a step farther than his teacher . so it hath proved in former times , luther , and no doubt many of those who did imbrace his errors , in the first edition of them , yet lived and died in the true faith of christ , but the succeeding generations ( inheriting those erroneous tenents , which they had drawn from their godly forefathers , but not their godliness ) proved hereticks and schismaticks to this day . so it hath been in the churches of rome , and others , and so we may justly fear in these churches in new-england , howsoever that many that now adhere to these familistical opinions , are indeed truly godly , and ( no doubt ) shall persevere so to the end , yet the next generation , which shall be trained up under such doctrines , will be in great danger to prove plain familists and schismaticks . this discovery of a new rule of practice by immediate revelations , and the consideration of such dangerous consequences , which have and might follow thereof , occasioned the court to disarm all such of that party , as had their hands to the petition , and some others , who had openly defended the same , except they should give satisfaction to the magistrates therein ; which some presently did , others made a great question about it , for bringing in their arms , but they were too weak to stand it out . thus it pleased the lord to hear the prayers of his afflicted people ( whose souls had wept in secret for the reproach that was cast upon the churches of the lord jesus in this countrey , by occasion of the divisions which were grown amongst us , through the vanity of some weak minds , which cannot seriously affect any thing long , except it be offered them under some renewed shape ) and by the care and endeavour of the wise and faithful ministers of the churches , assisted by the civil authority to discover this master-piece of the old-serpent , and to break the brood by scattering the leaders , under whose conduct he had prepared such ambushment , as in all reason would soon have driven christ and gospel out of new-england ( though to the ruine of the instruments themselves , as well as others ) and to the re-possessing of satan in his ancient kingdom ; it is the lord's work , and it is marvellous in our eyes . mr. wheel . is now gone to pascal , mistriss hutchison is confined in a private house , till the season of the year shall be fit for her departure , some of those whom god hath left to be most strongly deluded , are preparing to follow them , and we hope the lord will open the eyes of the rest , and perswade them to joyn again with their sometime dear and most beloved brethren , that peace and truth may again flourish in new-england , amen . after the court had thus proceeded , some of the churches dealt with such of their members as were found guilty of these erroneous and seditious practices , the church at roxbury ( after much pains and patience to reduce them ) excommunicated five or six ; and the church of boston , by the sollicitation of some of the elders of the other churches , proceeded against mistriss hutchison , the manner and issue whereof is set down in the next . at boston in new-england , upon the 17th day of octob. 1637. the wife of one william dyer , sometimes a citizen and millener of london , a very proper and comely young woman , was delivered of a large woman child , it was still-born , about two months before her time , the child having life a few hours before the delivery , but so monstrous and mis-shapen , as the like hath scarce been heard of : it had no head , but a face , which stood so low upon the breast , as the ears ( which were like an apes ) grew upon the shoulders . the eyes stood far out , so did the mouth ; the nose was hooking upward , the breast and back was full of sharp prickles , like a thornback ; the navel and all the belly with the distinction of the sex , were , where the lower part of the back and hips should have been , and those back-parts were on the side the face stood . the arms and hands , with the thighs and legs , were as other childrens , but instead of toes , it had upon each foot three claws , with talons like a young fowl. upon the back , above the belly , it had two great holes , like mouths , and in each of them stuck out a piece of flesh. it had no forehead , but in the place thereof , above the eyes , four horns , whereof two were above an inch long , hard and sharp , the other two were somewhat shorter . many things were observable in the birth and discovery of this monster . 1. the father and mother were of the highest form of our refined familists , and very active in maintaining their party , and in reproaching some of the elders , and others , who did oppose those errors . 2. the midwife , one hawkins wife of st. ives , was notorious for familiarity with the devil , and now a prime familist . 3. this monster was concealed by three persons above five months . 4. the occasion of concealing it was very strange , for most of the women who were present at the womans travail , were suddenly taken with such a violent vomiting , and purging , without eating or drinking of any thing , as they were forced to go home ; others had their children taken with convulsions , ( which they had not before , nor since ) and so were sent for home , so as none were left at the time of the birth , but the midwife and two other , whereof one fell asleep . 5. at such time as the child died ( which was about two hours before the birth ) the bed wherein the mother lay , shook so violently , as all which were in the room perceived it . 6. the after-birth wherein the child was , had prickles on the inside like those on the childs brest . 7. the manner of the discovery was very strange also , for it was that very day mistriss hutchison was cast out of the church for her monstrous errours , and notorious falsehood ; for being commanded to depart the assembly , mistriss dyer accompanied her , which a stranger observing , asked another , what woman that was ? the other answered , it was the women who had the monster : which one of the church of boston hearing , enquired about it from one to another , and at length came to mistriss hutchison , with one of the elders of the church , to whom she revealed the truth of the thing in general onely ; this coming to the governours ear , he called another of the magistrates , and sent for the midwife , and ( in the presence of the elder , to whom mistriss hutchison had revealed it ) they examined her , who , at first , confessed , it was a monstrous birth , but concealed the horns and claws , and some other parts , till being straitly charged , and told it should be taken up , and viewed , then she confessed all : yet for farther assurance , the child was taken up , and though it were much corrupted , yet the horns and claws , and holes in the back , and some scales , &c. were found and seen of above a hundred persons . 8. the father of this monster , having been forth of the town about a month , and coming home just at this time , was upon the lord's day ( by an unexpected occasion ) called before the church for some of his monstrous opinions ; as that christ and the church together are the new creature ; there is no inherent righteousness in christians ; adam was not made after god's image , &c. which he openly maintained , yet with such shuffling , and equivocating , as he came under admonition , &c. a brief apology in defence of the general proceedings of the court , holden at boston the ninth day of the first moneth , 1636. against mr. i. wheelwright a member there , by occasion of a sermon delivered there in the same congregation . forasmuch as some of the members of the court ( both of the magistrates and deputies ) did dissent from the major part , in the judgement of the cause of mr. wheelwright , and divers others have since censured the proceedings against him as unjust , or ( at best ) over hasty , for maintaining of which censures , many untruths are like to be spread abroad , whereby the most equal judges may be in danger of prejudice ; and so the honour not of the court only , but also of the trial and justice it self may be blemished : it is thought needful to make this publick declaration of all the proceedings , with the reasons and grounds thereof , so far as concerneth the clearing of the justice of the court. as for such passages as fell by occasion , and are too large to be here inserted , such as desire to know them , may receive satisfaction from three or four of boston ( being mr. wheelwright his special friends ) who took all by characters ( we doubt not ) will give a true report thereof ; as for such as have taken offence , that the cause was not first referred to the church , we desire them to consider these reasons . 1. this case was not matter of conscience , but of a civil nature , and therefore most proper for this court to take cognizance of , and the rather for the special contempt which had been offered to the court therein , and which the church could not judge of . 2. in some cases of religious nature , as manifest heresie , notorious blasphemy , &c. the civil power may proceed , ecclesia inconsulta , and that by the judgment of all the ministers . 3. it had been a vain thing to refer a cause to the judgment of those who had openly declared their prejudice therein , both in the court and otherwise , as by two petitions under the hands of most of them , delivered into the court on his behalf , did plainly appear . 4. the heat of contention and uncharitable censures which began to overspread the countrey , and that chiefly by occasion of that sermon , and the like miscarriages , did require that the civil power should speedily allay that heat , and bear witness against all seditious courses , tending to the overthrow of truth and peace amongst us , and this only by way of entrance to the matter which now followeth . in the beginning of the court , the deputies upon the fame of a sermon delivered by mr. wheelwright ( upon the first day ) which was supposed to tend to sedition , and disturbance of the publick peace , desired that he might be sent for , which the court ass●…nting unto , one of the magistrates ( his special friend ) undertook to give him notice thereof , and accordingly at the next meeting he was in the town . ready to appear , when he should be called for , which was not till two or three days after , and then he was sent for ( not by the marshal , as the usual manner is ; but ) by one of the deputies his intimate friend , upon his appearance he was made acquainted with the cause why he was sent for , viz. to satisfie the court about some passages in his sermon , which seemed to be offensive , and therewith a copy of it was produced , and he was demanded whether he would own it , whereupon he drew forth another copy which he delivered into the court , as a true copy , ( for the substance of it ) so he was dismissed very gently , and desired to be ready when he should be called for again . the next day he was again sent for by the former messenger : about this time a petition was delivered into the court , under the hands of above forty persons , being most of the church of boston , ( being none of the petitions before mentioned which were delivered after ) to this effect , that as free-men they might be admitted to be present in the court in causes of judicature , and that the court would declare whether they might proceed in cases of conscience , without referring them first to the church . to this the court answered on the backside of the petition , that they did conceive the petition was without just ground , for the first part of it , the court had never used any privacy in judicial proceedings , but in preparation thereto by way of examination of the party , &c. they might and would use their liberty , as they should see cause ; and for the other part of the petition , when any matter of conscience should come before them , they would advise what were fit to be done in it . when mr wheelwright came in , the court was private , and then they told him they had considered of his sermon , and were desirous to ask him some questions which might ●…nd to clear his meaning , about such passages therein as seemed offensive ; he demanded whether he were sent for as an innocent person , or as guilty ? it was answered neither , but as suspected only ; then he demanded who were his accusers ? it was answered , his sermon ; ( which was there in court ) being acknowledged by himself they might thereupon proceed , ex officio : at this word great exception was taken , as if the court intended the course of the high commission , &c. it was answered that the word ex officio was very safe and proper , signifying no more but the authority or duty of the court : and that there was no cause of offence , seeing th●… court did not examine him by any compulsory means , as by oath , imprisonment , or the like , but only desired him for better satisfaction to answer some questions , but he still refused , yet at last through perswasion of some of his friends , he seemed content ; the question then put to him was , whether before his sermon he did not know , that most of the ministers in this jurisdiction did teach that doctrine which he in his sermon called a covenant of works ; to this he said , he did not desire to answer , and thereupon some cryed out , that the court went about to ensnare him , and to make him to accuse himself ; and that this question was not about the matter of his sermon , &c. upon this he refused to answer any further , so he was dismissed till the afternoon ; the reason why the court demanded that question of him , was not to draw matter from himself whereupon to proceed against him , neither was there any need , for upon a conference of the ministers not long before there had been a large dispute between some of them and himself about that point of evidencing justification by sanctification ; so as the court might soon have convinced him by witnesses , if they had intended to proceed against him upon that ground . in the afternoon he was sent for again in the same manner as before , and the ministers also being in the town , and come hither to confer together for further discovery of the ground of the differences which were in the countrey about the covenant of grace , &c. they were desired to be present also at the court , to bear witness of the proceedings in the case , and to give their advice as the court ( upon occasion ) should require : so the doors being set open for all that would to come in ( and there was a great assembly ) and mr. wheelwright being willed to sit down by the ministers , his sermon was produced , and many passages thereof were read to him , which for the better understanding we have digested into this order following . he therein describeth two covenants , the covenant of grace , and the covenant of works ; the covenant of grace he described to be , when in the point of justification , and the knowledge of this our justification by faith , there is nothing revealed but christ jesus ; but if men think to be saved , because they see some works of sanctification in themselves , as hungring and thirsting , &c. this is a covenant of works ; if men have revealed to them some work of righteousness , as love to the brethren , &c. and hereupon come to be assured that they are in a good estate , this is not the assurance of faith , for faith hath christ revealed for the object , therefore if the assurance of a mans justification be by faith , as a work , it is not gospel . having thus described those who go under a covenant of works , he pronounceth them to be enemies to christ , to be antichrists , to be flesh opposed to spirit ; such as will certainly persecute those who hold forth the truth , and the ways of grace , he resembleth them to the philistines , who stop up with the earth of their own inventions , the wells of true believers ; he resembleth them also to herod , who would have killed christ so soon as he was born , and to herod and pilate who did kill christ when he came once to shew forth himself , and would have kept him eternally in the grave ; he further describeth them out of the second psalm , to be the people of god , as the iews were , and such as would take away the true christ , and put in false christs , to deceive if it were possible the very elect ; he also describeth them by that in cant. 10. 6. they make the children of grace , keepers of the vineyard , they make them travel under the burden of the covenant of works , which doth cause christ many times from them . he cometh after to an use of exhortation , wherein he stirreth up all those of his side to a spiritual combat , to prepare for battle , and come out and fight against the enemies of the lord ; ( those under a covenant of works ) he shews whom he meaneth thus to excite , alluding to david's valiant men , to baruch , deborah , iael , and all the men of israel , and bind them hereunto under the curse of meroz ; he further exhorteth them to stand upon their guard , &c. by alluding to the 600 valiant men , who kept watch about the bed of solomon , a type of christ ; then he incourageth those of his side against such difficulties as might be objected ; as 1. if the enemies shall oppose the way of god , they must lay the more load upon them , and kill them with the word of the lord , and there he alludeth to those places which speak of giving the saints power over nations , binding kings in chains , and of threshing instruments with teeth , and foretels their flight by that in esa. 21. 15. they shall flee from the sword , &c. 2. though the enemies under a covenant of works be many and strong , ( as he confesseth they are ) yet they ought not to fear , for the battle is the lords , this he inforceth by that in iosh. 23. 10. one of you shall chase a thousand , and that of ionathan and his armour bearer . 3. against tenderness of heart which they might have towards such under a covenant of works , as are exceeding holy and strict in their way , he animateth his party by perswading them , that such are the greatest enemies to christ ; this he seeks to illustrate by resembling such in their zeal , to paul when he was a persecutor , and in their devotion to those who expelled paul and barnabas out of antioch . he taketh it for granted , that these holy men trust in their righteousness , and that it thrusteth out the righteousness of christ , and so concludes and foretels from ezek. 33. they shall die , and their righteousness is accursed , yet they transform themselves ( saith he ) into angels of light. 4. that his party might not fear lest he should break the rule of meekness , &c. he bringeth in the example of stephen , act. 7. 58. and the example of christ , ioh. 8. 44. and mat. 23. 23. 5. to those who might fear , lest this strife should cause a combustion in church and common-wealth , he answers and tells them plainly it will do so , but yet to uphold their hearts , he arms them with the prediction of christ , luk. 12. 49. and tells them that it is the desire of the saints , that that fire were kindled , and with that in esa. 9. 5. which he interprets of michael and the angels , and with that in mal. 4. 2. and by that in the revelation , the whore must be burnt . 6. he arms them against persecution , by exhorting them not to love their lives unto the death , but be willing to be killed like sheep , seeing it is impossible to hold forth the truth of god with external peace and quietness : this he inforceth by the example of sampson , who slew more at his death than in his life . these passages of his sermon being openly read master wheelwright did acknowledge and justifie the same , and being demanded ( either then or before ) whether by those under a covenant of works he did mean any of the ministers and other christians in those churches , he answer'd , that if he were shewed any that walked in such a way , as he had described to be a covenant of works , them he did mean. here divers speeches passed up and down , whereof there was no special notice taken , as not material to the purpose in hand . the court proceeded also to examine some witnesses about another sermon of his , whereat much offence had also been taken , and not without cause , ( as appeared to the court ) for in that he seemed to scare men , not only from legal righteousness , but even from faith and repentance , as if that also were a way of the covenant of works ; but this being matter of doctrine , the court passed it by for the present , only they ( and the ministers present , divers of them ) declared their grief to see such opinions risen in the countrey of so dangerous consequence , and so directly crossing the scope of the gospel , ( as was conceived ) and it was retorted upon him , which he in his sermon chargeth his adverse party with , ( tho' uncharitably and untruly ) when he saith they would take away the true christ , that to make good such a doctrine as he held forth ( to common intendment ) must needs call for a new christ , and a new gospel , for sure the old would not own or justifie it . then the court propounded a question to the ministers , which ( because they desired time of consideration to make answer unto ) was given them in writing upon the outside of master wheelwrights sermon in these words ; whether by that which you have heard concerning mr. wheelwrights sermon , and that which was witnessed concerning him , ye do conceive that the ministers in this country do walk in , and teach such a way of salvation , and evidencing thereof , as he describeth , and accounteth to be a covenant of works ? to this question ( being again called for into the court the next morning ) they returned an affirmative answer , in the very words of the question , adding withal , that they would not be understood , that their doctrine and master vvheelwrights about justification and salvation , and evidencing thereof , did differ in all things , but only in the point presented , and debated now in court , and that of this their answer they were ready to give reasons when the court should demand them , and that to this they consented , except their brother the teacher of boston : after this ( by leave of the court ) the ministers all spake one by one in order , some more largely , laying open by solid arguments , and notorious examples , the great dangers that the churches and civil state were fallen into , by the differences which were grown amongst us in matters of religion , offering themselves withal to imploy all their studies to effect a reconciliation , shewing also their desires that mr. vvheelwright would be with them , when they should meet for this purpose , and blaming his former strangeness as a possible occasion of these differences of judgment . others spake more briefly , but consented with the former ; and all of them ( as they had occasion to speak to mr. vvheelw . or to make mention of him ) used him with all humanity and respect ; what his carriage was towards them again , those who were present may judge , as they saw cause . the matters objected against mr. vvheel being recollected , and put to the vote , the opinion of the court was , that he had run into sedition and contempt of the civil authority , which accordingly was recorded to the same effect , and he was injoyned to appear at the next general court to abide their further sentence herein . and whereas motion was made of injoyning him silence in the mean time , the ministers were desired to deliver their advice what the court might do in such a case : their answer was , that they could not give a clear resolution of the question at the present , but for mr. vvheel . they desired that the court would rather refer him to the church of b. to deal with him for that matter ; which accordingly was done , and so he was dismissed : such of the magistrates and deputies , as had not concurred with the major part in the vote , ( some of them ) moved that the dissent might be recorded , ( but it was denyed ) as a course never used in this or any such court. afterward they tendered a protestation , which was also refused , because therein they had justifi'd mr. vvheel . as a faithful minister of the lord jesus , and condemned the court for undue proceeding ; but this was offered them , that if they would write down the words of the record , and subscribe their dissent , without laying such aspersion upon the court , it should be received . although the simple narration of these proceedings might be sufficient to justifie the court in what they have done , especially with these of this jurisdiction , who have taken notice of the passages in the general court in decem. last , yet for satisfaction of others to whom this case may be otherwise presented , by fame or misreport , we will set down some grounds and reasons thereof , some whereof were expressed in the court , and others ( tho' not publickly insisted upon , yet ) well conceived by some , as further motives to lead their judgments to do as they did . and , 1. it is to be observed , that the noted differences in point of religion in the churches here , are about the covenant of works , in opposition to the covenant of grace ; in clearing whereof much dispute hath been , whether sanctification be any evidence of justification . 2. that before mr. vvheel . came into this country ( which is not yet two years since ) there was no strife ( at least in publick observation ) about that point . 3. that he did know ( as himself confessed ) that divers of the ministers here were not of his judgment in those points , and that the publishing of them would cause disturbance in the country , and yet he would never confer with the ministers about them , that thereby he might have gained them to his opinion , ( if it had been the truth ) or at least have manifested some care of the publick peace , which he rather seemed to slight , when being demanded in the court a reason of such his failing , he answer'd that he ought not to consult with flesh and blood , about the publishing of that truth which he had received from god. 4. it was well known to him that the magistrates and deputies were very sensible of those differences , and studious of pacifying such minds as began to be warm and apt to contention about them , and for this end at the said court in december , ( where these differences and alienations of mind through rash censures , &c. were sadly complained of ) they had called in the ministers , and ( mr. wheel . being present ) had desired their advice for discovery of such dangers , as did threaten us hereby , and their help for preventing thereof ; and it was then thought needful , to appoint a solemn day of humiliation ( as for other occasions more remote , so especially ) for this which more nearly concerned us , and at this time this very point of evidencing justification by sanctification set into some debate , and mr. wheel . being present spake nothing , though he well discerned that the judgment of most of the magistrates and near all the ministers closed with the affirmative . 5. that upon the said fast ( mr. wheel . being desired by the church to exercise as a private brother , by way of prophecy ) when mr. cotton teaching in the afternoon out of isa. 58. 4. had shewed that it was not a fit work for a day of fast , to move strife and debate , to provoke to contention , &c. but by all means to labour pacification and reconciliation , and therein had bestowed much time , and many forcible arguments , yet mr. wheel . speaking after him , taught as is here before mentioned , wholly omitting those particular occasions which the court intended , nay rather reproving them , in teaching that the only cause of fasting , was the absence of christ , &c. and so notwithstanding the occasion of the day , mr. cottons example , the intent of the court for procuring peace , he stirred up the people to contention , and that with more than ordinary vehemency . now if any man will equally weigh the proceedings of the court and these observations together , we hope it will appear that mr. wheelwright was justly convicted of sedition and contempt of authority , and such as have not leisure or will to compare them together , may only read that which here followeth , and receive satisfaction thereby , carrying this along with them , that the acts of authority holding forth the face , and stamp of a divine sentence , should not be less regarded than the actions of any private brother , which a good man will view on all four sides before he judge them to be evil . sedition and contempt are laid to his charge . sedition doth properly signifie a going aside to make a party , and is rightly described by the poet , ( for it is lawful to fetch the meaning of words from human authority ) in magno populo cum saepe coorta est seditio saevitabque ; animis , &c. whence it it doth appear that when the minds of the people being assembled are kindled or made fierce upon some sudden occasion , so as they fall to take part one against another , this is sedition ; for when that furor , which doth arma ministrare , is once kindled , the sedition is begun , though it come not to its perfection , till faces & saxa volant : tully saith , seditionem esse dissensionem omnium inter se , cum ●…unt alii in aliud , when the people dissent in opinion and go several ways , isidore saith , seditiosus est , qui dissensionem animorum facit & discordias gignit . he that sets mens minds at difference , and begets strife : and if we look into the scripture , we shall find examples of sedition agreeing to these descriptions . the uprore mov'd by demetrius , act. 19. was sedition , yet he neither took up arms , nor perswaded others so to do , but only induced the minds of the people , and made them fierce against the apostles , by telling them they were enemies to diana of the ephesians . korah and his company moved a most dangerous sedition , yet they did not stir up the people to fight , only they went apart , and drew others to them against moses and aaron ; here was nothing but words , and that by a levite , who might speak by his place , but it cost more than words before it was pacified . now in our present case , did not mr. wheel . make sides when he proclaimed all to be under a covenant of works , who did not follow him ( step by step ) in his description of the covenant of grace ? did he not make himself a party on the other side , by often using these and the like words , we , us ? did he not labour to heat the minds of the people , and to make them fierce against those of that side , which he opposed ( and whereof he knew that most of the magistrates and ministers had declared themselves ) when with the greatest fervency of spirit and voice , he proclaims them antichrists , enemies , philistines , herod , pilate , persecuting jews , and stirred them up on his part to fight with them , to lay load on them , to burn them , to thresh them , and to bind them in chains and fetters , to kill them and vex their hearts , and that under the pain of the curse of meroz ? tantaene animis coelestibus irae ? would one think that any heavenly spirit could have breathed so much anger , when an angel would have given milder language to the devil himself ? and all this without vouchsafing one argument to convince these enemies of their evil way , or one word of admonition or advice to themselves , to draw them out of danger . but it is objected , that he expressed his meaning to be of a spiritual fighting and killing , &c. with the sword of the spirit only . it is granted he did so , yet his instances of illustration , or rather inforcement , were of another nature , as of moses killing the egyptian in defence of his brother ; sampson losing his life with the philistines , the fight of ionathan and his armour-bearer , and of davids worthies , baruc and iael , &c. these obtained their victories with swords and hammers , &c. and such are no spiritual weapons , so that if his intent were not to stir up to open force and arms ( neither do we suspect him of any such purpose , otherwise than by consequence ) yet his reading and experience might have told him , how dangerous it is to heat peoples affections against their opposites , a mind inflamed with indignation ( among some people ) would have been more apt to have drawn their swords by the authority of the examples he held forth for the incouragement , than to have been kept to spiritual weapons , by the restraining without cautions ; such as cannot dispute for christ with stephen , will be ready to draw their swords for him , like peter ; for furor arma ministrat , like him who when he could not by any sentence in the bible confute an heretick , could make use of the whole book to break his head ; we might hold forth instances more than enough . the wars in germany for these hundred years arose from dissentions in religion , and though in the beginning of the contention , they drew out onely the sword of the spirit , yet it was soon changed into a sword of steel ; so was it among the consederate cantons of helvetia , which were so many towns as nearly combined together , as ours here ; so was it also in the netherlands between the orthodox and the arminians ; so hath it been between the calvinists and lutherans : in every place we find that the contentions began first by disputations and sermons , and when the minds of the people were once set on fire by reproachful terms of incendiary spirits , they soon set to blows , and had always a tragical and bloody issue ; and to clear this objection , mr. wheel . professed before-hand , what he looked for , viz. that his doctrine would cause combustions even in the common-wealth , as well as in the churches , which he could not have feared if he had supposed ( as in charity he well might ) that those who were set over the people here in both states , were indeed true christians ; yea , he not only confesseth his expectation , but his earnest desire also of such combustions and disturbances , when he saith , that it is the saints desire to have the fire kindled , as if he were come among turks or papists , and not among the churches of christ , amongst whom paul laboured to quench all fire of contention , but with the corinthians , romans , and galatians , and wished that those were cut off who troubled them , setting a mark upon such as made division , and a note of a carnal mind : therefore this objection will not save him , his offence is yet without excuse , he did intend to trouble our peace , and he hath effected it ; therefore it was a contempt of that authority which required every man to study peace and truth , and therefore it was a seditious contempt , in that he stirred up others to joyn in the disturbance of that peace , which he was bound by solemn oath to preserve . but here he puts in a plea , that he did take the onely right way for peace , by holding out the lord jesus christ in the covenant of free grace , for without christ there is no peace , but get christ and we have all . to this we reply , first , we would demand of him what he accounts a holding forth a covenant of grace ? for , saving that he saith , this is a covenant of grace , that is a covenant of works , no man can discern any such thing by his proofs , for there is not any one argument in his sermon , to convince the judgment that so it is , and if we search the scripture , we find in the old testament , ier. 31. the covenant of grace to be this , i will write my law in their hearts , or , i will be their god , &c. and in the new testament we find , he that believes in the lord iesus christ , shall be saved , and that it is of faith , that it might be of grace ; but other covenant of grace than these , or to the same effect , are not in our bibles . again , tho' it be true , that get christ and we have all in some respect , yet we must remember him of what he said with the same breath , that truth and external peace cannot possibly stand together , how then would he have us believe , that such a holding forth christ should bring the desired peace ? this is some what like the jewish corban , i will give to god , and he shall help my parents ; or , as when a poor man stands in need of such relief , as i might give him , instead there of i pray to god to bless him , and tell him that the blessing of god maketh rich ; or , as i give a lawyer a fee to plead my cause , and to procure me justice , and when the day of hearing comes , he makes a long speech in commending the justice of the king , and perswading me to get his favour , because he is the fountain of justice ; this is to reprove the wisdom of god , by looking that the supreme and first cause should produce all effects , without the use of subordinate and nearer causes and means ; so a man should live out his full time by god's decree onely , without meat or medicine ; this plea therefore will not hold , let us hear another . it is objected , that the magistrates may not appoint a messenger of god , what he should teach : admit so much , yet he may limit him what he may not teach , if he forbid him to teach heresie or sedition , &c. he incurs as well a contempt in teaching that which he was forbidden , as sins in teaching that which is evil . besides , every truth is not seasonable at all times , christ tells his disciples , that he had many things to teach them , but they could not bear them then , joh. 16. 12. and god giveth his prophets the tongue of the learned , that they may know how to speak a word in season , isa. 50. 40. and if for every thing there be a season , then for every doctrine , eccles. 3. 1. the abolishing of the ceremonial law was a truth which the apostles were to teach , yet there was a season when paul did refrain it , acts 21. 24. and the same paul would not circumcise titus , though he did timothy , so the difference of persons and places , made a difference in the season of the doctrine : and if mr. wheelwright had looked upon the words which followed in the text , matth. 9. 16 , 17. he might have learned , that such a sermon would as ill suit the season , as old bottles do new wine , and by that in esay before-mentioned , he might have had known the spirit of god doth teach his servants to discern of seasons , as well as of truths ; for if there be such a point in wisdom as men call discretion , sure religion ( which maketh truly wise ) doth not deprive the servants of god of the right use thereof . when paul was to deal with the sorcerer , who did oppose his doctrine , acts 13. he calls him the child of the devil , &c. but when he answered festus , ( who told him he was mad , and rejected his doctrine also ) he useth him gently , and with terms of honourable respect . tho' stephen calls the jews stiff-necked , and of uncircumcised hearts , &c , as knowing them to be malitious and obstinate enemies to christ , yet paul directs timothy ( being to deal with such as were not past hope , tho' they did oppose his doctrine for the present ) not to strive , but to use all gentleness , instructing them with meekness , &c. 2. tim. 2. the prophet elisha when he speaks to iehoram very roughly , as one not worthy to be looked at , yet he shews a different respect of iehosaphat , tho' he were then out of his way , and under a sin , for which he had been formerly reproved , 2 king. 3. christ himself , tho' he sharply reproveth the pharisees , &c. yet he instructeth nicodemus gently , when he objected against his doctrine , and that somewhat rudely , ioh. 3. the apostles would not forbear to preach christ , tho' rulers forbad them . act. 3. yet another prophet forbare at another season at the command of king amasia , 2 chron. 25. so we see that this plea of mr. vvheelwright is as weak as the former , and will not excuse him from contempt . if it be yet objected , that his sermon was not at all for contention , seeing he raised and pressed an use of brotherly love ; we grant he did so , but it was ejusdem farinae , a loaf of the same leaven with the other , for he applyeth it to those of his own party , to perswade them to hold together , and help one another against those of the other party , whom he setteth forth as their opposites , and encourageth them thereby by the example of moses , who in love to his brother killed the egyptian . a further objection hath been made against the proceedings of the court , as if mr. wheelwright had not a lawful tryal , as not being put upon a jury of freemen . but the answer to this is easie , it being well known to all such as have understanding of matters of this nature , that such courts as have power to make and abrogate laws , are tyed to no other orders , but their own , and to no other rule but truth and justice , and why thrice twelve men sitting , as judges in a court , should be more subject to partiality than twelve such called as a jury to the bar , let others judge . now if some shall gather from that which is here before mentioned , viz. that every truth is not seasonable at all times , if we shall grant that what master vvheelright delivered was truth , we must desire him to take only so much as we granted , viz. by way of supposition only ; for letting pass ( as we said ) such points as were meerly doctrinal , and not ripe for the court ( depending as yet in examination among the elders ) we may safely deny that those speeches were truths , which the court censured for contempt and sedition , for a brother may fall so far into disobedience to the gospel , as there may be cause to separate from him , and to put him to shame , and yet he is not to be accounted an enemy , 2 thess. 3. therefore when mr. vvheelwright pronounced such ( taking them at the worst he could make them ) to be enemies , &c. it was not according to the truth of the gospel . again , to incense and heat mens minds against their brethren , before he had convinced or admonished them , as being in an estate of enmity , &c. is not to be termed any truth of the gospel ; so likewise to bring extraordinary examples for ordinary rules , as of iohn 8. 44. to incite his party to the like practise against such whose hearts they cannot judge of , as christ could of theirs to whom he spake , is as far from the rule prescribed to ordinary ministers , 2 tim. 2. 25. and to all christians , gal. 6. 1. and iam. 3. 17. as that example of elijah ( by which the apostles would have called for fire from heaven upon the samaritans ) was different from the spirit whereof they were : so to resemble such among us , as profess their faith in christ only , &c. and are in church-fellowship , and walk inoffensively , submitting to all the lords ordinances in church and common-wealth , to resemble such to branded reprobates , and arch-enemies of christ , such as herod , &c. we suppose hath no warrant of truth . we might instance in other like passages , as his ordinary inciting to spiritual combats , by examples of bodily fight , and bloody victories , ( being very unsuitable ) but these may suffice to prove that all he spake was not true , and by this is the offence more aggravated , for if it were seditious only in the manner , it must needs be much worse , when the matter it self also was untrue . but if any shall yet pretend want of satisfaction , by all that hath been produced , ( for indeed it is beyond reason , how far prejudice hath prevailed to captivate some judgments , otherwise godly and wise ) and shall object further , that his doctrine , &c. were general , and so could not be intended of any particular persons , we desire such , first to remember what application mr. vvhe . made of the same in the open court , viz. that he did intend all such as walked in such a way . then again , let the c●…se be put in a reversed frame , some other had then taught , that all such as deny that sanctification ( as it is held by the other party ) is a good evidence of justification , and that say or have their assurance by faith , as a work of god in them , have it in the way of the gospel , that these were enemies to christ , &c. persecutors of the way of grace , &c. and should have stirred up others against them , with like arguments , and vehemency , as mr. vvheelwright did , there is no doubt but mr. vvheel . and others of his opinion , would soon have pointed out those who must necessarily have been intended by it ; for it is well known that some proper adjunct , or some noted circumstance may design a particular person or company , as well as names , so christ points out iudas by the sop , paul the jews , by those of the circumcision , and the antichrist , by that man of sin , &c. but we meet yet with another objection , viz. that disturbance of unity is not sedition , except it also lead to the hurt of utility . to this we answer , first , that if it tend immediately to such hurt ; we deny the truth of the proposition , ; for if in the time of famine , a man should stir up the people to fetch corn out of the houses of such as had it to spare , this were to an immediate publick good , yet it were sedition . if ieremy ( when he taught the jews , that they ought to set free their hebrew servants ) had also incited the servants to free themselves , this had not been free from sedition , yet it had not been against publick utility ; but they alledge the examples of iehojadah , who caused a disturbance , yet without sedition ; we answer , that case was very unlike to ours , for iehojadah being high priest , was also protector of the true king , and so chief governour of the civil state , and athaliah being a meet usurper , he did no other , then if a lawful king should assemble his subjects to apprehend a rebel ; and though a prince or governour may raise a party to suppress or withstand publick enemies , or other evils , yet it doth not follow , that a private man , or a minister of the gospel may do the like : we read , nehem. 5. 7. that he raised a great assembly against those who did oppress their brethren , but we read not that ezra did so , upon the disorders which he complained of , and yet that which he did , in assembling of the people , for redress , &c. was by authority and counsel of the nobles , ezr. 10. 8. 2. that this course of mr. wheelw . did tend directly to the great hinderance of publick utility : for when brethren shall look one at another as enemies and persecutors , &c. and when people shall look at their rulers and ministers as such , and as those who go about to take christ and salvation from them , how shall they join together in any publick service ? how shall they cohabit and trade together ? how hardly will they submit to such over-seers ? how will it hinder all affairs in courts , in towns , in families , in vessels at sea , &c. and what can more threaten the dissolution and ruine of church and common-wealth ? lastly , if it be alledged that such warlike terms are used by christ and his apostles in a spiritual sense , we deny it not , but we desire that the usual manner of their applying them may also be considered , for paul saith , 1 cor. 9. so fight i , &c. i beat down my body , &c. 1 tim. 6. 12. fight the good fight of faith , lay hold on eternal life , and 1 pet. 2. 11. and iam. 4. 1. there is speech of the fight of our lusts , and ephes. 6. 11. he bids them put on armour , but it is to resist the devil , not flesh and blood , not to fight against their brethren , toward whom he forbids all bitterness and clamour , &c. ephes. 4. and when he speaks of spiritual weapons , 2 cor. 10. he doth not draw them out against the persons of brethren , but against high thoughts and imaginations , &c. and if mr. wheelwright had found out any such among us , and planted his battery against them by sound arguments , he had followed our apostolick rule ; christ indeed threatneth to fight against the nicholaitans with the sword of his mouth , and if mr. wheelwright had known any such here , as certainly as christ knew those , he might have been justified by the example , otherwise not . therefore to conclude , seeing there be of those who dissent from mr. wheelwright his doctrines , who have denied themselves for the love of christ as far as he hath done , and will be ready , ( by god's grace ) to do and suffer for the sake of christ , and the honour of free-grace , as much as himself ; for such to be publickly defamed , and held forth as enemies to the lord jesus , and persecutors like herod and pilate , and the uncircumcised heathen , &c. cannot proceed from a charitable mind , nor doth it savour of an apostolick , gospel-like , brotherly spirit . mistriss hutchison being banished and confined , till the season of the year might be fit , and safe for her departure ; she thought it now needless to conceal her self any longer , neither would satan lose the opportunity of making choice of so fit an instrument , so long as any hope remained to attain his mischievous end in darkening the saving truth of the lord jesus , and disturbing the peace of his churches . therefore she began now to discover all her mind to such as came to her , so that her opinions came abroad , and began to take place among her old disciples , and now some of them raised up questions about the immortality of the soul , about the resurrection , about the morality of the sabbath , and divers others , which the elders finding to begin to appear in some of their churches , they took much pains ( both in publick and private ) to suppress ; and following the scent from one to another , the root of all was found to be in mistriss hutchison ; whereupon they resorted to her many times , labouring to convince her , but in vain ; yet they resorted to her still , to the end they might either reclaim her from her errors , or that they might bear witness against them if occasion were : for in a meeting of the magistrates and elders , about suppressing these new-sprung errors , the elders of boston had declared their readiness to deal with mistriss hutchison in a church-way , if they had sufficient testimony : for though she had maintained some of them sometimes before them , yet they thought it not so orderly to come in as witnesses ; whereupon other of the elders , and others , collecting what they had heard from her own mouth at several times , drew them into several heads , and sent them to the church of boston , whereupon the church ( with leave of the magistrates , because she was a prisoner ) sent for her to appear upon a lecture-day , being the 15th of the first moneth , and though she were at her ▪ own house in the town , yet she came not into the assembly till the sermon and prayer were ended , ( pretending bodily infirmity ) when she was come , one of the ruling elders called her forth before the assembly , ( which was very great from all the parts of the country ) and telling her the cause why the church had called her , read the several heads , which were as followeth . 1. that the souls of all men ( in regard of generation ) are mortal like the beasts , eccles. 3. 18. 2. that in regard of christ's purchase , they are immortal , so that christ hath purchased the souls of the wicked to eternal pain , and the souls of the elect to eternal peace . 3. those who are united to christ , have , in this life , new bodies , and two bodies , 1 cor. 6. 19. she knows not how jesus christ should be united to these our fleshly bodies . 4. those who have union with christ , shall not rise with the same fleshly bodies , 1 cor. 15. 44. 5. and that the resurrection mentioned there , and in ioh. 5 28. is not meant of the resurrection of the body , but of our union here and after this life . 6. that there are no created graces in the saints after their union with christ , but before there are , for christ takes them out of their hands into his own . 7. there are no created graces in the humane nature of christ , but he was only acted by the power of the god-head . 8. the image of god wherein adam was made , she could see no scripture to warrant that it consisted in holiness , but conceived it to be in that he was made like to christ's manhood . 9. she had no scripture to warrant that christ's manhood is now in heaven , but the body of christ is his church . 10. we are united to christ with the same union , that his humanity on earth was with the deity , ioh. 17. 21. 11. she conceived the disciples before christ his death were not converted , matth. 18. 3. 12. there is no evidence to be had of our good estate , either from absolute or conditional promises . 13. the law is no rule of life to a christian. 14. there is no kingdom of heaven in scripture , but only christ. 15. there is first engraffing into christ before union , from which a man might fall away . 16. the first thing god reveals to assure us is our election . 17. that abraham was not in a saving estate till the 22 oh . of gen. when he offered isaac , and saving the firmness of god's election , he might have perished notwithstanding any work of grace that was wrought in him till then . 18. that union to christ is not by faith. 19. that all commands in the word are law , and are not a way of life , and the command of faith is a law , and therefore killeth ; she supposed it to be a law , from rom. 3. 27. 20. that there is no faith of god's elect but assurance , there is no faith of dependance but such as an hypocrite may have and fall away from , proved ioh. 15. for by that she said they are in christ , but christ is not in them . 21. that an hypocrite may have adam's righteousness and perish , and by that righteousness he is bound to the law , but in union with christ , christ comes into the man , and he retains the seed , and dieth , and then all manner of grace in himself , but all in christ. 22. there is no such thing as inherent righteousness . 23. we are not bound to the law , no not as a rule of life . 24. we are dead to all acts in spiritual things , and are onely acted by christ. 25. not being bound to the law , it is not transgression against the law to sin or break it , because our sins they are inward and spiritual , and so are exceeding sinful , and onely are against christ. 26. sanctification can be no evidence at all of our good estate . 27. that her particular revelations about future events are as infallible as any part of scripture , and that she is bound as much to believe them , as the scripture , for the same holy ghost is the author of them both . 28. that so far as a man is in union with christ , he can do no duties perfectly , and without the communion of the unregenerate part with the regenerate . 29. that such exhortations as these , to work out our salvation with fear , to make our calling and election sure , &c. are spoken onely to such , as are under a covenant of works . all which she did acknowledge she had spoken ( for a copy of them had been sent to her divers days before , and the witnesses hands subscribed , so as she saw it was in vain to deny them ) then she asked . by what rule such an elder could come to her pretending to desire light , and indeed to intrap her , to which the same elder answered , that he had been twice with her , and that he told her indeed at st. ives , that he had been troubled at some of her speeches in the court , wherein he did desire to see light for the ground and meaning of them ; but he professed in the presence of the lord , that he came not to intrap her , but in compassion to her soul , to help her out of those snares of the devil , wherein he saw she was intangled , and that before his departure from her , he did bear witness against her opinions , and against her spirit , and did leave it sadly upon her from the word of god : then presently she grew into passion against her pastor for his speech against her at the court , after the sentence was passed , which he gave a full answer unto , shewing his zeal against her errors , whereupon she asked for what error she had been banished , professing withal , that she held none of these things she was now charged with , before her imprisonment ; ( supposing that whatsoever should be found amiss , would be imputed to that ; but it was answered , as the truth was , that she was not put to durance , but onely a favourable confinement , so as all of her family , and divers others , resorted to her at their pleasure . ) but this allegation was then proved false , ( and at her next convention more fully ) for there were divers present , who did know she spake untruth . her answer being demanded to the first articles , she maintained her assertion , that the souls were mortal , &c. alledging the place in the eccles. cited in the article , and some other scriptures nothing to the purpose , she insisted much upon that in gen. 1. in the day thou eatest , &c. thou shalt die , she could not see how a soul could be immortally miserable , though it might be eternally miserable , neither could she distinguish between the soul and the life ; and though she were pressed by many scriptures and reasons alledged by the elders of the same , and other churches , so as she could not give any answer to them , yet she stood to her opinion , till at length a stranger being desired to speak to the point , and he opening to her the difference between the soul and the life , the first being a spiritual substance , and the other the union of that with the body ; she then confessed she saw more light than before , and so with some difficulty was brought to confess her errour in that point . wherein was to be observed , that though he spake to very good purpose , and so clearly convinced her as she could not gain-say , yet it was evident she was convinced before , but she could not give the honour of it to her own pastor or teacher , nor to any of the other elders , whom she had so much slighted . then they proceeded to the third , fourth , and fifth articles , about the body and the resurrection of the old , which she maintained according to the articles , and though she were not able to give any reasonable answer to the many places of the scripture , and other arguments which were brought to convince her , yet she still persisted in her error , giving froward speeches to some that spake to her ; as when one of the elders used this argument , that if the resurrection were onely our union with christ , then all that are united , are the children of the resurrection , and therefore are neither to marry , nor to give in marriage , and so by consequence , there ought to be community of women ; she told him , that he spake like the pharisees , who said , that christ had a devil , because that abraham was dead , and the prophets , and yet he had said , that those that eat his flesh , should never die , not taking the speech in the true meaning , so did he ( said she ) who brought that argument , for it is said there , they should be like the angels , &c. the elders of boston finding her thus obstinate , propounded to the church for an admonition to be given her , to which all the church consented , except two of her sons , who because they persisted to defend her , were under admonition also . mr. cotton gave the admonition , and first to her sons , laying it sadly upon them , that they would give such way to their natural affection , as for preserving her honour , they should make a breach upon the honour of christ , and upon their covenant with the church , and withal tear the very bowels of their soul , by hardning her in her sin : in this admonition to her , first , he remembred her of the good way she was in at her first coming , in helping to discover to divers , the false bottom they stood upon , in trusting to legal works without christ ; then he shewed her , how by falling into these gross and fundamental errors , she had lost the honour of her former service , and done more wrong to christ and his church , than formerly she had done good , and so laid her sin to her conscience with much zeal and solemnity ; he admonished her also of the height of spirit ; then he spake to the sisters of the church , and advised them to take heed of her opinions , and to with-hold all countenance and respects from her , lest they should harden her in her sin : so she was dismissed , and appointed to appear again that day sevennight . the court had ordered that she should return to roxbury again , but upon intimation that her spirit began to fall , she was permitted to remain at mr. cotton's house ( where davenport was also kept ) who before her next appearing , did both take much pains with her , and prevailed so far that she did acknowledge her error in all the articles ( except the last ) and accordingly she wrote down her answers to them all , when the day came , and she was called forth , and the articles read again to her , she delivered in her answers in writing , which were also read , and being then willing to speak to the congregation for their further satisfaction , she did acknowledge that she had greatly erred , and that god had left her to her self herein , because she had so much under-valued his ordinances , both in slighting the magistrates at the court , and also the elders of the church , and confessed that when she was at the court , she looked only at such failings as she apprehended in the magistrates proceedings , without having regard to the place they were in , and that the speeches she then used about her revelations were rash , and without ground , she desired the prayers of the church for her . thus far she went on well , and the assembly conceived hope of her repentance , but in her answers to the several articles , she gave no satisfaction , because in diverse of them she answered by circumlocutions , and seemed to lay all the faults in her expressions , which occasioned some of the elders to desire she might express her self more clearly , and for that ever she was demanded about the article , whether she were not , or had not been of that judgment , that there is no inherent righteousness in the saints , but those gifts and graces which are ascribed to them that are only in christ as the subject ? to which she answered , that she was never of that judgment , howsoever by her expressions she might seem to be so ; and this she affirmed with such confidence as bred great astonishment in many , who had known the contrary , and diverse alledged her own sayings and reasonings , both before her confinement and since , which did manifest to all that were present , that she knew that she spake untruth , for it was proved that she had alledged that in isaiah 53. by his knowledge shall my righteous servant justifie many ; which she had maintained to be meant of a knowledge in christ , and not in us ; so likewise that in galatians , i live by the faith of the son of god , which she said was the faith of christ , and not any faith inherent in us ; also , that she had maintained , that christ is our sanctification in the same sort that he is our justification , and that she had said , that she would not pray for grace , but for christ , and that ( when she had been pressed with diverse scriptures , which spake of washing and creating a new heart , and writing the law in the heart , &c. ) she had denyed , that they did mean any sanctification in us : there were diverse women also with whom she had dealt about the same point , who ( if their modesty had not restrained them ) would have born witness against her herein , ( as themselves after confessed ) wherefore the elders pressed her very earnestly to remember her self , and not to stand so obstinately to maintain so manifest an untruth , but she was deaf of that ear , and would not acknowledge that she had been at any time of that judgment , howsoever her expressions were ; then mr. cotton told the assembly , that whereas she had been formerly dealt with for matter of doctrine , he had ( according to the duty of his place being the teacher of that church ) proceeded against unto admonition , but now the case being altered , and she being in question for maintaining of untruth , which is matter of manners , he must leave the business to the pastor , mr. vvilson to go on with her , but withal declared his judgment in the case from that in rev. 22. that such as make and maintain a lye , ought to be cast out of the church ; and whereas two or three pleaded that she might first have a second admonition , according to that in titus 3. 10. he answered that that was only for such as erred in point of doctrine , but such as shall notoriously offend in matter of conversation , ought to be presently cast out , as he proved by ananias and saphira , and the incestuous corinthian ; ( and as appears by that of simon magus ) and for her own part tho' she heard this moved in her behalf , that she might have a further respite , yet she her self never desired it : so the pastor went on , and propounding it to the church , to know whether they were all agreed , that she should be cast out , and a full consent appearing ( after the usual manner ) by their silence , after a convenient pause he proceeded , and denounced the sentence of excommunication against her , and she was commanded to depart out of the assembly . in her going forth , one standing at the door , said , the lord sanctifie this unto you , to whom she made answer , the lord judgeth not as man judgeth , better to be cast out of the church than to deny christ. thus it hath pleased the lord to have compassion on his poor churches here , and to discover , this great impostor , an instrument of satan so fitted and trained to his service for interrupting the passage of his kingdom in this part of the world , and poysoning the churches here planted , as no story records the like of a woman , since that mentioned in the revelation ; it would make a large volume to lay down all passages , i will only observe some few , which were obvious to all that know her course . 1. her entrance . 2. her progress . 3. her downfal . 1. the foundation she laid , was ( or rather seemed to be ) christ and free-grace . 2. rule she pretended to walk by , was only the scripture . 3. the light to discern this rule , was only the holy ghost . 4. the persons she conversed with were ( for the most part ) christians in church-covenant . 5. her ordinary talk was about the things of the kingdom of god. 6. her usual conversation was in the way of righteousness and kindness . thus she entred and made up the first act of her course . 2. in her progress i observe , first , her success , she had in a short time insinuated her self into the hearts of much of the people ( yea of many of the most wise and godly ) who grew into so reverent an esteem of her godliness , and spiritual gifts , as they looked at her as a prophetess , raised up of god for some great work now at hand , as the calling of the jews , &c. so as she had more resort to her for counsel about matter of conscience , and clearing up mens spiritual estates , than any minister ( i might say all the elders ) in the country . secondly , pride and arrogancy of her spirit . 1. in framing a new way of conversation and evidencing thereof , carried along in the distinction between the covenant of works , which she would have no otherwise differenced , but by an immediate revelation of the spirit . 2. in despising all ( both elders and christians ) who went not her way , and laying them under a covenant of works . 3. in taking upon her infallibly to know the election of others , so as she would say , that if she had but one half hours talk with a man , she would tell whether he were elect or not . 4. her impatience of opposition , which appears in divers passages before . thirdly , her skill and cunning to devise . 1. in that she still pretended she was of mr. cottons judgment in all things . 2. in covering her errors by doubtful expressions . 3. in shadowing the true end , and abuse of her weekly meetings under the name of repeating mr. cottons sermons . 4 in her method of practice to bring the conscience under a false terror , by working that an argument of a covenant of works , which no christian can have comfort without , viz. of sanctification , or qualifications , ( as she termed it . ) 5. in her confident profession of her own good estate , and the clearness and comfort of it , obtained in the same way of waiting for immediate revelation which she held out to others . 3. in her downfal there may be observed the lords faithfulness in honouring and justifying his own ordinances . 2. in that he made her to clear the justice of the court , by confessing the vanity of her revelations , &c. and her sin in despising his ministers . 2. in that the judgment and sentence of the church hath concurred with that of the court in her rejection , so that she is cast out of both as an unworthy member of either . 3. the justice of god in giving her up to those delusions , and to that impudency in venting and maintaining them , as should bring her under that censure which ( not long before ) she had indeavoured and expected to have brought upon some other , who opposed her proceedings . 4. that she who was in such esteem in the church for soundness of judgment and sincerity of heart ( but a few months before ) should now come under admonition for many foul and fundamental errors , and after be cast out for notorious lying . 5. that she who was wont to be so confident of her spiritual good estate , and ready ( undesired ) to hold it forth to others , ( being pressed now at her last appearance before the church to give some proof of it ) should be wholly silent in that matter . 6. whereas upon the sentence of the court against her , she boasted highly of her sufferings for christ , &c. it was noted by one of the elders ( who bare witness against her errors ) that the spirit of glory promised in pet. to those who suffer for well-doing , did not come upon her , but a spirit of delusion , and damnable . error , which as it had possessed her before , so it became more effectual and evident by her sufferings . 7. here is to be seen the presence of god in his ordinances , when they are faithfully attended according to his holy will , although not free from human infirmities : this american iesabel kept her strength and reputation , even among the people of god , till the hand of civil justice laid hold on her , and then she began evidently to decline , and the faithful to be freed from her forgeries ; and now in this last act , when she might have expected ( as most likely she did ) by her seeming repentance of her errors , and confessing her undervaluing of the ordinances of magistracy and ministry , to have redeemed her reputation in point of sincerity , and yet have made good all her former work , and kept open a back door to have returned to her vomit again , by her paraphrastical retractions , and denying any change in her judgment , yet such was the presence and blessing of god in his own ordinance , that this subtilty of satan was discovered to her utter shame and confusion , and to the setting at liberty of many godly hearts , that had been captivated by her to that day ; and that church which by her means was brought under much infamy , and near to dissolution , was hereby sweetly repaired , and a hopeful way of establishment , and her dissembled repentance clear detected , god giving her up since the sentence of excommunication , to that hardness of heart , as she is not affected with any remorse , but glories in it , and fears not the vengeance of god , which she lies under , as if god did work contrary to his own word , and loosed from heaven what his church had bound upon earth . finis . new english canaan, or new canaan containing an abstract of new england, composed in three bookes : the first booke setting forth the originall of the natives, their manners and customes, together with their tractable nature and love towards the english : the second booke setting forth the naturall indowments of the countrie, and what staple commodities it yeeldeth : the third booke setting forth what people are planted there, their prosperity, what remarkable accidents have happened since the first planting of it, together with their tenents, and practise of their church / written by thomas morton ... morton, thomas, 1564-1659. 1637 approx. 290 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 100 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a07832 stc 18203 estc s455 22442168 ocm 22442168 25540 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a07832) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 25540) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1754:12) new english canaan, or new canaan containing an abstract of new england, composed in three bookes : the first booke setting forth the originall of the natives, their manners and customes, together with their tractable nature and love towards the english : the second booke setting forth the naturall indowments of the countrie, and what staple commodities it yeeldeth : the third booke setting forth what people are planted there, their prosperity, what remarkable accidents have happened since the first planting of it, together with their tenents, and practise of their church / written by thomas morton ... morton, thomas, 1564-1659. 188, [3] p. printed for charles greene, and are sold in pauls church-yard, [s.l.] : [1637?] date of imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.). signatures: a-2a⁴. imperfect: tightly bound, with some loss of print. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng indians of north america -massachusetts. new england -description and travel. massachusetts -description and travel. massachusetts -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. 2005-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 simon charles sampled and proofread 2005-04 simon charles text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion new english canaan , or new canaan . containing an abstract of new england . composed in three bookes . the first booke setting forth the originall of the natives , their manners and customes , together with their tractable nature and love towards the english. the second booke setting forth the naturall indowments of the countrie , and what staple commodities it yeeldeth . the third booke setting forth what people are planted there , their prosperity , what remarkable accidents have happened since the first planting of it ; together with their tenents , and practise of their church . written by thomas morton of cliffords inne , gent ▪ upon ten yeeres knowledge and experiment of the countrie . printed for charles greene , and are sold in pauls church-yard . to the right honorable , the lords and others of his majesties most honorable privy councell , commissioners , for the government of all his majesties forraigne provinces . right honourable the zeale which i beare to the advauncement of the glory of god , the honor of his majesty , and the good of the weale publike , hath incouraged mee to compose this abstract , being the modell of a rich hopefull and very beautifull country , worthy the title of natures master-peece , and may be lost by too much sufferance . it is but a widowes mite , yet all that wrong and rapine hath left mee to bring from thence , where i have indevoured my best , bound by my allegeance , to doe his majesty service . this in all humility i present as an offering , wherewith i prostrate my selfe at your honorable footstoole . if you please to vouchsafe , it may receave a blessing , from the luster of your gracious beames , you shall make your vassaile happy , in that hee yet doth live , to shew how ready hee is and alwayes hath bin , to sacrifice his dearest blood , as becometh a loyall subject , for the honor of his native country . being your honors humble vassaile thomas morton . the epistle to the reader . gentle reader , i present to the publike view an abstract of new england ; which i have undertaken to compose by the incouragment of such genious spirits as have been studious of the inlargment of his majesties territories , being not formerly satisfied , by the relations of such as through haste , have taken but a superficiall survey thereof , which thing time hath enabled mee to performe more punctually to the life , and to give a more exact accompt of what hath been required ; i have therefore beene willing to doe my indevoure to communicat the knowledge , which i have gained and collected together , by mine owne observation , in the time of my many yeares residence in those parts , to my loving country men : for the better information of all such as are desirous to be made partakers of the blessings of god in that fertile soyle , as well as those that , out of curiosity onely have bin inquisitive after nouelties . and the rather for that i have observed , how divers persons ( not so well affected to the weale publike in mine opinion ) out of respect to their owne private ends ; have laboured to keepe both the practise of the people there , and the reall worth of that eminent country concealed from publike knowledge , both which i have abundantly in this discourse layd open , yet if it be well accepted , i shall esteeme my selfe sufficiently rewardded for my undertaking , and rest . your wellwisher , thomas morton . in laudem authoris . t ' excuse the author ere the worke be shewne is accusation in it selfe alone , and to commend him might seeme oversight , so divers are th' opinions of this age , so quick and apt , to taxe the moderne stage , that hard his taske , is that must please in all example have wee from great caesars fall , but is the sonne to be dislik'd and blam'd , because the mole is of his face asham'd , the fault is in the beast not in the sonne give sicke mouthes sweete meates fy they relish none , but to the sound in censure he commends , his love unto his country his true ends , to modell out a land of so much worth , as untill now noe traveller seth forth , faire canaans second selfe , second to none , natures rich magazine till now unknowne , then here survay , what nature hath in store , and graunt him love for this , he craves no more . r. o. gen. sir christoffer gardiner , knight . in laudem authoris . this worke a matchles mirror is that shewes , the humors of the seperatiste , and those so truely personated by thy pen , i was amaz'd to see 't , herein all men , may plainely see as in an inter-lude , each actor , figure and the scaene well view'd , in connick tragick and in a pastorall stife , for tyth of muit and cummin shewes their life , nothing but opposition , gainst the right , of sacred majestie men , full of spight , goodnes abuseing , turning vertue out of dores , to whipping stocking and full bent , to plotting mischiefe , gainst the innocent , burning their houses , as if ordained by fate , in spight of lawe , to be made ruinate , this taske is well perform'd and patience be , thy present comfort and thy constancy , thine honor , and this glasse where it shall come , shall sing thy praises till the day of doome . sir. c. g. in laudem authoris . bvt that i rather pitty i confesse , the practise of their church , i could expresse my selfe a satyrist ; whose smarting fanges , should strike it with a palsy , and the panges , beget a feare , to tempt the majesty , of those , or mortall gods , will they defie the thundering jove , like children they desire , such is their zeale , to sport themselves with fire , so have i seene an angry fly , presume , to strike a burning taper , and consume his feeble wings , why in an aire so milde , and they so monstrous growne up , and so vilde , that salvages can of themselves espy their errors , brand their names with infamy , what is their zeale for blood , like cyrus thirst , will they be over head and eares , a curst a cruell way to found a church on , noe , t' is not their zeale , but fury blinds them soe , and pricks their malice on like fier to joyne , and offer up the sacrifice of kain ; jonas , thou hast done well , to call these men home to repentance , with thy painefull pen. f. c. armiger . new english canaan , or new canaan . the authors prologue . if art & industry should doe as much as nature hath for canaan , not such another place , for benefit and rest , in all the universe can be possest , the more we proove it by discovery , the more delight each object to the eye procures , as if the elements had here bin reconcil'd , and pleas'd it should appeare like a faire virgin , longing to be sped , and meete her lover in a nuptiall bed , deck'd in rich ornaments t' advaunce he state and excellence , being most fortunate , when most enjoy'd , so would our canaan b● womb if well imploy'd by art & industry whose ofspring , now shewes that her fruitfu● not being enjoy'd , is like a glorious tombe admired things producing which there dy● and ly fast bound in darck obscurity , the worth of which in each particuler , who lift to know , this abstract will declare . new english canaan , or new canaan . the first booke . containing the originall of the natives , their manners , & customes , with their tractable nature and love towards the english. chap. i. prooving nevv england the principall part of all america , and most commodious and fitt for habitation . the wise creator of the universall globe , hath placed a golden meane betwixt two extreames : i meane the temperate zones , betwixt the hote and cold ; and every creature , that participates of heavens blessings , with in the compasse of that golden meane , is made most apt and fit , for man to use , who likewise by that wisedome is ordained to be the lord of all . this globe may be his glasse , to teach him how to use moderation , and discretion , both in his actions and intentions . the wise man sayes , give mee neither riches nor poverty ; why ? riches might make him proud like nebuchadnezar , and poverty despaire , like iobs wife ; but a meane betweene both . so it is likewise in the use of vegetatives , that which hath too much heate or too much colde , is said to be venenum , so in the use of sensitives , all those animals , of what genus or species soever they be , if they participate of heate or cold , in the superlative , are said to be inimica naturae , as in some fishes about the isle of sall , and those ilandes adjoyninge , betweene the tropickes , their participatinge of heate and cold , in the superlative is made most manifest , one of which , poysoned a whole ships company that eate of it . and so it is in vipers , toades , and snakes , that have heate or cold in the superlative degree . therefore the creatures that participate of heate and cold in a meane , are best and holsomest : and so it is in the choyse of love , the middell zone betweene the two extreames is best , and it is the●efore called zona temperata , and is in the golden meane ; and all those landes lying under that zone , most requisite and fitt for habitation . in cosmography , the tw● extreames are called , the one torrida zona , lying betweene the tropickes , the other frigida zona , lyin● neare the poles : all the landes lying under , eithe● of these zones , by reason , they doe participate to much of heate or cold , are very inconvenient , and are accompanied with many evils . and allthough i am not of opinion with aristotle , that the landes under torrida zona , are alltogether uninhabited , i my selfe having beene so neare the equinoctiall line , that i have had the sunn for my zenith , and seene proofe to the contrary , yet cannot i deny , but that it is accompanied with many inconveniences , as that fish and flesh both will taint in those partes , notwithstanding the use of salt which cannot be wanting there , ordained by natures hande-worke . and that is a great hinderance to the settinge forth and supply of navigation , the very sinewes of a florishing common-wealth . then barrennesse , caused through want of raines , for in most of those partes of the world it is seldome accustomed to raine , untill the time of the tornathees ( as the portingals phrase is , who lived there ) and then it will raine about 40. dayes together , which moisture serveth to fructify the earth for all the yeare after , duringe which time is seene no raine at all : the heate and cold , and length of day and night , being much alike , with little difference . and these raines are caused by the turning of the windes , which else betweene the tropickes , doe blow trade , that is allwayes one way . for next the tropicke of cancer it is constantly north-●ast , and next the tropicke of capricorne it is southwest ; so that the windes comming from the poles , do keepe the aire in those partes coole , and make it temperate and the partes habitable , were it not for those and other inconv●niences . this torrida zona is good for grashoppers : and zona temperata for the ant and bee. but frigida zona good for neither , as by lamentable experience of captaine davis fate , is manifest , who in his inquest of the nortwest passage for the east india trade was frozen to death . and thefore for frigida zona , i agree with aristotle , that it is unfit for habitation : and i know by the course of the caelestiall globe , that in groeneland many degrees short of the pole articke , the place is too cold , by reason of the sunns absence almost six monethes , and the land under the continuall power of the frost ; which thinge many more navigators have prooved with pittifull experience of their wintringe there , as appeareth by the history , i thinke , they will not venture to winter there againe for an india mine . and as it is found by our nation under the pole articke , so it is likewise to be found under the antarticke pole , yet what hazard will not an industrious minde , and couragious spirit undergoe , according to that of the poēt . impiger extremos currit mercator ad indos per mare pauperiem fugiens , per saxa , per ignes . and all to gett and hord up like the ant and the bee , and yet as salomon saith , hee cannot tell whether a foole or a wise man shall enjoy it . therefore let us leave these two extreames , with their inconveniences , and indeavour to finde out this golden meane , so free from any one of them . behold the secret wisedome of allmighty god , and love unto , our salomon to raise a man of a lardge hart , full of worthy abilities to be the index or loadstarre , that doth point out unto the english nation , with ease and comfort how to finde it out . and this the noble minded gentleman , sir ferdinando gorges knight , zealous for the glory of god , the honor of his majesty , and the benefit of the weale publicke , hath done a great worke for the good of his country . and herein this , the wondrous wisedome and love of god , is shewne , by sending to the place his minister , to sweepe away by heapes the salvages , and also giving him length of dayes , to see the same performed after his enterprise was begunne , for the propagation of the church of christ. this judicious gentleman , hath found this goulden meane , to be scituated about the middle of those two extreames , and for directions you may proove it thus : counting the space betweene the line and either of the poles , in true proportion , you shall finde it to be 90. degrees : then must we finde the meane , to be neare unto the center of 90. and that is about 45. degrees , and then incline unto the sotherne side of that center , properly for the benefit of heate , remembringe that sol & homo generat hominem ; and then keepe us on that same side , and see what land is to be found there , and we shall easily discerne that new england is on the south side of that center . for that country doth beginne her boundes at 40. degrees of northerne latitude , and endes at 45. degrees of the same latitude , and doth participate of heate and cold indifferently , but is oppressed with neither : and therefore may be truly sayd to be within the compasse of that golden meane , most apt and fit for habitation and generation , being placed by allmighty god the great creator , under that zone , called zona temperata , and is therefore most fitt for the generation and habitation of our english nation , of all other , who are more neere neighbours to the northerne pole , whose land lyeth betweene 50. and 54. degrees of the selfesame latitude : now this new ●ngland though it be nearer to the line , then that old england by 10. degrees of latitude , yet doth not this exceede that other in heate or cold , by reason of the cituation of it ; for as the coast lyeth , being circularly northeast and southwest , opposite towards the sunnes risinge , which makes his course over the ocean , it can have litle or no reflecting , heat of the sun-beames , by reason of the continuall motion of the waters , makinge the aire there the cooler and the constanter ; so that for the temperature of the climent , sweetnesse of the aire , fertility of the soile , and small number of the salvages ( which might seeme a rubb in the way off an effeminate minde , ) this country of new england is by all judicious men , accounted the principall part of all america , for habitation and the commodiousnesse of the sea , ships there not being subject to wormes , as in virginea and other places , and not to be paraleld in all christendome . the massachussets being the middell part thereof , is a very beautifull land not mountany , nor inclininge to mountany , lyeth in 42. degrees , and 30. minutes , and hath as yet the greatest number of inhabitants , and hath a very large bay to it , divided by islands into 4. great bayes , where shippinge may safely ride all windes and weathers , the windes in those partes being not so violent as in england by many degrees , foe there are no shrubbs seene , to leane from the windes as by the sea coast of england , i have seene them leane , and the groundage is a sandy sleech free from rockes to gaule cables , but is good for anchorage , the rest of the planters are disperst among the coasts betweene 41. and 44. degrees of latitude , and as yet , have very little way into the iland , the riches of which country i have set forth in this abstract as in a landskipp , for the better information of the travellers , which hee may peruse and plainely perceave by the demonstration of it , that it is nothing inferior to canaan of israel , but a kind of paralell to it , in all points . chap. ii. of the originall of the natives . in the yeare since the incarnation of christ , 1622. it was my chance to be landed in the parts of new england , where i found two sortes of people , the one christians , the other infidels , these i found most full of humanity , and more friendly then the other : as shall hereafter be made apparant in dew-course , by their severall actions from time to time , whilest i lived among them after my arrivall in those partes , i endeavoured by all the wayes and meanes that i could to find out from what people or nation , the natives of new england might be conjectured originlly to proceede , & by continuance & conversation amongst them , i attaned to so much of their language , as by all probable conjecture may make the same manifest , for it hath been found by divers , and those of good judgement that the natives of this country , doe use very many wordes both of greeke and latine , to the same signification that the latins and greekes have done , as en animia , when an indian expresseth , that hee doth any thing with a good will ; and pascopan signifieth gredy gut , this being the name of an indian that was so called of a child , through the greedinesse of his minde , and much eating , for pasco in latine signifieth to feede , and pan in greeke signifieth all , and pasco nantum , quasi pasco nondum , halfe starved , or not eating , as yet ; equa coge , set it upright , mona is an island in their language , quasi monon , that is alone , for an island is a peece or plott of ground standing alone , and devided from the mane land by force of water . cos is a whetstone with them . hame an instrument to take fish , many places doe retaine the name of pan , as pantneket and matta pan , so that it may be thought that these people heretofore , have ha● the name of pan in great reverence and estimation and it may bee have worshipped pan the great god o● the heathens : howsoever they doe use no manne● of worship at all now : and it is most likely that th● natives of this country , are descended from people bred upon that part of the world , which is towarde● the tropicke of cancer , for they doe still retaine the memory of some of the starres one that part of thea caelestiall globe , as the north-starre , which with them is called maske , for maske in their language signifieth a beare , and they doe divide the windes into eight partes , and it seemes originally , have had some litterature amongst them , which time hath cancelled and worne out of use , and where as it hath beene the opinion of some men , which shall be nameles , that the natives of new-england may proceede from the race of the tartars , and come from tartaria into those partes , over the frozen sea. i see no probality for any such conjecture , for as much , as a people once setled , must be remooved by compulsion , or else tempted thereunto in hope of better fortunes , upon commendations of the place , unto which they should be drawne to remoove , and if it may be thought , that these people came over the frozen sea , then would it be by compulsion , if so , then by whome , or when ? or what part of this mane continent may be thought to border upon the country of the tartars , it is yet unknowne , and it is not like , that a people well enough at ease , will of their one accord undertake to travayle over a sea of ice , considering how many difficulties they shall encounter with , as first whether there be any land at the end of their unknowne way , no land beinge in view , then want of food to sustane life in the meane time upon that sea of ice , or how should they doe for fuell , to keepe them at night from freezing to death , which will not bee had in such a place , but it may perhaps be granted that the natives of this country might originally come of the scattred trojans : for after that brutus , who was the forth from aneas , left latium upon the conflict had with the latines , ( where although hee gave them a great overthrow , to the slaughter of their grand captaine and many other of the heroes of latium , yet hee held it more safety to depart unto some other place , and people , then by stayi●g to runne the hazard of an unquiet life or doubtfull conquest , which as history maketh mention hee performed ; ) this people were dispersed there is no question , but the people that lived with him , by reason of their conversation with the graecians and latines , had a mixed language that participated of both , whatsoever was that which was proper to their owne nation at first ; i know not for this is commonly seene where 2. nations traffique together , the one indevouring to understand the others meaning makes thē both many times speak a mixed language , as is approoved by the natives of new england , through the coveteous desire they have , to commerce with our nation , and wee with them . and when brutus did depart from latium , we doe not finde that his whole number went with him at once , or arrived at one place ; and being put to sea might encounter with a storme , that would carry them out of sight of land , and then they might sayle god knoweth whether , and so might be put upon this coast , as well as any other ; compasse i beleeve they had none in those dayes ; sayles they might have , ( which daedalus the first inventor thereof ) left to after ages , having taught his sonne icarus the use of it , who to his cost found how dangerous it is , for a sonne not to observe the precepts of a wise father , so that the icarian sea , now retaines the memory of it to this day , and victuals they might have good store , and many other things fittinge , oares without all question , they would store themselves with , in such a case , but for the use of compasse there is no mention made of it at that time ( which was much about sauls time the first that was made king of israell . ) yet it is thought ( and that not without good reason for it ) that the use of the loadstone , and compasse was knowne in salomons time , for as much as hee sent shippes to fetch of the gould of ophir , to adorne and bewtify that magnificent temple of hierusalem , by him built for the glory of almighty god , and by his speciall appointment : and it is held by cosmographers to be 3. yeares voyage from hierusalem to ophir , and it is conceaved that such a voyage could not have beene performed , without the helpe of the loadstone and compasse . and why should any man thinke , the natives of new england , to be the gleanings of all nations , onely because by the pronunciation and termination their words seeme to trench upon severall languages , when time hath not furnished him with the interpretation thereof , the thinge that must induce a man of reasonabe capacity to any maner of conjecture , of their originall , must by the sence and signification of the words , principally to frame this argument by , when hee shall drawe to any conclusion thereupon , otherwise hee shall but runne rounde about a maze ( as some of the fantasticall tribe use to do about the tythe of muit and comin . ) therfore since i have had the approbation of sir christopher gardiner knight an able gentl. that lived amongst them & of david tompson a scottish gentl. that likewise conversant with those people both scollers and travellers that were diligent in taking notice of these things as men of good judgement . and that have bin in those parts any time ; besides others of lesse , now i am bold to conclude that the originall of the natives of new england may be well conjectured to be from the scattered trojans , after such time as brutus departed from latium . chap. iii. of a great mortality that happened amongst the natives of nevv england neere about the time , that the english came there to plant . it fortuned some few yeares , before the englis● came to inhabit at new plimmouth in new england that upon some distast given in the massachussets bay by frenchmen , then trading there with the native for beaver , they set upon the men , at such advantage that they killed manie of them burned their shipp then riding at anchor by an island there , now called peddocks island in memory of leonard peddock that landed there ( where many wilde anckies haunted that time which hee thought had bin tame , ) distributing them unto 5. sachems which were lords of the severall territories adjoyninge , they did keepe them so longe as they lived , onely to sport themselves at them , and made these five frenchmen fetch them wood and water , which is the generall worke that they require of a servant , one of these five men out livinge the rest had learned so much of their language , as to rebuke them for their bloudy deede , saying that god would be angry with them for it ; and that hee would in his displeasure destroy them ; but the salvages ( it seemes boasting of their strenght , ) replyed and sayd , that they were so many , that god could not kill them . but contrary wise in short time after , the hand of god fell heavily upon them , with such a mortall stroake , that they died on heapes , as they lay in their houses and the living ; that were able to shift for themselves would runne away , & let them dy , and let there carkases ly above the ground without buriall . for in a place where many inhabited , there hath been but one left a live , to tell what became of the rest , the livinge being ( as it seemes , ) not able to bury the dead , they were left for crowes , kites , and vermin to pray upon . and the bones and skulls upon the severall places of their habitations , made such a spectacle after my comming into those partes , that as i travailed in that forrest , nere the massachussets , it seemed to mee a new found golgatha . but otherwise it is the custome of those indian people , to bury their dead ceremoniously , and carefully , and then to abandon that place , because they have no desire the place should put them in minde of mortality : and this mortality was not ended , when the brownists of new plimmouth were setled at patuxet in new england , and by all likelyhood the sicknesse that these indians died of , was the plague , as by conference with them since my arrivall , and habitation in those partes , i have learned . and by this meanes there is as yet but a small number of salvages in new england to that , which hath beene in former time , and the place is made so much the more fitt , for the english nation to inhabit in , and erect in it temples to the glory of god. chap. iv. of their houses and habitations . the natives of new england are accustomed to build them houses , much like the wild irish , they gather poles in the woodes and put the great end of them in the ground , placinge them in forme of a circle or circumference , and bendinge the topps o● them in forme of an arch , they bind them together with the barke of walnut trees , which is wondrous tuffe , so that they make the same round on the topp . for the smooke of their fire , to assend and passe through ? these they cover with matts , some made of reeds , and some of longe flagges , or sedge finely sowed together with needles made of the splinter bones of a cranes legge , with threeds , made of their indian hempe , which their groueth naturally , leaving severall places for dores , which are covered with mats , which may be rowled up , and let downe againe at their pleasures , making use , of the severall dores , according as the winde sitts , the fire is alwayes made in the middest of the house , with winde fals commonly : yet some times they fell a tree , that groweth neere the the house and by drawing in the end thereof maintaine the fire on both sids , burning the tree by degrees shorter and shorter , untill it be all consumed ; for it burneth night and day , their lodging is made in three places of the house about the fire , they lye upon plankes commonly about a foote or 18. inches aboue the ground raised upon railes that are borne up upon forks they lay mats under them , and coats of deares skinnes otters beavers racownes and of beares hides , all which they have dressed and converted into good lether with the haire on for their coverings and in this manner they lye as warme as they desire in the night they take their rest , in the day time , either the kettle is on with fish or flesh , by no allowance : or else , the fire is imployed in roasting of fishes , which they delight in , the aire doeth beget good stomacks , and they feede continually , and are no niggards of their ●ittels , for they are willing , that any one shall eate with them , nay if any one , that shall come into their houses , and there fall a sleepe , when they see him disposed to lye downe , they will spreade a matt for him of their owne accord , and lay a roule of skinnes for boulster , and let him lye ? if hee sleepe untill the●● meate be dished up , they will set a wooden boule 〈◊〉 meate by him that sleepeth , & wake him saying cattu●● keene meckin : that is , if you be hungry , there 〈◊〉 meat for you , where if you will eate you may , such 〈◊〉 their humanity . likewise when they are minded ro remoove● they carry away the mats with them , other material● the place adjoyning will yeald , they use not to wint●● and summer in one place , for that would be a reason t● make fuell scarse , but after the manner of the gent●● of civilized natives , remoove for their pleasures some times to their hunting places where they r●maine keeping good hospitality , for that se●son ; and sometimes to their fishing places , where the● abide for that season likewise ▪ and at the spring , whe● fish comes in plentifully , they have meetinges fro● severall places , where they exercise themselves in g●minge , and playing of juglinge trickes , and all ma●ner of revelles , which they are deligted in , that it 〈◊〉 admirable to behould , what pastime they use , of sev●rall kindes , every one striving to surpasse each othe● after this manner they spend their time . chap. v. of their religion . it has bin a common receaved opinion from cicero , that there is no people so barbarous , but have some worshipp , or other in this particular , i am not of opinion rherein with tully ; and surely , if hee had ●in amongst those people so longe as i have bin , and ●onversed so much with them , touching this matter of religion , hee would have changed his opinion , neither ●hould we have found this error , amongst the rest , by ●he helpe of that wodden prospect , if it had not been so ●nadvisedly built upon such highe land as that coast. 〈◊〉 all mens judgements in generall , ) doth not yeeld , ●ad hee but taken the judiciall councell of sir william ●lexander , that setts this thing forth in an exact and ●onclusive sentence ; if hee be not too obstinate ? hee ●●ould graunt that worthy writer , that these people ●re sine fide , sine lege , & sine rege , and hee hath ex●mplified this thinge by a familiar demonstration , ●hich i have by longe experience observed to be ●●ue . and me thinks , it is absurd to say they have a kinde ●f worship , and not be able to demonstrate whome or ●hat it is they are accustomed to worship . for 〈◊〉 part i am more willing to beleeve that the ele●●ants ( which are reported to be the most intelligible 〈◊〉 all beasts ) doe worship the moone , for the reasons given by the author of this report as mr. thomas may , the minion of the muses dos recite it in his contimation , of lucans historicall poem , rather then this man , to that i must bee constrained , to conclude agains● him , and cicero ; that the natives of new englan● have no worship nor religion at all , and i am sure it ha● been so observed by those that neede not the help● of a wodden prospect for the matter . chap. vi. of the indians apparrell . the indians in these parts do make their apparrell of the skinnes of severall sortes of beastes , an● commonly of those , that doe frequent those parte● where they doe live , yet some of them for variety , wi●● have the skinnes of such beasts that frequent th● partes of their neighbors , which they purchase o● them , by commerce and trade . these skinnes they convert into very good l●ther , making the same plume and soft . some 〈◊〉 these skinnes they dresse with the haire on , and som● with the haire off ; the hairy side in winter time the● weare next their bodies , and in warme weather , the● weare the haire outwardes : they make likewise so●● coates of the feathers of turkies , which they wea● together with twine of their owne makinge , very pri●tily : these garments they weare like mantels knit ov●● their shoulders , and put under their arme : they have likewise another sort of mantels , made of mose skinnes , which beast is a great large deere , so bigge as a horse , these skinnes they commonly dresse bare , and make them wondrous white , and stripe them with size , round about the borders , in forme like lace set on by a taylor , and some they stripe with size , in workes of severall fashions very curious , according to the severall fantasies of the workemen , wherein they strive to excell one another : and mantels made of beares skinnes is an usuall wearinge , among the natives , that live where the beares doe haunt : they make shooes of mose skinnes , which is the principall leather used to that purpose ; and for want of such lether ( which is the strongest ) they make shooes of deeres skinnes , very handsomly and commodious , and of such deeres skinnes as they dresse bare , they make stockinges , that comes within their shooes , like a stirrop stockinge , and is fastned above at their belt which is about their middell ; every male after hee attaines unto the age , which they call pubes , wereth a belt about his middell , and a broad peece of lether that goeth betweene his leggs , and is tuckt up both before and behinde under that belt , and this they weare to hide their secreats of nature ; which by no meanes they will suffer to be seene , so much modesty they use in that particular , those garments they allwayes put on , when they goe a huntinge to keepe their skinnes from ●he brush of the shrubbs , and when they have rheir apparrell one , they looke like irish in their trouses , the stockinges joyne so to their breeches . a good well growne deere skin is of great account with them , and it must have the tale on , or else they account it defaced , the tale being three times as long as the tales of our english deere , yea foure times so longe , this when they travell is raped round about their body , and with a girdle of their making , bound round about their middles , to which girdle is fastned a bagg , in which his instruments be , with which hee can strike fire upon any occasion . thus with their bow in their left hand , and their quiuer of arrowes at their back , hanging one their left shoulder with the lower end of it , in their right hand , they will runne away a dogg trot , untill they come to their journey end , and in this kinde of ornament , ( they doe seeme to me ) to be hansomer , then when they are in english apparrell , their gesture being answerable to their one habit and not unto ours . their women have shooes and stockinges to weare likewise when they please , such as the men have , but the mantle they use to cover their nakednesse with , is much longer then that , which the men use ; for as the men have one deeres skinn , the women have two soed together at the full lenght , and it is so lardge that it trailes after them , like a great ladies trane , and in time i thinke they may have their pages to beare them up : and where the men use but one beares skinn for a mantle , the women have two soed together ; and if any of their women would at any time shift one , they take that which they intend to make use of , and cast it over them round , before they shifte away the other , for modesty , being unwilling to be seene to discover their nakednesse , and the one being so cast over , they slip the other from under them in a decent manner , which is to be noted in people uncivilized , tberein they seeme to have as much modesty as civilized people , and deserve to be applauded for it . chap. vii . of their child-bearing , and delivery , and vvhat manner of persons they are . the women of this country , are not suffered to be used for procreation , untill the ripenesse of their age ; at which time they weare a redd cap made of lether in forme like to our flat caps , and this they weare for the space of 12. moneths : for all men to take notice of them that have any minde to a wife ; and then it is the custome of some of their sachems or lords of the territories , to have the first say or maidenhead of the females ? ( very apt they are ) to be with childe , and very laborious when they beare children , yea when they are as great as they can be , yet in that case they neither forbeare laboure , nor travaile , i have seene them in that plight with burthens at their backs enough to load a horse , yet doe they not miscarry , but have a faire delivery , and a quick , their women are very good midwifes , and the women very lusty after delivery and in a day or two will travell or trudge about . their infants are borne with haire on their heads ; and are of complexion white as our nation , but their mothers in their infancy make a bath of wallnut leaves , huskes of walnuts , and such things as will staine their skinne for ever , wherein they dip and washe them to make them tawny , the coloure of their haire is black , and their eyes black , these infants are carried at their mothers backs , by the help of a cradle made of a board forket at both ends , whereon the childe is fast bound , and wrapped in furres : his knees thrust up towards his bellie , because they may be the more usefull for them when he sitteth , which is as a dogge does on his bumme , and this cradle surely preserues them better then the cradles of our nation ; for as much , as we finde them well propertioned not any of them , crooked backed or wry legged , and to give their charracter in a worde , they are as proper men and women for feature and limbes as can be found , for flesh and bloud as active : longe handed they are , ( i never sawe a clunchfisted salvadg amonst them all in my time . ) the colour of their eies being so generally black , made a salvage ( that had a younge infant whose eies were gray , ) shewed him to us and said they were english mens eies , i tould the father , that his sonne was nan weeteo , which is a bastard , hee replied titta ches hetue squaa , which is hee could not tell ; his wife might play the whore and this childe the father desired might have an english name , because of the likenesse of his eies which his father had in admiration , because of novelty amongst their nation . chap. viii . of their reverence , and respect to age . it is a thing to be admired , and indeede made a president , that a nation yet uncivilizied , should more respect age then some nations civilized ; since there are so many precepts both of divine and humane writers extant : to instruct more civill nations in that particular wherein they excell , the younger are allwayes obedient unto the elder people , and at their commaunds in every respect without grummbling , ●n all councels ( as therein they are circumspect to do ●heir acciones by advise and counsell and not rashly or inconsiderately , the younger mens opinion shall ●e heard , but the old mens opinion and councell im●raced and followed , besides as the elder feede and ●rovide for the younger in infancy : so doe the ●ounger after being growne to yeares of manhood , provide for those that be aged , and in distribution of ●●●tes the elder men are first served , by their dis●ensator and their counsels ( especially if they be ●owahs ) are esteemed as oracles amongst the younger natives . the consideration of these things , mee thinkes ●●ould reduce some of our irregular young people of ●ivilized nations : when this story shall come to ●●eir knowledge , to better manners , and make them ●shamed of their former error in this kinde , and to become hereafter more duetyfull , which i as a friend ( by observation having found ) have herein recorded for that purpose . chap. ix . of their pretty coniuring tricks . if we doe not judge amisse of these salvages in accounting them witches , yet out all question , we may be bould to conclude them to be but weake witches , such of them as wee call by the names o● powahs some correspondency they have with the devil , out of al doubt as by some of their accions , in whic● they glory , is manifested papasiquineo ; that sachem or sagamore is a powah of greate estimation amongs● all kinde of salvages , there hee is at their revel● ( which is the time when a great company of salvage● meete , from severall parts of the country , in amity with their neighbours ) hath advaunced his honor in hi● feats or jugling tricks ( as i may right tearme them ) t● the admiration of the spectators whome hee endevoured to perswade , that he would goe under water to th● further side of a river to broade for any man to undertake with a breath , which thing hee performed by swimming over & deluding the company with castin● a mist before their eies that see him enter in and com● out , but no part of the way hee has bin seene , likewis● by our english in the heat of all summer to make ic● appeare in a bowle of faire water , first having the water set before him hee hath begunne his incantatio● according to their usuall accustome and before th● same has bin ended a thick clowde has darkned th● aire and on a sodane a thunder clap hath bin heard that has amazed the natives , in an instant hee hath shewed a firme peece of ice to flote in the middest of the bowle in the presence of the vulgar people , which doubtles was done by the agility of satan his consort . and by meanes of these sleights and such like trivial things , as these they gaine such estimation amongst the rest of the salvages ; that it is thought a very impious matter for any man to derogate from the words of these powahs . in so much as hee that should slight them , is thought to commit a crime no lesse hainous amongst them , as sacriledge is with us , as may appeare by this one passage , which i wil set forth for an instance . a neighbour of mine that had entertain'd a salvage into his service , to be his factor for the beaver trade amongst his countrymen , delivered unto him divers parcells of commodities , fit forthem to trade with ; amongst the rest there was one coate of more esteeme then any of other , and with this his new entertained marchant man travels amonst his countrymen to truck them away for beaver : as our custome hath bin , the salvage went up into the country amongst his neighbours for beaver & returned with some , but not enough answerable to his masteers expectation , but being called to an accompt and especially for that one coate of speciall note ; made answer that he had given that coate to tantoquineo , a powah : to which his master in a rage cryed what have i to doe with tantoquineo ? the salvage very angry at the matter cryed , what you speake ; you are not a very good man , wil you not give tantoq . a coat ? what 's this ? as if he had offered tantoquineo , the greatest indignity that could be devised : so great is the estimation and reverence that these people have of these ingling powahs , who are usually sent for ( when any person is sicke and ill at ease ) to recover them , for which they receive rewards as do● our chirgeons and phisitions , and they doe make ● trade of it , and boast of their skill where they come one amongst the rest did undertake to cure an englishman of a swelling of his hand for a parcell of biskett , which being delivered him , hee tooke the party greived into the woods aside from company , an● with the helpe of the devill ( as may be conjectured quickly recovered him of that swelling , and sent hi● about his worke againe . chap. x. of their duels and the honourable estimation of victory obtained thereby . these salvages are not apt to quarrell one wit● anothet : yet such hath bin the occasion that difference hath happened , which hath growne to tha● height , that it has not bin reconciled otherswise the● by combat , which hath bin performed in this manner the two champions prepared for the fight , with thei● bowes in hand , and a quiver full of arrowes at thei● backs , they have entered into the field , the challenge● and challenged have chosen two trees , standing wit● in a little distance of each other ; they have cast lotts for the cheife of the trees , then either champion setting himselfe behinde his tree watches an advantage , to let fly his shafts , and to gall his enemy , there they continue shooting at each other , if by chaunce they espie any part open , they endeavour to gall the combatant in that part ; and use much agility in the performance of the taske they have in hand . resolute they are in the execution of their vengeance , when once they have begunne , and will in no wise be daunted , or seeme to shrinck though they doe catch a clap with an arrow , but fight it out in this manner untill one or both be slaine . i have bin shewed the places , where such duels have bin performed , and have fuond the trees marked for a memoriall of the combat , where that champion hath stood , that had the hap to be slaine in the duell ? and they count it the greatest honor that can be , to the serviving cumbatant to shew the scares of the wounds , received in this kinde of conflict , and if it happen to be on the arme as those parts are most in danger in these cases , they will alwayes weare a bracelet upon that place of the arme , as a trophy of honor to their dying day . chap. xi . of the maintaining of their reputation . reputation is such a thing , that it keepes many men in awe , even amongst civilized nations , and is very much stood upon : it is ( as one hath very well noted ) the awe of great men and of kings , and since i have observed it , to be maintained amongst salvage people , i cannot chuse but give an instance thereof in this treatise , to confirme the common receaved opinion thereof . the sachem or sagamore of sagus made choise , ( when hee came to mans estate ) of a lady of noble discent , daughter to papasiquineo : the sachem or sagamore of the territories neare merrimack river a man of the best note and estimation in all those parts ( and as my countryman mr. wood declares in his prospect ) a great nigromancer , this lady the younge sachem with the consent & good liking of her father marries , and takes for his wife . great entertainement , hee and his receaved in those parts at her fathers hands , where they weare fested in the best manner that might be expected , according to the custome of their nation , with reveling , & such other solemnities as is usuall amongst them . the solemnity being ended , papasiquineo causes a selected number of his men to waite upon his daughter home : into those parts that did properly belong to her lord , and husband , where the attendants had entertainment by the sachem of sagus and his countrymen : the solemnity being ended , the attendants were gratified . not long after the new married lady had a great desire to see her father , and her native country , from whence shee came , ●er lord willing to pleasure her , & not deny her request ( amongst them ) thought to be reasonable commanded a selected number of his owne men to conduct his lady to her father ; wherwith great respect they brought her : and having feasted there a while , returned to their owne country againe , leaving the lady to continue there at her owne pleasure , amongst her friends , and old acquaintance : where shee passed away the time for a while : and in the end desired to returne to her lord againe . her father the old papasiquineo having notice of her intent , sent some of his men on ambassage to the younge sachem , his sonne in law , to let him understand that his daughter was not willing , to absent her selfe from his company any longer ; & therfore ( as the messengers had in charge ) desired the younge lord to send a convoy for her ▪ but hee standing upon tearmes of honor , & the maintaining of his reputatiō , returnd to his father in law this answere that when she departed from him , hee caused his men to waite upon her to her fathers territories , as it did become him : but now shee had an intent to returne , it did become her father , to send her back with a convoy of his own people : & that it stood not with his reputation to make himself or his men so servile , to fetch her againe . the old sachem papasiquineo having this message returned , was inraged ? to think that his young son in law did not esteeme him at a higher rate , then to capitulate with him about the matter , & returne him this sharpe reply ; that his daughters bloud , and birth deserved no more respect ; then to be so slighted , & there●ore if he would have her company , hee were best to ●end or come for her . the younge sachem not willing to under value himselfe , and being a man of a stout spirit , did not stick to say , that hee should either send her , by his owne convey , or keepe her ; for hee was not determined to stoope so lowe . so much these two sachems stood upon tearme of reputation with each other , the one would not sen● her , & the other would not send for her , least it should be any diminishing of honor on his part , that shoul● seeme to comply , that the lady ( when i came ou● of the country ) remained still with her father ; whic● is a thinge worth the noting , that salvage peopl● should seeke to maintaine their reputation so muc● as they doe . chap. xii . of their trafficke and trade one vvith another . although these people have not the use of navigation , whereby they may trafficke as other nations , that are civilized , use to doe , yet doe they barter for such commodities as they have , & have a kind● of beads ; in steede of money , to buy withall suc● things as they want , which they call wampampeak● and it is of two sorts , the one is white , the other is o● a violet coloure . these are made of the shells o● fishe ; the white with them is as silver with us ; th● other as our gould , and for these beads they buy , an● sell , not onely amongst themselves , but even with us we have used to sell them any of our commodities for this wampampeak , because we know , we can have beaver againe of them for it : and these beads are currant in all the parts of new england , from one end of the coast to the other . and although some have indevoured by example to have the like made , of the same kinde of shels , yet none hath ever , as yet , attained to any perfection in the composure of them , but that the salvages have found a great difference to be in the one ●nd the other ; and have knowne the counterfett beads ●rom those of their owne making ; and have , and doe light them . the skinnes of beasts are sould and bartered to ●uch people , as have none of the same kinde in the ●arts where they live . likewise they have earthen potts of divers sizes , ●rom a quarte to a gallon , 2. or 3. to boyle their viteals in ; very stronge , though they be thin like our ●ron potts . they have dainty wooden bowles of maple , of ●ighe price amongst them , and these are dispersed ●y bartering one with the other , and are but in cer●aine parts of the country made , where the severall ●rades are appropriated to the inhabitants of those ●arts onely . so likewise ( at the season of the yeare ) the sal●ages that live by the sea side for trade with the in●anders for fresh water , reles curious silver reles , ●hich are bought up of such as have them not fre●uent in other places , chestnuts , and such like usefull things as one place affordeth , are sould to the inhabitants of another : where they are a novelty accompted amongst the natives of the land ; and there is no such thing to barter withall , as is their whampampeake . chap. xiii . of their magazines or storehovvses . these people are not without providence , though they be uncivilized , but are carefull to preserve foede in store against winter , which is the corne that they laboure and dresse in the summer , and although they eate freely of it , whiles it is growinge , yet have they a care to keepe a convenient portion thereof ; to releeve them in the dead of winter , ( like to the ant and the bee ) which they put under ground . their barnes are holes made in the earth , that will hold a hogshead of corne a peece in them . in these ( when their corne is out of the huske and well dried ) they lay their store in greate baskets ( which they make of sparke ) with matts under , about the sides and on the top : and putting it into the place made for it , they cover it with earth : and in this manner it is preserved from destruction or putrifaction ; to be used in case of necessity , and not else . and i am perswaded , that if they knew the benefit of salte ( as they may in time , ) and the meanes to make salte meate fresh againe , they would endeaver to preserve fishe for winter , as well as corne ; and that if any thinge bring them to civility , it will be the use of salte , to have foode in store , which is a cheife benefit in a civilized commonwealth . these people have begunne already to incline to the use of salte . many of them would begge salte of mee for to carry home with them , that had frequented our howses and had beene acquainted with our salte meats : and salte i willingly gave them ; although i sould them all things else : onely because they should be delighted with the use there of ; and thinke it a commodity of no value in it selfe , allthough the benefit was great , that might be had by the use of it . chap. xiv . of theire subtilety . these people are not ( as some have thought a dull , or slender witted people ; but very ingenious and very subtile . i could give maine instances to maintaine mine opinion of them in this : but i will onely relate one , which is a passage worthy to be observed . in the massachussets bay lived cheecatawback the sachem or sagamore of those territories , who had large dominions , which hee did appropriate to himselfe . into those parts came a greate company of salvages , from the territories of narohiganset , to the number of 100. persons ; and in this sachems dominions they intended to winter . when they went a hunting for turkies : they spreade over such a greate scope of ground , that a turkie could hardily escape them : deare they killed up in greate abundance , and feasted their bodies very plentifully : beavers they killed by no allowance : the skinnes of those they traded away at wassaguscus with my neighboures for corne , and such other commodities as they had neede of ; and my neighboures had a wonderfull great benefit by their being in those parts . yea sometimes ( like genious fellowes ) they would present their marchant with a fatt beaver skinne , alwayes the tayle was not diminished , but presented full and whole : although the tayle is a present for a sachem , and is of such masculaine vertue , that if some of our ladies knew the benefit thereof , they would desire to have ships sent of purpose , to trade for the tayle alone , it is such a rarity , as is not more esteemed of , then reason doth require . but the sachem cheecatawbak ( on whose possessions they usurped , and converted the commodities thereof to their owne use , contrary to his likeing ) not being of power to resist them , practised to doe it by a subtile stratagem . and to that end gave it out amongst us , that the cause why these other salvages of the narohigansets , came into these parts , was to see what strength we were of , and to watch an opportunity to cut us off , and take that which they found in our custody usefull for them ; and added further , they would burne our howses , and that they had caught one of his men , named meshebro , and compelled him to discover to them where their barnes , magazines , or storehowses were , and had taken away his corne , and seemed to be in a pittifull perplexity about the matter . and the more to adde reputation to this tale , desires that his wifes and children might be harbered in one of our howses . this was graunted , and my neighbours put on corslets , headpeeces , and weapons defensive and offensive . this thing being knowne to cheecatawback , hee caused some of his men to bring the narohigansets to trade , that they might see the preparation . the salvage that was a stranger to the plott , simply comming to trade , and finding his merchants , lookes like lobsters , all cladd in harnesse , was in a maze to thinke what would be the end of it . haste hee made to trade away his furres , and tooke any thing for them , wishing himselfe well rid of them , and of the company in the howse . but ( as the manner has bin ) hee must eate some furmety before hee goe : downe hee sits , and eats , and withall had an eie on every side ; and now and then saw a sword , or a dagger layd a thwart a headpeece , which hee wondered at , and asked his giude whether the company were not angry . the guide , ( that was privy to his lords plot ) answered in his language . that hee could not tell . but the harmelesse salvage before hee had halfe filled his belly , started upon a sodayne , and ranne out of the howse in such hast , that hee left his furmety there , and stayed not to looke behinde him who came after : glad hee was that he had escaped so . the subtile sachem hee playd the tragedian ; and fained a feare of being surprised ; and sent to see whether the enemies ( as the messenger termed them ) were not in the howse ; and comes in a by way with his wifes and children ; and stopps rhe chinkes of the out howse , for feare the fire might be seene in the night , and be a meanes to direct his enemies where to finde them . and in the meane time , hee prepared for his ambassador to his enemies a salvage , that had lived 12. moneths in england , to the end it might adde reputation to his ambassage . this man hee sends to those intruding narohigansets , to tell them that they did very great injury , to his lord , to trench upon his prerogatives : and advised them to put up their pipes , and begon in time : if they would not , that his lord would come upon them , and in his ayd his freinds the english , who were up in armes already to take his part , and compell them by force to be gone , if they refused to depart by faire meanes . this message comming on the neck of that which doubtlesse the fearefull salvage had before related of his escape , and what hee had observed ; caused all those hundred narohigansets ( that meant us no hurt ) to be gone with bagg , and baggage , and my neighboures were gulled by the subtilety of this sachem , and lost the best trade of beaver that ever they had for the time , and in the end found theire error in this kinde of credulity when it was too late . chap. xv. of their admirable perfection , in the use of the sences . this is a thinge not onely observed by mee , and diverse of the salvages of new england , but also , by the french men in nova francia , and therefore i am the more incouraged to publish in this treatice my observation of them , in the use of theire sences : which is a thinge that i should not easily have bin induced , to beleeve , if i my selfe , had not bin an eie witnesse , of what i shall relate . i have observed , that the salvages have the sence of seeing so farre beyond any of our nation , that one would allmost beleeve they had intelligence of the devill , sometimes : when they have tould us of a shipp at sea , which they have seene , soeuer by one hower , yea two howers sayle , then any english man that stood by ; of purpose to looke out , their sight is so excellent . their eies indeede are black as iett ; and that coler is accounted the strongest for sight . and as they excell us in this particular so much noted , so i thinke they excell us in all the rest . this i am sure , i have well observed , that in the sence of smelling , they have very great perfection : which is confirmed by the opinion of the french , that are planted about canada , who have made relation , that they are so perfect in the use of that sence , that they will distinguish between a spaniard and a frenchman by the sent of the hand onely . and i am perswaded , that the author of this relation has seene very probable reasons , that have induced him , to be of that opinion ; and i am the more willing to give credit thereunto , because i have observed in them so much , as that comes to . i have seene a deare passe by me upon a neck of land , and a salvage that has pursued him by the view . i have accompanied him in this pursuite ; and the salvage , pricking the deare , comes where hee findes the view of two deares together , leading several wayes . one hee was sure , was fresh , but which ( by the sence of seeing ) hee could not judge , therefore , with his knife , hee diggs up the earth of one ; and by smelling , sayes , that was not of the fresh deare : then diggs hee up the other ; and viewing and smelling to that , concludes it to be the view of the fresh deare , which hee had pursued , and thereby followes the chase and killes that deare , and i did eate part of it with him : such is their perfection in these two sences . chap. xvi . of their acknovvledgment of the creation , and immortality of the soule . although these salvages are found to be without religion , law , and king ( as sir william alexander hath well observed , ) yet are they not altogether without the knowledge of god ( historically ) for they have it amongst them by tradition , that god made one man and one woman , and bad them live together , and get children , kill deare , beasts , birds , fish , and fowle , and what they would at their pleasure ; and that their posterity was full of evill , and made god so angry : that hee let in the sea upon them , & drowned the greatest part of them , that were naughty men , ( the lord destroyed so . ) and they went to sanaconquam who feeds upon them , pointing to the center of the earth : where they imagine is the habitation of the devill : ) the other , ( which were not destroyed , ) increased the world ; and when they died ( because they were good ) went to the howse of kytan , pointing to the setting of the sonne ; where they eate all manner of dainties , and never take paines ( as now ) to provide it . kytan makes provision ( they say ) and saves them that laboure and there they shall live with him forever voyd of care . and they are perswaded that kytan is hee that makes corne growe , trees growe , and all manner of fruits . and that wee that use the booke of common prayer , doo it to declare to them , that cannot reade , what kytan has commaunded us , and that wee doe pray to him with the helpe of that booke ; and doe make so much accompt of it , that a salvage ( who had lived in my howse before hee had taken a wife , by whome hee had children ) made this request to mee ( knowing that i allwayes used him with much more respect then others . ) that i would let his sonne be brought up in my howse , that hee might be taught to reade in that booke : which request of his i granted ; and hee was a very joyfull man to thinke , that his sonne should thereby ( as hee said ) become an englishman ; and then hee would be a good man. i asked him who was a good man ; his answere was , hee that would not lye , nor steale . these , with them , are all the capitall crimes , that can be imagined ; all other are nothing in respect of those : and hee that is free from these , must live with kytan for ever , in all manner of pleasure . chap. xvii . of their annals and funerals . these people , that have by tradition some touch of the immortality of the soule , have likewise a custome to make some monuments , over the place where the corps is interred : but they put a greate difference betwene persons of noble , and of ignoble , or obscure , or inferior discent . for indeed in the grave of the more noble , they put a planck in the bottom for the corps to be layed upon ; and on each side a plancke , and a plancke upon the top in forme of a chest , before they cover the place with earth . this done , they erect some thing over the grave in forme of a hearse cloath , as was that of cheekatawbacks mother , which the plimmouth planters defaced , because they accounted it an act of superstition . which did breede a brawle as hath bin before related : for they hold impious , and inhumane : to deface the monuments of the dead . they themselves esteeme of it as piaculum , and have a custome amongst them , to keepe their annals : & come at certaine times to lament , & bewaile the losse of their freind ; & use to black their faces , which they so weare in stead of a mourning ornament for a longer or a shorter time , according to the dignity of the person : so is their annals kept and observed with their accustomed solemnity . afterwards they absolutely abandon the place , because they suppose the sight thereof , will but renew their sorrow . it was a thing very offensive to them , at our first comming into those parts , to aske of them for any one that had bin dead ; but of later times it is not so offensively taken , to renew the memory of any deseased person , because by our example ( which they are apt to followe ) it is made more familiare unto them ; and they marvell to see no monuments over our dead , and therefore thinke no great sachem is yet come into those parts : or not as yet deade , because they see the graves all alike . chap. xviii . of their custome in burning the country , and the reason thereof . the salvages are accustomed , to set fire of the country in all places where they come ; and to burne it , twize a yeare , vixe at the spring , and the fall of the leafe . the reason that mooves them to doe so , is because it would other wise be so overgrowne with underweedes , that it would be all a coppice wood , and the people would not be able in any wise to passe through the country out of a beaten path . the meanes that they do it with , is with certaine minerall stones , rhat they carry about them : in baggs made for that purpose of the skinnes of little beastes which they convert into good lether ; carrying in the same a peece of touch wood ( very excellent for that purpose of their owne making . these minerall stones they have from the piquenteenes ( which is to the southward of all the plantations in new england ) by trade and trafficke with those people . the burning of the grasse destroyes the underwoods , and so scorcheth the elder trees , that it shrinkes them , and hinders their grouth very much : so that hee that will looke to finde large trees , and good tymber , must not depend upon the help , of a woodden prospect to finde them on the upland ground ; but must seeke for them , ( as i and others have done ) in the lower grounds where the grounds are wett when the country is fired : by reason of the snow water that remaines there for a time , untill the sunne by continuance of th●t hath exhaled the vapoures of the earth , and dried up those places , where the fire ( by reason of the moisture ) can have no power to doe them any hurt : and if he would endevoure to finde out any goodly cedars , hee must not seeke for them on the higher grounds , but make his inquest for them in the vallies , for the salvages by this custome of theirs , have spoiled all the rest : for this custome hath bin continued from the beginninge . and least their firing of the country in this manner ; should be an occasion of damnifying us , and indaingering our habitations ; wee our selves have used carefully about the same times ; to observe the winds and fire the grounds about our owne habitations , to prevent the dammage that might happen by any neglect thereof , if t●e fire should come neere those howses in our absence . for when the fire is once kindled , it dilates and spreads it selfe as well against , as with the winde ; burning continually night and day , untill a shewer of raine falls to quench it . and this custome of firing the country is the meanes to make it passable , and by that meanes the trees growe here , and there as in our parks : and makes the country very beautifull , and commodious . chap. xix . of their inclination to drunkennesse . although drunkennesse be justly termed a vice , which the salvages are ignorant of , yet the benefit is very great , that comes to the planters by the sale of strong liquor to the salvages , who are much taken with the delight of it , for they will pawne their wits , to purchase the acquaintance of it , yet in al the cōmerce that i had with them , i never proffered them any such thing ; nay i would hardly let any of them have a drame unles hee were a sachem , or a winnaytue , that is a rich man , or a man of estimation , next in degree to a sachem , or sagamore : i alwayes tould them it was amongst us the sachems drinke . but they say if i come to the northerne parts of the country , i shall have no trade , if i will not supply thē with lusty liquors , it is the life of the trade , in all those parts , for it so happened , that thus a salvage desperately killed himselfe , when hee was drunke , a gunne being charged and the cock up , hee sets the mouth to his brest , and putting back the tricker with his foote , shot himselfe dead . chap. xx. that the salvages live a contended life . a gentleman and a traveller , that had bin in the parts of new england for a time , when hee retorned againe in his discourse of the country , wondered ( as hee said , ) that the natives of the land lived so poorely , in so rich a country , like to our beggers in england : surely that gentleman had not time or leasure whiles hee was there , truely to informe himselfe of the state of that country , and the happy life the salvages would leade weare they once brought to christianity . i must confesse they want the use and benefit of navigation ( which is the very sinnus of a flourishing commonwealth , ) yet are they supplied with all manner of needefull things , for the maintenance of life and lifelyhood , foode and rayment are the cheife of all that we make true use of ; and of these they finde no want , but have , and may have , them in a most plentifull manner . if our beggers of england should with so much ease ( as they , ) furnish themselves with foode , at all seasons , there would not be so many starved in the streets , neither would so many gaoles be stuffed , or gallouses furni●hed with poore wretches , as i have seene them , but they of this sort of our owne nation , that are fitt to goe to this canaan are not able to transport themselves , and most of them unwilling to goe from the good ale tap ; which is the very loadstone of the lande by which our english beggers steere theire course : it is the northpole to which the flowre-deluce of their compasse points ; the more is the pitty that the commonalty of oure land are of such leaden capacities , as to neglect so brave a country , that doth so plentifully feede maine lusty and a brave , able men , women , and children that have not the meanes that a civilized nation hath to purchase foode and rayment : which that country with a little industry : will yeeld a man in a very comfortable measure ; without overmuch carking . i cannot deny but a civilized nation , hath the preheminence of an uncivilized , by meanes of those instruments that are found to be common amongst civile people , and the uncivile want the use of , to make themselves masters of those ornaments , that make such a glorious shew , that will give a man occasion to cry , sic transit gloria mundi . now since it is but foode and rayment that men that live needeth ( though not all alike , ) why should not the natives of new england be sayd to live richly having no want of either : cloaths are the badge of sinne , and the more variety of fashions is but the greater abuse of the creature , the beasts of the forrest there doe serve to furnish them at any time , when they please : fish and flesh they have in greate abundance which they both roast and boyle . they are indeed not served in dishes of plate with variety of sauces to procure appetite , that needs not there . the rarity of the aire begot by the medicinable quality of the sweete herbes of the country , alwayes procures good stomakes to the inhabitants . i must needs commend them in this particular , that though they buy many commodities of our nation , yet they keepe but fewe , and those of speciall use . they love not to bee cumbered with many utensilles , and although every proprietor knowes his owne , yet all things ( so long as they will last , ) are used in common amongst them : a bisket cake given to one ; that one breakes it equally into so many parts , as there be persons in his company , and distributes it . platoes commonwealth is so much practised by these people . according to humane reason guided onely by the light of nature , these people leades the more happy and freer life , being voyde of care , which torments the mindes of so many christians : they are not delighted in baubles , but in usefull things . their naturall drinke is of the cristall fountaine ; and this they take up in their hands , by joyning them close together . they take up a great quantity at a time , and drinke at the wrists , it was rhe sight of such a feate , which made diogenes hurle away his dishe , and like one that would have this principall confirmed . natura paucis contentat , used a dish no more . i have observed that they will not be troubled with superfluous commodities . such things as they finde , they are taught by necessity to make use of , they will make choise of ; and seeke to purchase with industry so that in respect , that their life is so voyd of care , and they are so loving also that they make use of those things they enjoy ( the wife onely excepted as common goods , and are therein , so compassionate that rather than one should starve through want , they would starve all , thus doe they passe away the time merrily , not regarding our pompe ( whic● they see dayly before their faces ) but are better content with their owne , which some men esteeme s● meanely of . they may be rather accompted to live richly wanting nothing that is needefull ; and to be commended for leading a contented life , the younger bein● ruled by the elder , and the elder ruled by the powahs and the powahs are ruled by the devill , and then yo● may imagin what good rule is like to be amongst them . finis . new english canaan , or new canaan . the second booke . containing a description of the bewty of the country with her naturall indowements , both in the land and sea , with the great lake of erocoise . chap. i. the generall survey of the country . in the moneth of iune , anno salutis : 1622. it was my chaunce to arrive in the parts of new england with 30. servants , and pr●vision of all sorts fit for a plantation : and whiles our howses were building , i did indeavour to take a survey of the country : the more i looked , the more i liked it . and when i had more seriously considered , of the bewty of the place , with all her faire indowments , i did not thinke that in all the knowne world it could be paralel'd . for so many goodly groues of trees ; dainty fine round rising hillucks : delicate faire large plaines ; sweete cristall fountaines ; and cleare running streames , that twine in fine meanders through the meads , making so sweete a murmering noise to heare , as would even lull the sences with delight a sleepe , so pleasantly doe , they glide upon the pebble stones , jetting most jocundly where they doe meete ; and hand in hand runne downe to neptunes court , to pay the yearely tribute , which they owe to him as soveraigne lord of all the springs . contained within the volume of the land , fowles in abundance , fish in multitude , and discovered besides ; millions of turtledoves one the greene boughes : which sate pecking , of the full ripe pleasant grapes , that were supported by the lusty trees , whose fruitfull loade did cause the armes to bend , which here and there dispersed ( you might see ) lillies and of the daphnean-tree , which made the land to mee seeme paradice , for in mine eie , t' was natures master-peece : her cheifest magazine of all , where lives her store : if this land be not rich , then is the whole world poore . what i had resolved on , i have really performed , and i have endeavoured , to use this abstract as an instrument , to bee the meanes , to communicate the knowledge which i have gathered , by my many yeares residence in those parts , unto my countrymen , to the end , that they may the better perceive their error , who cannot imagine , that there is any country in the universall world , which may be compared unto our native soyle , i will now discover unto them a country whose indowments are by learned men allowed to stand in a paralell with the israelites canaan , which none will deny , to be a land farre more excellent then old england in her proper nature . this i consider i am bound in duety ( as becommeth a christian man ) to performe , for the glory of god , in the first place ; next ( according to cicero , ) to acknowledge that , non nobis solum nati sumus , sed partim patria , partim parentes , partim amici vindicant . for which cause i must approove of the indeavoures of my country men , that have bin studious to inlarge the territories of his majesties empire by planting coloines in america . and of all other i must applaude the judgement of those that have made choise of this part ( whereof i now treat ) being of all other most absolute , as i will make it appeare , hereafter by way of paralell , among those that have setled themselvs in new england , some have gone for their conscience sake , ( as they professe ) & i wish that they may plant the gospel of iesus christ : as becommeth them , sincerely and without satisme or faction , whatsoever their former or present practises are ( which i intend not to justifie , howsoever they have deserved ( in mine opinion ) some commendationes , in that they have furnished the country , so commodiously in so short a time , although it hath bin but for their owne profit , yet posterity will taste the sweetnes of it , and that very sodainly . and since my taske in this part of mine abstract , is to intreat of the naturall indowments , of the country , i will make a b●eife demonstration of them in order , severally , according to their severall qualities : and shew you what they are , and what profitable use may be made of them by industry . chap. ii. vvhat trees are there and hovv commodious . oakes are there of two sorts , white and redd , excellent tymber for the building , both of howses , and shipping : and they are found to be a tymber , that is more tough then the oak of england . they are excellent for pipe-staves and such like vessels ; and pipe-staves at the canary ilands are a prime commodity , i have knowne them there at 35. p. the 1000. and will purchase a fraight of wines there before any commodity in england , their onely wood being pine , of which they are enforced , also to build shippinge : of oackes there is great abundance in the parts of new england , and they may have a prime place in the catalogue of commodities . ashe there is store and very good for staves , oares or pikes , and may have a place in the same cat●logue . elme : of this sort of trees , there are some ; but there hath not as yet bin found any quantity to speake of . beech there is of two sorts , redd and white very excellent for trenchers , or chaires and also for oares and may be accompted for a commodity . wallnut , of this sorte of wood there is infinite store and there are 4. sorts , it is an excellent wood , for many uses approoved , the younger trees are imployed for hoopes , and are the best for that imployement of all other stuffe whatsoever , the nutts serve when they fall to feede our swine , which make them the delicatest bacon of all other foode , and is therein a cheife commodity . chestnutt , of this sorte there is very greate plenty ; the tymber whereof is excellent for building and is a very good commodity , especially in respect of the fruit , both for man and beast . pine , of this sorte there is infinite store in some parts of the country . i have travelled 10. miles together , where is little , or no other wood growing . and of these may be made rosin , pitch , and tarre , which are such usefull commodities , that if wee had them not from other countries in amity with england , our navigation would decline . then how great the commodity of it will be to our nation , to have it of our owne , let any man judge . cedar , of this sorte there is abundaunce ; and this wood was such as salomon used for the building of that glorious temple at hierusalem , and there are of these cedars , firre trees , and other materialls necessary for the building of many faire temples , if there were any salomons to be at the cost of them , and if any man be desirous to finde out in what part of the country the best cedars are , he must get into the bottom grounds , and in vallies that are wet at the spring of the yeare , where the moisture preserves them from the fire in spring time and not in a woodden prospect , this wood cutts red , and is good for bedsteads tables and chests , and may be placed in the catalogue of commodities . cypres , of this there is great plenty , and vulgarly this tree hath bin taken , for another sort of cedar ; but workemen put a difference betweene this cypres , and the cedar , especially in the colour ; for this is white and that redd white and likewise in the finenes of the leafe and the smoothnes of the barque . this wood is also sweeter then cedar and ( as it is in garrets herball ) a more bewtifull tree ; it is of all other to my minde , most bewtifull , and cannot be denied to passe for a commodity . spruce , of these there are infinite store , especially in the northerne parts of the country : and they have bin approoved by workemen in england , to be more tough , then those that they have out of the east country : from whence wee have them for masts and yards of shipppes . the spruce of this country are found to be 3. and 4. fadum about : and are reputed able single , to make masts for the biggest ship , that sayles on the maine ocean , without peesing , which is more than the east country can afford . and seeing that navigation is the very sinneus of a flourishing common-wealth , it is fitting , to allow the spruce tree a principall place , in the catalogue of commodities . alder , of ths sorte there is plenty by rivers sides good for turners . birch , of this there is plenty in divers parts of the country . of the barck of these the salvages of the northerne parts make them delicate canowes , so light , that two men will transport one of them over land whether they list , and yet one of them will transporte tenne or twelffe salvages by water at a time . mayple , of those trees there is greate abundance , and these are very excellent , for bowles . the indians use of it to that purpose , and is to be accompted a good commodity . elderne , there is plenty in that country , of this the salvages make their arrowes , and it hath no strong unsavery sent like our eldern in england . hawthorne , of this there is two sorts , one of which beares a well tasting berry , as bigg as ones thumbe , and lookes like little queene apples , vines , of this kinde of trees , there are that beare grapes of three colours , that is to say : white , black , and red . the country is so apt for vines , that ( but for the fire at the spring of the yeare ) the vines would so over spreade the land , that one should not be able to passe for them , the fruit is as bigg of some ; as a musket bullet , and is excellent in taste . plumtrees , of this kinde there are many ; some that beare fruit as bigg as our ordinary bullis : others there be , that doe beare fruite much bigger than peare plummes , their colour redd , and their stones flat , very delitious in taste . cheritrees , there are abundance , but the fruit is as small as our sloes , but if any of them were replanted , & grafted , in an orchard they would soone be raised by meanes of such and the like fruits . there is greate abundance of muske roses in divers places : the water distilled excelleth our rosewater of england . there is abundance af sassafras and sarsaperilla , growing in divers places of the land ; whose budds at the spring doe perfume the aire . other trees there are not greatly materiall to be recited in this abstract , as goose berries , rasberies , and other beries . there is hempe that naturally groweth , finer then our hempe of england . chap. iii. potthearbes and other herbes for sallets . the country there naturally affordeth very good potherbes and fallet herbes and those of a more maskuline vertue then any of the same species in england ; as potmarioram , tyme , alexander , angellica , pursland , violets , and anniseeds , in very great abundance : and forthe pott i gathered in summer , dried and crumbled into a bagg to preserve for winter store . hunnisuckles , balme , and divers other good herbes are there , that grow without the industry of man , that are used when occasion serveth very commodiously . chap. iv. of birds , and fethered fovvles . now that i have breifly shewed the commodity of the trees , herbes , and fruits . i will shew you a description of the fowles of the aire , as most proper in ordinary course . and first of the swanne , because shee is the biggest of all the fowles of that country . there are of them in merrimack river , and in other parts of the country , greate store at the seasons of the yeare . the flesh is not much desired of the inhabitants , but the skinnes may be accompted a commodity , fitt for divers uses , both for fethers , and quiles . there are geese of three sorts vize brant geese , which are pide , and white geese which are bigger , and gray geese which are as bigg and bigger then the tame geese of england , with black legges , black bills , heads , and necks black ; the flesh farre more excellent , then the geese of england , wilde or tame , yet the purity of the aire is such , that the biggest is accompted but an indifferent meale for a couple of men . there is of them great abundance . i have had often 1000. before the mouth of my gunne , i never saw any in england for my part so fatt , as i have killed there in those parts , the fethers of them makes a bedd , softer then any down bed that i have lyen on : and is there a very good commodity , the fethers of the geese that i have killed in a short time , have paid for all the powther and shott , i have spent in a yeare , and i have fed my doggs with as fatt geese there , as i have euer fed upon my selfe in england . ducks , there are of three kindes , pide ducks , gray ducks , and black ducks in greate abundance : the most about my habitation were black ducks : and it was a noted custome at my howse , to have every mans duck upon a trencher , and then you will thinke a man was not hardly used , they are bigger boddied , then the tame ducks of england : very fatt and dainty flesh . the common doggs fees were the gibletts , unlesse they were boyled now and than for to make broath . teales , there are of two sorts greene winged , and blew winged : but a dainty bird , i have bin much delighted with a rost of these for a second course , i had plenty in the rivers and ponds about my howse . widggens there are , and abundance of othe● water foule , some such as i have seene , and such a● i have not seene else where , before i came into those parts , which are little regarded . simpes , there are like our simpes in all respects , with very litle difference . i have shot at them onely , to see what difference i could finde betweene them and and those of my native country , and more i did no● regard them . sanderlings are a dainty bird , more full boddied than a snipe , and i was much delighted to feede on them , because they were fatt , and easie to come by , because i went but a stepp or to for them : and i have killed betweene foure and five dozen at a shoot which would loade me home . their foode is at ebbing water on the sands , of small seeds , that grows on weeds there , and are very good pastime in august . cranes , there are greate store , that ever more came there at s. davids day , and not before : that day they never would misse . these sometimes eate our corne , and doe pay for their presumption well enough ; and serveth there in powther , with turnips to supply the place of powthered beefe , and is a goodly bird in a dishe , and no discommodity . turkies there are , which divers times in great flocks have sallied by our doores ; and then a gunne ( being commonly in a redinesse , ) salutes them with such a courtesie , as makes them take a turne in the cooke roome . they daunce by the doore so well . of these there hath bin killed , that have weighed forty eight pound a peece . they are by mainy degrees sweeter then the tame turkies of england , feede them how you can . i had a salvage who hath taken out his boy in a morning , and th●y have brought home their loades about noone . i have asked them what number they found in the woods , who have answered neent metawna , which is a thosand that day ; the plenty of them is such in those parts . they are easily killed at rooste , because the one being killed , the other sit fast neverthelesse , and this is no bad commodity . there are a kinde of fowles which are commonly called pheisants , but whether they be pheysants or no , i will not take upon mee , to determine . they are in forme like our pheisant henne of england . both the male and the female are alike ; but they are rough footed ; and have stareing fethers about the head and neck , the body is as bigg as the pheysant henne of england ; and are excellent white flesh , and delicate white meate , yet we seldome bestowe a shoot at them . partridges , there are much , like our partridges of england , they are of the same plumes , but bigger in body . they have not the signe of the horseshoe on the brest as the partridges of england ; nor are they coloured about the heads as those are ; they sit on the trees . for i have seene 40. in one tree at a time : yet at night they fall on the ground , and sit untill morning so together ; and are dainty flesh . there are quailes also , but bigger then the quailes in england . they take trees also : for i have numbered 60. upon a tree at a time . the cocks doe call at the time of the yeare , but with a different note from the cock quailes of england . the larkes there , are like our larkes of england in all respects : sauing that they doe not use to sing at all . there are owles of divers kindes : but i did never heare any of them whop as ours doe . there are crowes , kights and rooks that doe differ in some respects from those of england . the crowes ( which i have much admired , what should be the cause ) both smell and taste of muske in summer , but not in winter . there are hawkes in new england of 5. sorts , and these of all other fether fowles i must not omitt , to speake of , nor neede i to make any apology for my selfe , concerning any trespasse , that i am like to make upon my judgement , concerning the nature of them , having bin bred in so genious a way , that i had the common use of them in england : and at my first arrivall in those parts practised to take a lannaret , which i reclaimed , trained , and made flying in a fortnight , the same being a passinger at michuelmas . i found that these are most excellent mettell , rank winged , well conditioned , and not tickleish footed , and having whoods , bels , luers , and all things fitting , was desirous to make experiment of that kinde of hawke , before any other . and i am perswaded : that nature hath ordained them to be of a farre better kinde , then any that have bin used in england . they have neither dorre , nor worme to feed upon ( as in other parts of the world ) the country affording none , the use whereof in other parts , makes the lannars there more bussardly , then they be in new england . there are likewise fawcons , and tassell gentles , admirable well shaped birds , and they will tower up when they purpose to pray , and on a sodaine , when they esspie their game , they will make such a cancellere , that one would admire to behold them , some there are more black , then any that have bin used in england . the tassell gent , ( but of the least size ) is an ornament for a person of estimation among the indians to weare in the knot of his lock , with the traine upright , the body dried and stretched out . they take a great pride in the wearing of such an ornament , and give to one of us ( that shall kill them one for that purpose ) so much beaver as is worth three pounds sterling very willingly . these doe us but little trespas , because they pray on such birds as are by the sea side , and not on our chickens . goshawkes there are , and tassels . the tassels are short trussed bussards ; but the goshawkes are well shaped , but they are small ; some of white male , and some redd male , i have seene one with 8. barres in the traine . these fall on our bigger poultry : the lesser chicken . i thinke they scorne to make their pray of ; for commonly the cocke goes to wrack . of these i have seene many , and if they come to trespasse me , i lay the law to them with the gunne , and take them dammage fesant . there are very many marlins ; some very small , and some so large as is the barbary tassell . i have often beheld these pretty birds , how they have scoured after the black bird , which is a small sized choffe that eateth the indian maisze . sparhawkes there are also , the fairest , and best shaped birds that i have ever beheld of that kinde , those that are litle , no use is made of any of them , neither are they regarded , i onely tried conclusions with a lannaret at first comming ; and when i found , what was in that bird , i turned him going : but for so much as i have observed of those birds , they may be a fitt present for a prince ; and for goodnesse too be preferred before the barbary , or any other used in christendome , and especially the lannars and lannarets . there is a curious bird to see to , called a hunning bird , no bigger then a great beetle ; that out of question lives upon the bee , which hee eateth and catcheth amongst flowers : for it is his custome to frequent those places , flowers hee cannot feed upon by reason of his sharp bill , which is like the poynt of a spannish needle , but shorte . his fethers have a glasse like silke , and as hee stirres , they shew to be of a chaingable coloure : and has bin , and is admired for shape coloure , and size . chap. v. of the beasts , of the forrest . now that i have made a rehearsall of the birds , and fethered fowles , which participate most of aire , i will give you a description of the beasts , and shew you , what beasts are bred in those parts , and what my experience hath gathered , by observation of their kinde , and nature , i begin with the most usefull and most beneficiall beast , which is bredd in those parts , which is the deare . there are in this country , three kindes of deare ▪ of which there are greate plenty , and those are very usefull . first , therefore i will speake of the elke , which the salvages call a mose : it is a very large deare , with a very faire head , and a broade palme , like the palme of a fallow deares horne , but much bigger , and is 6. footewide betweene the tipps , which grow curbing downwards : hee is of the bignesse of a great horse . there have bin of them , seene that has bin 18. handfulls highe : hee hath a bunch of haire under his jawes : hee is not swifte , but stronge and large in body , and longe legged ; in somuch that hee doth use to kneele , when hee feedeth on grasse . hee bringeth forth three faunes , or younge ones , at a time ; and being made tame , would be good for draught , and more usefull ( by reason of their strength ) then the elke of raushea . these are found very frequent , in the northerne parts of new england , their fle●h is very good foode , and much better then our redd deare of england . their hids are by the salyages converted into very good lether , and dressed as white as milke . of this lether , the salvages make the best shooes , and use to barter away the skinnes to other salvages , that have none of that kinde of bests in the parts where they live . very good buffe may be made of the hids , i have seene a hide as large as any horse hide that can be found . there is such abundance of them that the salvages , at hunting time , have killed of them so many , that they have bestowed six or seaven at a time , upon one english man whome they have borne affection to . there is a second sort of deare ( lesse then the redd deare of england , but much bigger then the english fallow deare ) swift of foote , but of a more darke coloure ; with some griseld heares . when his coate is full growne in the summer season , his hornes grow curving , with a croked beame , resembling our redd deare , not with a palme like the fallow deare . these bringe 3. fawnes at a time , spotted like our fallow deares fawnes ; the salvages say , foure , i speake of what i know to be true ; for i have killed , in february a doe with three fawnes in her belly , all heared , and ready to fall ; for these deare fall their fawnes , 2. moneths sooner ; then the fallow deare of england . there is such abundance of them , that an hundred have bin found at the spring of the yeare , within the compasse of a mile . the salvages take these in trappes made of their naturall hempe , which they place in the earth ; where they fell a tree for browse , and when hee rounds the tree for the browse , if hee tread on the trapp , hee is horsed up by the legg , by meanes of a pole that starts up , and catcheth him . their hides the saluages use for cloathing , and will give for one hide killed in season 2.3 . or 4. beaver skinnes , which will yeild pounds a peece in that country : so much is the deares hide prised with them above the beaver . i have made good merchandize of these , the flesh is farre sweeter then the venison of england : and hee feedeth fatt and leane together as a swine , or mutton , where as our deare of england feede fatt on the out side , they doe not croake at rutting time , nor spendle shafte , nor is their flesh discolored at rutting . hee that will impale ground fitting , may be brought once in the yeare , wherewith bats and men hee may take so many to put into that parke , as the hides will pay the chardge of impalcinge , if all these things be well considered , the deare , as well as the mose , may have a principall place in the catalogue of commodities . i for my part may be bould to tell you , that my howse , was not without the flesh of this sort of deare , winter nor summer , the humbles was ever my dogges fee , which by the wesell , was hanged on the barre in in the chimny , for his diet only : for hee has brought to my stand a brace in a morning , one after the other , before sunne rising , which i have killed . there is likewise , a third sorte of deare , lesse then the other , ( which are a kinde of rayne deare ) to the southward of all the english plantations , they are excellen● good flesh . and these also bring three fawnes at a time , and in this particular the deare of thos● parts , excell all the knowne deare of the whol● world . on all these the wolfes doe pray continually the best meanes they have ( to escape the wolfes is b● swimming to islands , or necks of land , whereb● they escape : for the wolfe will not presume to follow them , untill they see them over a river ; then being landed , ( they wayting on the shore ) undertake the water , and so follow with fresh suite . the next in mine opinion fit to be spoaken of , is the beaver ; which is a beast ordained , for land and water both , and hath fore feete like a cunny , her hinder feete like a goese , mouthed like a cunny , but short eared like a serat , fishe in summer , and wood in winter , which hee conveyes to his howse built on the water , wherein hee sitts with his tayle hanging in the water , which else would over heate and rot off . hee cuts the bodies of trees downe with his fore-teeth , which are so long as a boares tuskes , & with the help of other beavers ( which held by each others tayles like a teeme of horses ) the hind most with the legg on his shoulder stayed by one of his fore feete against his head ) they draw the logg to the habitation appoynted , placing the loggs in a ●quare , and so by pyling one uppon another , they build up a howse , which with boghes is covered very strongly , and placed in some pond to which they make a damme of brush wood like a hedge : so stronge , that i have gone on the top of it crosse the current of that pond . the flesh of this beast is excellent foode . the fleece is a very choise furre , which ( before the salvages had commerce with christians ) they burned of the tayle , this beast is of a masculine vertue for the advancement of priapus : and is preserved for a dish for the sachems , or sagamores : who are the princ●s of the people but not kings ( as is fondly supposed . ) the skinnes are the best marchantable commodity , that can be found , to cause ready mony to be brought into the land , now that they are raised to 10. shill●ngs a pound . a servant of mine in 5. yeares , was thought to have a 1000. p. in ready gold gotten by beaver when hee dyed ; whatsoever became of it . and this beast may challenge preheminence in the catalogue . the otter of those parts , in winter season hath a furre so black as jett , and is a furre of very highe price : a good black skinne is worth 3. or 4. angels of gold . the flesh is eaten by the salvages : but how good it is i cannot shew , because it is not eaten by our nation . yet is this a beast , that ought to be placed in the number amongst the commodities of the country . the luseran , or luseret , is a beast like a catt : but so bigg as a great hound : with a tayle shorter then a catt . his clawes are like a catts , hee will make a pray of the deare . his flesh is dainty meat , like a lambe : his hide is a choise furre , and accompted a good commodity . the martin is a beast about the bignes , of a foxe . his furre is chestnutt coloure , and of those there are greate store in the northerne parts of the country , and is a good commodity . the racowne is a beast as bigg , full out , as a foxe , with a bushtayle . his flesh excellent foode : his oyle precious for the syattica , his furre course , but the skinnes serve the salvages for coats : and is with those people of more esteeme , then a coate of beaver , because of the tayles that ( hanging round in their order ) doe adorne the garment , and is therefore so much esteemed of them . his fore feete are like the feete of an ape ; and by the print thereof , in the time of snow , he is followed to his hole , which is commonly in a hollow tree , from whence hee is fiered out , and saotken . the foxes are of two coloures : the one redd , the other gray , these feede on fish ; and are good furre , they doe not stinke , as the foxes of england , but their condition for their pray , is as the foxes of england . the wolfes are of divers coloures : some sandy coloured : some griselled , and some black , their foode is fish which they catch , when they passe up the rivers , into the ponds to spawne , at the spring time . the deare are also their pray , and at summer , when they have whelpes , the bitch will fetch a puppy dogg from our dores , to feede their whelpes with . they are fearefull curres , and will runne away from a man ( that meeteth them by chaunce at a banke end ) as fast as any fearefull dogge . these pray upon the deare very much . the skinnes are used by the salvages , especially the skinne of the black wolfe , which is esteemed a present for a prince there . when there ariseth any difference betweene prince , and prince , the prince that desires to be reconciled to his neighbouring prince does endeavour to purchase it , by sending him a black wolfes skinne for a present , and the acceptance of such a present is an assurance of reconciliation betweene them ; and the salvages will willingly give 40. beaver skinnes for the purchase of one of these black wolfes skinnes : and allthough the beast himselfe be a discommodity , which other countries of christendome are subject unto , yet is the skinne of the black wolfe worthy , the title of a commodity , in that respect that hath bin declared . if i should not speake something of the beare , i might happily leave a scruple , in the mindes of some effeminate persone who conceaved of more dainger in them , then there is cause . therefore to incourage them against all feare , and fortifie their mindes against needles danger , i will relate what experience hath taught mee ; concerning them , they are beasts that doe no harme in those parts : they feede upon hurtle buries , nuts , and fish , especially shellfish . the beare is a tyrant at a lobster , and at low water will downe to the rocks , and groape after them with great diligence . hee will runne away from a man as fast as a litle dogge , if a couple of salvages chaunce to espie him at his banquet , his running a way , will not serve his turne , for they will coate him , and chase him betweene them home to theire howses , where they kill him , to save a laboure in carrying him farre . his flesh is esteemed venison , and of a better taste then beefe . his hide is used by the salvages , for garments , and is more commodious than discommodious , and may passe ( with some allowance ) with the rest . the muske washe , is a beast that frequenteth the ponds . what hee eats i cannot finde . hee is but a small beast , lesse then a cunny , and is indeede in those parts no other then a water ratte , for i have seene the suckers of them digged out of a banke ; and at that age , they neither differed in shape coloure , nor size , from one of our greate ratts . when hee is ould , hee is of the beavers coloure ; and hath passed in waite with our chapmen for beaver . the male of them have stones , which the salvages , in un caseing of them , leave to the skinne , which is a most delicate perfume , and may compare with any perfume that i know for goodnesse ; then may not this be excluded the catalogue . this country , in the north parts thereof , hath many porcupines , but i doe not finde , the beast any way usefull or hurtfull . there are in those northerne parts many hedge-hoggs , of the like nature , to our e●glish hedghoggs . here are greate store of co●yes in th●se parts , of divers coloures ; some white , some black , and some gray . those towards the southerne parts are very small , but those to the north are as bigg as the english cony : their eares are very short . for meate the small rabbit is as good as any that i have eaten of else where . there are squirils of three sorts , very different ●n shape and condition ; and is gray , and hee is as bigg as the lesser cony , and keepeth the woods feeding , upon nutts . another is red , and hee haunts our howses , and will rob us of our corne , but the catt many times , payes him the price of his presumption . the third is a little flying squirill , with bat like winges , which hee spreads when hee jumpes from tree to tree , and does no harme . now because i am upon a treaty of the beasts , i will place this creature the snake amongst the beasts having my warrant from the holy bible ; who ( though his posture in his passage be so different from all other , being of a more subtile and aidry nature , that hee can make his way without feete , and lifte himselfe above the superficies of the earth , as hee glids along . ) yet may he not bee ranked with any , but the beasts , no●●ithstanding hee frequents the water , as well as the land . there are of snakes divers , and of severall kindes , as be with us in england , but that country hath not so many , as in england have bin knowne . the generall salvage name of them is ascowke ▪ there is one creeping beast or longe creeple ( a●● the name is in devonshire , ) that hath a rattle at hi● tayle , that does discover his age ; for so many yeares a● hee hath lived , so many joynts are in that rattle , which soundeth ( when it is in motion , ) like pease in a bladder , and this beast is called a rattle snake ; but the salvages give him the name of sesick ; which some tak● to be the adder ; and it may well be so ; for the salvages are significiant in their denomination of an● thing ) and is no lesse hurtfull than the adder of england , nor no more . i have had my dogge venome with troubling one of these ; and so swelled , that had thought it would have bin his death : but wit● one saucer of salet oyle powred downe his throate , h● has recovered , and the swelling asswaged by the next day . the like experiment hath bin made upon a boy , that hath by chaunce troad upon one of these , and the boy never the worse . therefore it is simplicity in any one that shall tell a bugbeare tale of horrible , or terrible serpents that are in that land . mise there are good store , and my lady wood-bees black gray malkin may have pastime enough there : but for rats , the country by nature is troubbled with none . lyons there are none in new england : it is contrary to the nature of the beast , to frequent places accustomed to snow ; being like the catt , that will hazard the burning of her tayle rather than abide from the fire . chap. vi. of stones and minerals . now ( for as much as i have in a breife abstract shewed you the creatures : whose specificall natures doe simpathise with the elements of fire and aire ) i will come to speake of the creatures ●hat participate of earth more then the other two , which is stones . and first of the marble for building ; whereof there is much in those parts , in so much as there is one ●ay in the land , that beareth the name of marble har●er , because of the plenty of marble there : and these are usefull for building of sumpteous pallaces . and because , no good building can be made permanent , or durable , without lime : i will let you understand that there is good limestone neere to the river of monatoquinte at uttaquatock to my knowledge and we hope other places too , ( that i have not taken so much notice of ) may have the like , or better : and those stones are very convenient for building . chalke stones there are neere squantos chappell shewed me by a salvage . there is abundance of excellent slate in divers places of the country : and the best that ever i beheld for covering of howses : and the inhabitanrs have made good use of these materials for building . there is a very usefull stone in the land , and as yet there is found out but one place where they may be had , in the whole country , ould woodman , ( that was choaked at plimmouth after hee had played the unhappy markes man when hee was pursued by a carelesse fellow that was new come into the land ) they say laboured ro get a patent of it to himselfe . hee was beloved of many , and had many sonnes , that had a minde to engrosse that commodity . and i cannot spie any mention made of it in the woodden prospect . therefore i begin to suspect his aime : that it was for himselfe , and therefore will i not discover it , it is the stone so much commended by ovid , because love delighteth to make his habitation in a building of those materials , where hee advises . those that seeke for love to doe it , duris in cotibus illum . this stone the salvages doe call cos , and of these ( on the north end of richmond iland ) are store , and those are very excellent good for edg'd tooles : i envy not his happinesse . i have bin there : viewed the place , liked the commodity : but will not plant so northerly for that , nor any other commodity that is there to be had . there are loadestones also in the northerne parts of the land : and those which were found are very good , and are a commodity worth the noteing . iron stones there are abundance : and severall sorts of them knowne . lead ore is there likewise , and hath bin found by the breaking of earth , which the frost hath made mellow . black leade i have likewise found very good , which the salvages use to paint their faces with . red leade is there likewise in great abundance . there is very excellent boll armoniack . there is most excellent vermilion . all these things the salvages make some litle use of , and doe finde them on the circumference of the earth . brimstone mines there are likewise . mines of tinne , are likewise knowne to be in those parts : which will in short time be made use of : and this cannot be accompted a meane commodity . copper mines are there found likewise : that will inrich the inhabitants . but untill theire younge cattell , be growne hardy labourers in the yoake , that the plough and the wheate may be seene more plentifully , it is a worke must be forborne . they say there is a silver , and a gold mine found by captaine littleworth : if hee get a patent of it to himselfe , hee will surely change his name . chap. vii . of the fishes , and vvhat commodity they proove . among fishes . first i will begin with the codd ; because it is the most commodious of all fish , as may appeare , by the use which is made of them in forraigne parts . the codd fishing is much used in america , ( whereof new england is a part ) in so much as 300. sayle of shipps , from divers parts , have used to be imployed yearely in that trade . i have seene in one harboure , next richmond iland 15. sayle of shipps at one time , that have taken in them , driyed codds for spaine , and the straights ( and it has bin found that the saylers have made 15.18.20.22 . p. share for a common man. the coast aboundeth with such multitudes of codd , that the inhabitants of new england doe dunge their grounds with codd ; and it is a commodity better than the golden mines of the spanish indies ; for without dried codd the spaniard , portingal , and italian , would not be able to vittel of a shipp for the sea ; and i am sure at the canaries it is the principall commodity : which place lyeth neere new england yery convenient , for the vending of this commodity , one hundred of these being at the price of 300. of new found land codds , greate store of traine oyle , is mayd of the livers of the codd , and is a commodity that without question will enrich the inhabitants of new england quicly ; and is therefore a principall commodity . the basse is an excellent fish , both fresh and salte one hundred whereof salted ( at a market ) have yeilded 5. p. they are so large , the head of one will give a good eater a dinner , and for daintinesse of diet , they excell the marybones of beefe . there are such multitudes , that i have seene stopped into the river close adjoyning to my howse with a sand at one tide , so many as will loade a ship of a 100. tonnes . other places have greater quantities in so much , as wagers have bin layed , that one should not throw a stone in the water , but that hee should hit a fish . i my selfe , at the turning of the tyde , have seene such multitudes passe out of a pound , that it seemed to mee , that one might goe over their backs drishod . these follow the bayte up the rivers , and sometimes are follwed for bayte and chased into the bayes , and shallow waters , by the grand pise : and these may have also a prime place in the catalogue of commodities . the mackarels are the baite for the basse , and these have bin chased into the shallow waters , where so many thousands have shott themselves a shore with the surfe of the se● that whole hogges-heads have bin taken up on the sands ; and for length they excell any of other parts : they have bin measured 18. and 19. inches in length , and seaven in breadth : and are taken with a drayle , ( as boats use to passe to and froe at sea on businesse ) in yery greate quantities all alonge the coaste . the fish is good , salted ; for store against the winter , as well as fresh , and to be accounted a good commodity . this sturgeon in england is regalis piscis . every man in new england may catch what hee will , there are multitudes of them , and they are much fatter then those that are brought into england from other parts , in so much as by reason of their fatnesse , they doe not looke white , but yellow , which made a cooke presume they were not so good as them of roushea : silly fellow that could not understand that it is the nature of fish salted , or pickelled , the fatter the yellower being best to preserve . for the taste i have warrant of ladies of worth , with choise pallats for the commendations , who liked the taste so well , that they esteemed it beyond the sturgeon of other parts , and sayd they were deceaved in the lookes : therefore let the sturgeon passe for a commodity . of salmons there is greate abundance : and these may be allowed for a commodity , and placed in the catallogue . of herrings , there is greate store , fat , and faire : and ( to my minde ) as good as any i have seene , and these may be preserved , and made a good commodity at the canaries . of eeles there is abundance , both in the salt-waters , and in the fresh : and the fresh water eele there ( if i may take the judgement of a london fishmonger ) is the best that hee hath found in his life time . i have with jieele potts found my howse hold , ( being nine persons , besides doggs ) with them , taking them every tide , ( for 4. moneths space , ) and preserving of them for winter store : and these may proove a good commodity . of smelts there is such abundance , that the salvages doe take them up in the rivers with baskets , like sives . there is a fish , ( by some called shadds , by some allizes ) that at the spring of the yeare , passe up the rivers to spaune in the ponds ; and are taken in such multitudes in every river , that hath a pond at the end , that the inhabitants doung their ground with them . you may see in one towneship a hundred acres together , set with these fish , every acre taking 1000. of them : and an acre thus dressed will produce and yeald so much corne , as 3. acres without fish : and ( least any virginea man would inferre hereupon , that the ground of new england is barren , because they use no fish in setting their corne , i desire them to be remembred , the cause is plaine in virginea ) they have it not to sett . but this practise is onely for the indian maize ( which must be set by hands ) not for english graine : and this is therefore a commodity there . there is a large sized fish called hallibut , or turbut : some are taken so bigg that two men have much a doe to hale them into the boate ; but there is such plenty , that the fisher men onely eate the heads , and finnes , and throw away the bodies : such in paris would yeeld 5. or 6. crownes a peece : and this is no discommodity . there are excellent plaice and easily taken . they ( at flowing water ) do almost come a shore , so that one may stepp but halfe a foote deepe , and prick them up on the sands : and this may passe with some allowance . hake is a dainty white fish , and excellent vittell fresh ; and may passe with other commodities , because there are multitudes . there are greate store of pilchers : at michelmas , in many places , i have seene the cormorants in length 3. miles feedinge upon the sent. lobsters are there infinite in store in all the parts of the land , and very excellent . the most use that i made of them , in 5. yeares after i came there was but to baite my hooke for to catch basse , i had bin so cloyed with them the first day i went a shore . this being knowne , they shall passe for a commodity to the inhabitants ; for the salvages will meete 500 , or 1000. at a place where lobsters come in with the tyde , to eate , and save dried for store , abiding in that place , feasting and sporting a moneth or 6. weekes together . there are greate store of oysters in the entrance of all rivers : they are not round as those of england , but excellent fat , and all good . i have seene an oyster banke a mile at length . mustles there are infinite store , i have often go● to wassaguscus ; where were excellent mustles to eate ( for variety ) the fish is so fat and large . clames is a shellfish , which i have seene sold in westminster for 12. pe . the skore . these our swine feede upon ; and of them there is no want , every shore is full , it makes the swine proove exceedingly , they will not faile at low water to be with them . the salvages are much taken with the delight of this fishe ; and are not cloyed ( notwithstanding the plenty ) for our swine we finde it a good commodity . raser fishes there are . freeles there are , cockles , and scallopes , and divers other sorts of shellfishe , very good foode . now that i have shewed you what commodities are there to be had in the sea , for a market ; i will shew what is in the land also , for the comfort of the inhabitants , wherein it doth abound . and because my taske is an abstract , i will discover to them the commodity thereof . there are in the rivers , and ponds , very excellent trouts , carpes , breames , pikes , roches , perches , tenches , eeles , and other fishes , such as england doth afford , and as good , for variety ; yea many of them much better ; and the natives of the inland parts , doe buy bookes of us , to catch them with , and i have knowne the time , that a trouts hooke hath yeelded a beaver skinne , which hath bin a good commodity to those that have bartered them away . these things i offer to your consideration ( curteous reader ) and require you to shew mee the like in any part of the knowne world if you can . chap. viii . of the goodnes of the country and the waters . now since it is a country so infinitely blest with foode , and fire , to roast or boyle our flesh and fish , why should any man feare for cold there , in a country warmer in the winter , than some parts of france & neerer the sunne : unles hee be one of those that salomon bids goe to the ant and the bee. there is no boggy ground , knowne in all the country , from whence the sunne may exhale unwholsom vapors : but there are divers arematicall herbes , and plants , as sassafras , muske roses , violets , balme , lawrell , hunnisuckles , and the like , that with their vapors perfume the aire ; and it has bin a thing much observed that , shipps have come from virginea where there have bin scarce five men able to hale a rope , untill they have come within 40. degrees of latitude , and smell the sweet aire of the shore , where they have suddainly recovered . and for the water , therein it excelleth canaan by much , for the land is so apt for fountaines , a man cannot digg amisse , therefore if the abrahams and lots of our times come thether , there needs be no contention for wells . besides there are waters of most excellent vertues , worthy admiration . at ma-re mount , there was a water ( by mee discovered ) that is most excellent for the cure of melancolly probatum . at weenasemute is a water , the vertue whereof is , to cure barrenesse . the place taketh his name of that fountaine which signifieth quick spring , or quickning spring probatum . neere squantos chappell ( a place so by us called ) is a fountaine , that causeth a dead sleepe for 48. howres , to those that drinke 24. ounces at a draught , and so proportionably . the salvages that are powahs at set times use it , and reveale strang things to the vulgar people by meanes of it , so that in the delicacy of waters , and the conveniency of them , canaan came not neere this country . as for the milke and hony which that canaan flowed with , it is supplyed by the plenty of birds ; beasts and fish , whereof canaan could not boast her selfe . yet never the lesse ( since the milke came by the industry of the first inhabitants , ) let the cattell be chereshed that are at this time in new england , and forborne but a litle , i will aske no long time ; no more , but untill the brethren have converted one salvage , and made him a good christian , and i may be bold to say , butter and cheese will be cheaper there , then ever it was in canaan . it is cheaper there then in old england at this present , for there are store of cowes ; considering the people : which ( as my intelligence gives ) is 12000. persons , and in gods name let the people have their desire , who wri● to their freinds , to come out of sodome , to the land of canaan , a land that flowes with milke and hony. and i appeale to any man of judgement whether it be not a land , that for her excellent indowments of nature may passe for a plaine paralell to canaan of israell , being in a more temporat climat , this being in 40. degrees and that in 30. chap. ix . a perspective to vievv the country by . as for the soyle , i may be bould to commend the fertility thereof , and preferre it before the soyle of england , ( our native country ) and i neede not to produce more then one argument for proffe thereof , because it is so infallible . hempe is a thing by husband men in generall agreed upon , to prosper best , in the most fertile soyle : and experience hath taught this rule , that hempe-seede prospers so well in new england , that it shewteth up to be tenne foote high and tenne foote and a halfe , which is twice so high as the ground in old england produceth it , which argues new england the more fertile of the two . as for the aire , i will produce but one proffe for the maintenance of the excellency thereof ; which is so generall , as i assure my selfe it will suffice . no man living there ; was ever knowne to be troubled with a cold , a cough , or a murre , but many men comming sick out of virginea to new canaan , have instantly recovered with the helpe of the purity of that aire ; no man ever surfeited himselfe either by eating or drinking . as for the plenty of that land , it is well knowne , that no part of asia , affrica , or europe ; affordeth deare that doe bring forth any more then one single faune ; and in new canaan the deare are accustomed to bring forth 2. and 3 , faunes at a time . besides there are such infinite flocks of fowle , and multitudes of fish both in the fresh waters , and also on the coast , that the like hath not else where bin discovered by any traveller . the windes there are not so violent as in england ; which is prooved by the trees that grow in the face of the winde by the sea coast , for there they doe not leane from the winde as they doe in england , as we have heard before . the raine is there more moderate then in england , which thing i have noted in all the time of my residence to be so . the coast is low land , and not high land : and hee is of a weake capacity rhat conceaveth otherwise of it , because it cannot be denied , but that boats may come a ground in all places along the coast , and especially within the compas of the massachusets patent , where the prospect is fixed . the harboures are not to be bettered , for safety , and goodnesse of ground , for ancorage , and ( which is worthy observation ; ) shipping will not there be furred , neither are they subject to wormes , as in virginea , and other places . let the scituation also of the country be considered ( together with the rest , which is discovered in the front of this abstract , ) and then i hope no man will hold this land unworthy to be intituled by the name of the second canaan . and since the seperatists , are desirous to have the denomination thereof , i am become an humble suter on their behalfe for your consents ( courteous readers ) to it , before i doe shew you what revels they have kept in new canaan . chap. x. of the great lake of erocoise in nevv england , and the commodities thereof . westwards from the massachussets bay ( which lyeth in 42. degrees and 30. minutes of northerne latitude ) is scituated a very spacious lake ( called of the natives the lake of erocoise ) which is farre more excellent , then the lake of genezereth in the country of palestina , both in respect of the greatnes and properties thereof ; and likewise of the manifould commodities it yealdeth : the circumference of which lake is reputed to be 240. miles at the least : and it is distant from the massachussets bay 300. miles , or there abouts : wherein are very many faire islands , where innumerable flocks of severall sorts of fowle doe breede , swannes , geese , ducks , widgines , teales , and other water fowle . there are also more abundance of beavers , deare , and turkies breed about the parts of that lake , then in any place in all the country of new england ; and also such multitudes of fish , ( which is a great part of the foode , that the beavers live upon , ) that it is a thing to be admired at : so that about this lake , is the principallst place for a plantation in all new canaan , both for pleasure and proffit . here may very many brave townes and citties be erected which may have intercourse one with another by water , very commodiously : and it is of many men of good judgement , accounted the prime seate for the metropolis of new canaan , from this lake northwards is derived the famous river of canada , ( so named of monsier de cane a french lord , that first planted a colony of french in america , there called nova francia , from whence captaine kerke of late , by taking that plantation , brought home in one shipp ( as a seaman of his company , reported in my hearing ) 25000. beaver skinnes . and from this lake southwards , trends that goodly river called of the natives patomack , which dischardgeth herselfe in the parts of virginea , from whence it is navigable by shipping of great burthen up to the falls ( which lieth in 41. degrees , and a halfe of north latitude : ) and from the lake downe to the falls by a faire current . this river is navigable for vessels of good burthen ; and thus much hath often bin related by the natives , and is of late found to be certaine . they have also made description of great heards of well growne beasts , that live about the parts of this lake , such as the christian world ( untill this discovery ) hath not bin made acquainted with . these beasts are of the bignesse of a cowe , their flesh being very good foode , their hides good lether , their fleeces very usefull , being a kinde of wolle , as fine almost as the wolle of the beaver , and the salvages doe make garments thereof . it is tenne yeares since first the relation of these things came to the eares of the english : at which time wee were but slender proficients in the language of the natives , and they , ( which now have attained to more perfection of english , could not then make us rightly apprehend their meaninge . wee supposed , when they spake of beasts thereabouts as high as men , they have made report of men all over hairy like beavers , in so much as we questioned them , whether they eate of the beavers , to which they replyed matta , ( noe ) saying they were almost beavers brothers . this relation at that time wee concluded to be fruitles , which since , time hath made more apparent . about the parts of this lake may be made a very greate commodity by the trade of furres , to inrich those that shall plant there ; a more compleat discovery of those parts : is ( to my knowleadge ) undertaken by henry ioseline esquier sonne of sir thomas ioseline of kent knight , by the approbation and appointement of that heroick and very good common wealths man captaine iohn mason esquier , 〈◊〉 true foster father and lover of vertue , ( who at his owne chardge ) hath fitted master ioseline and imployed him to that purpose , who no doubt will performe as much as is expected , if the dutch ( by gettinge into those parts before him , doe not frustrate his so hopefull and laudable designes . it is well knowne , they aime at that place , and have a possibility to attaine unto the end of their desires therein , by meanes , if the river of mohegan , which of the english is named hudsons river ( where the dutch have setled : to well fortified plantations already . if that river be derived from the lake as our country man in his prospect affirmes it to be , and if they get and fortifie this place also , they will gleane away the best of the beaver both from the french and english , who have hitherto lived wholely by it , and very many old planters have gained good estates out of small beginnings by meanes thereof . and it is well knowne to some of our nation that have lived in the dutch plantation : that the dutch have gained by beaver 20000. pound a yeare . the salvages make report of 3. great rivers that issue out of this lake 2. of which are to us knowne , the one to be patomack , the other canada , and why may not the third be found there likewise , which they describe to trend westward , which is conceaved to discharge herselfe into the south sea. the salvages affirme that they have seene shipps in this lake with 4. masts which have taken from thence for their ladinge earth , that is conjectured to be some minerall stuffe . there is probability enough for this , and it may well be thought , that so great a confluxe of waters as are there gathered together , must be vented by some great rivers : and that if the third river ( which they have made mention of ) proove to be true as the other two have done : there is no doubt but that the passage to the east india , may be obtained , without any such daingerous and fruitlesse inquest by the norwest , as hetherto hath bin endeavoured : and there is no traveller of any resonable capacity , but will graunt , that about this lake , must be innumerable springes , and by that meanes many fruitfull , and pleasant pastures all about it , it hath bin observed that the inland part ( witnes neepnet ) are more pleasant and fertile then the borders of the sea coaste . and the country about erocoise is ( not without good cause ) compared to delta the most fertile parte in all aegypt , that aboundeth with rivers and rivalets derive● from nilus fruitfull channell , like vaines from the liver , so in each respect is this famous lake of erocoise . ad therefore it would be adjudged an irreparable oversight to protract time , and suffer the dutch ( who are but intruders upon his majesties most hopefull country of new england ) to possesse themselves of that so plesant and commodious country of erocoise before us : being ( as appeareth ) the principal● part of all new canaan for plantation , and not elsewhere to be paralelld in all the knowne world . new canaans genivs . epilogvs . thou that art by fates degree , or providence ordain'd to s●e , natures wonder , her rich store , ne'-r discovered before , th' admired lake of erocoise , and fertile borders now rejoyce . see what multitudes of fish , shee presents to fitt thy dish , if rich furres thou dost adore , and of beaver fleeces store , see the lake where they abound , and what pleasures els are found . there chast leda free from fire , does enjoy her hearts desire , mongst the flowry bancks at ease , live the sporting najades , bigg lim'd druides whose browes , bewtified with greenebowes , see the nimphes how they doe make , fine meanders from the lake , twining in and out as they , through the pleasant groves make way , weaving by the shady trees , curious anastomases , where the harmeles turtles breede , and such usefull beasts doe feede , as no traveller can tell , els where bow to paralell , colcos golden fleece reject , this deserveth best respect , in sweete peans let thy voyce , sing the praise of erocoise , peans to advaunce her name , new canaans everlasting fame . new english canaan , or new canaan . the third booke . containing a description of the people that are planted there , what remarkable accidents have happened there , since they were setled , what tenents they hould , together with the practise of their church . chap. i. of a great league made vvith the plimmouth planters after their arrivall , by the sachem of those territories . the sachem of the territories , where the planters of new england are setled , that are the first of the now inhabitants of new canaan , not knowing what they were , or whether they would be freindes or foes , and being desirous to purchase their freindship , that hee might have the better assurance of quiet tradinge with them ( which hee conceived would be very advantagious to him ) was desirous to prepare an ambassador , with commission to treat on his behalfe , to that purpose ; and having one that had beene in england taken ( by a worthlesse man ) out of other partes , and after left there by accident , this salvage hee instructed , how to be have himselfe , in the treaty of peace , and the more , to give him incouragement to adventure his person , amongst these new come inhabitants , which was a thinge , hee durst not himselfe attempt , without security or hostage , promised that salvage freedome , who had beene detained there as theire captive : which offer hee accepted , and accordingly came to the planters , salutinge them with wellcome , in the english phrase , which was of them admired , to heare a salvage there speake in their owne language , and used him with great courtesie : to whome hee declared the cause of his comminge , and contrived the businesse so , that hee brought the sachem and the english together , betweene whome was a firme league concluded , which yet continueth . after which league the sachem being in company with the other whome hee had freed , and suffered to live with the english , espijnge a place where a hole had been made in the grounde , where was their store of powder layed to be preserved from danger of fire ( under ground ) demaunded of the salvage what the english had hid there under ground , who answered the plague , at which hee starteled , because of the great mortality lately hapned , by meanes of the plague , ( as it is conceaved ) and the salvage the more to encrease his feare told the sachem if he should give offence to the english party , they would let out the plague to destroy thē all , which kept him in great awe . not longe after being at varience with another sachem borderinge upon his territories , he came in solemne manner and intreated the governour , that he would let out the plague to destroy the sachem , and his men who were his enemies , promising that he himselfe , and all his posterity would be their everlasting freindes , so great an opinion he had of the english. chap. ii. of the entertainement of mr. westons people sent to settle a plantation there . master thomas weston a merchant of london that had been at some cost , to further the brethren of new plimmouth , in their designes for these partes , shipped a company of servants , fitted with provition of all sorts ; for the undertaking of a plantation to be setled there , with an intent to follow after them in parson . these servants at first arived at new plimmouth where they were entertained with court holy bread , by the brethren , they were made very wellcome , in shew at least : there these servants goodes were landed , with promises to be assisted in the choise of a convenient place , and still the good cheare went forward , and the strong liquors walked . in the meane time the brethren were in consultation , what was best for their advantage singing the songe , frustra sapit , qui sibi non sapit . this plantation would hinder the present practice , and future profit , & master weston an able man would want for no supplies , upon the returne of beaver , and so might be a plantation that might keepe them under , who had a hope to be the greatest , besides his people were no chosen seperatists , but men made choice of a● all adventures , fit to have served for the furtherance o● master westons undertakinges : and that was as muc● as hee neede to care for : ayminge at beaver principally , for the better effecting of his purpose . now whe● the plimmouth men began to finde , that maste● westons mens store of provition grew short with feasting , then they hasted them to a place called wessaguscus , in a weake case , and there left them fasting . chap. iii. of a battle fought at the massachussets , betvveen the english and the indians . the planters of plimmouth , at their last being i● those parts , having defaced the monument of th●ded at pasonayessit ( by taking away the herse cloat● which was two greate beares skinnes sowed togethe● at full lenth , and propped up over the grave 〈◊〉 chuatawbacks mother , ) the sachem of those ter●●tories , being inraged at the same , stirred up his me● in his bee halfe , to take revenge : and having gathere● his men together , hee begins to make an oration● this manner . when last the glorious light of all th● skey was underneath this globe , and birds grew silent , i began to settle as my ( custome is ) to take repose ; before mine eies were fast closed , mee thought i saw a vision , ( at which my ) spirit was much troubled , & trembling at that dolefull sight , a spirit cried aloude behold my sonne ) whom i have cherisht , see the papps that gave thee suck , the hands that lappd thee warme and fed thee oft , canst thou forget to take revenge of those uild people , that hath my monument defaced in despitefull manner , disdaining our ancient antiquities , and honourable customes : see now the sachems grave lies like unto the common people , of ignoble race defaced : thy mother doth complaine , implores thy aide against this theevish people , new come hether if this be suffered , i shall not rest in quiet within my everlasting habitation . this said , the spirit vanished , and i all in a sweat , not able scarce to speake , began to gett some strength , and recollect my spirits that were fed , all which i thought to let you understand , to have ●our councell , and your aide likewise ; this being spo●en , straight way arose the grand captaine , and cried ●oud come , let us to armes , it doth concerne us all , ●et us bid them battaile ; so to armes they went , and ●id weight for the plimmouth boate , and forceinge ●●em to forsake their landinge place , they seeke ano●●er best for their convenience , thither the salvages ●●paire in hope to have the like successe , but all in ●ine , for the english captaine warily foresaw , ( and ●erceavinge their plot ) knew the better how to order ●s men fit for battaile in that place , hee bouldly lea●●ng his men on , rainged about the feild to and fro , and taking his best advantage , le ts fly , and makes the salvages give ground , the english followed them fiercely on and made them take trees for their shelter , ( as their custome is ) from whence their captaine let flie a maine , yet no man was hurt , at last lifting up his right arm , to draw a fatall shaft ( as hee then thought ) to end this difference , received a shott upon his elbow , and straight way fled , by whose example , all the army followed the same way ; and yealded up the honor of the day , to the english party ; who were such a terror to them after , that the salvages durst never make to a head against them any more . chap. iv. of a parliament held at wessaguscus , and the actes . master westons plantation beinge setled at wessaguscus , his servants , many of them , lazy persons , that would use no endeavour to take th● benefit of the country , some of them fell sicke and died . one amongst the rest an able bodied man , tha● ranged the woodes , to see what it would afford , lighted by accident on an indian barne , and from thenc● did take a capp full of corne ; the salvage owner of it finding by the foote some english had bin there came to the plantation , and made complaint after thi● manner . the cheife commander of the company one this occation called a parliament of all his people but those that were sicke , and ill at ease . and wisely now they must consult , upon this huge complaint , that a privy knife , or stringe of beades would well enough have qualified , and edward iohnson was a spetiall judge of this businesse : the fact was there in repetition , construction made , that it was fellony , and by the lawes of england punished with death , and this in execution must be put , for an example , and likewise to appease the salvage , when straight wayes one arose , mooved as it were with some compassion , and said hee could not well gaine say the former sentence , yet hee had conceaved within the compasse of his braine an embrion , that was of spetiall consequence to be delivered , and cherished hee said , that it would most aptly serve to pacifie the salvages complaint , and save the life of one that might ( if neede should be ) stand them in some good steede , being younge and stronge , fit for resistance against an enemy , which might come unexspected for any thinge they knew , the oration made was liked of every one , and hee intreated to proceede to shew the meanes how this may be performed : sayes hee , you all agree that one must die , and one shall die , this younge mans cloathes we will take of , and put upon one , that is old and impotent , a sickly person that cannot escape death , such is the disease one him confirmed , that die hee must , put the younge mans cloathes on this man , and let the sick person be hanged in the others steede : amen sayes one , and so sayes many more . and this had like to have prooved their finall sentence , and being there confirmed by act of parliament , to after ages for a president : but that one with a ravenus voyce , begunne to croake and bellow for revenge , and put by that conclusive motion , alledging such deceipts might be a meanes hereafter to exasperate the mindes of the complaininge salvages , and that by his death , the salvages should see their zeale to iustice , and therefore hee should die : this was concluded ; yet neverthelesse a scruple was made ; now to countermaund this act , did represent itselfe unto their mindes , which was how they should doe to get the mans good wil : this was indeede a spetiall obstacle : for without ( that they all agreed ) it would be dangerous , for any man to attempt the execution of it , lest mischeife should befall them every man ; hee was a person , that in his wrath , did seeme to be a second sampson , able to beate out their branes with the jawbone of an asse : therefore they called the man and by perswation got him fast bound in jest , and then hanged him up hard by in good earnest , who with a weapon , and at liberty , would have put all those wise judges of this parliament to a pittifull non plus , ( as it hath beene credibly reported ) and made the cheife iudge of them all buckell to him . chap. v. of a massacre made upon the salvages at wessaguscus . after the end of that parliament , some of the plantation there , about three persons went to live with checatawback & his company , and had very good quarter , for all the former quarrell , with the plimmouth planters : they are not like will sommers , to take one for another . there they purposed to stay untill master westons arrivall : but the plimmouth men intendinge no good to him ( as appered by the consequence ) came in the meane time to wessaguscus , and there pretended to feast the salvages of those partes , bringing with them porke , and thinges for the purpose , which they sett before the salvages . they eate thereof without suspition of any mischeife , who were taken upon a watchword given , and with their owne knives ( hanging about their neckes ) were by the plimmouth planters stabd and slaine : one of which were hanged up there , after the slaughter . in the meane time the sachem had knowledge of this accident , by one that ranne to his countrymen , at the massachussets , and gave them intelligence of the newes ; after which time the salvages there consultinge of the matter , in the night ( when the other english feareles of danger were a sleepe , ) knockt them all in the head , in revenge of the death of their countrymen : but if the plimmouth planters had really intended good to master weston , or those men , why had they not kept the salvages alive in custody , untill they had secured the other english ? who by meanes of this evill mannaginge of the businesse lost their lives , and the whole plantation was dissolved thereupon , as was likely for feare of a revenge to follow , as a relatione to this cruell antecedent ; and when master weston came over ; hee found thinges at an evill exigent , by meanes thereof : but could not tell , how it was brought about : the salvages of the massachussets that could not imagine , from whence these men should come , or to what end , seeing them performe such unexpected actions , neither could tell by what name , properly to distinguish them , did from that time afterwards , call the english planters wotawquenange , which in their language signifieth stabbers or cutthroates , and this name was received by those that came there after for good , being then unacquainted with the signification of it , for many yeares following , untill from a southerly indian , that understood english well , i was by demonstration , made to conceave the interpretation of it , and rebucked these other , that it was not forborne : the other callinge us by the name of wotoquansawge , what that doth signifie , hee said hee was not able by any demonstration to expresse ; and my neighbours durst no more in my hearinge , cal us by the name formerly used , for feare of my displeasure . chap. vi. of the surprizinge of a merchants shipp in plimmouth harbour . this merchant a man of worth , arrivinge in the parts of new canaan , and findinge that his plantation was dissolved , some of his men slaine , some dead with sicknes , and the rest at plimmouth ; hee was perplexed in his minde about the matter , comminge as hee did with supply , and meanes to have rased their fortunes and his one exceedingly and seeinge what had happened resolved to make some stay in the plimmouth harbour , and this suted to their purpose , wherefore the brethren did congratulate with him at his safe arrivall , and their best of entertainement for a swetning cast , deploring the disaster of his plantation , and glozing upon the text , alledging the mischeivous intent of the salvages there , which by freindly intelligence of their neighbours , was discovered before it came to be full summed : so that they lost not all , allthough they saved not all : and this they pretended , to proceede from the fountaine of love & zeale to him ; and christianity , and to chastise the insolency of the salvages , of which that part had some dangerous persons . and this as an article of the new creede of canaan , would they have received of every new commer there to inhabit ; that the salvages are a dangerous people , subtill , secreat , and mischeivous , and that it is dangerous to live seperated , but rather together , and so be under their lee , that none might trade for beaver , but at their pleasure , as none doe or shall doe there : nay they will not be reduced to any other song yet , of the salvages to the southward of plimmouth , because they would have none come there , sayinge that hee that will sit downe there must come stronge : but i have found the massachussets indian more full of humanity , then the christians , & haue had much better quarter with them ; yet i observed not their humors , but they mine , althoug my great number that i landed were dissolved , and m● company as few as might be : for i know that thi● falls out infallibly , where two nations meete , on● must rule , and the other be ruled , before a peace ca● be hoped for : and for a christian to submit to the rul● of a salvage you will say , is both shame and dishonor ( at least ) it is my opinion , and my practise was acco●dingly , and i have the better quarter by the mean● thereof . the more salvages the better quarter , th● more christians the worser quarter i found , as all th● indifferent minded planters can testifie . now whil● the merchant was ruminatinge on this mishapp , t●● plimmouth planters perceivinge that hee had f●nished himselfe with excellent commodities , fit f●● the merchandise of the country , ( and holding it go● to fish in trobled waters , and so get a snatch unseen practised in secret with some other in the land , who● they thought apt to imbrace the benefit of such cheat , and it was concluded and resolved upon , th● all this shipp and goodes should be confiscated , for b●sinesse done by him , the lord knowes when , or whe● a letter must be framed to them , and handes unto it , to be there warrant , this should shadow them ; that is the first practise they will infane a man , and then pretend that iustice must be done : they cause the merchant ( secure ) to come a shore , and then take him in hold , shewing they are compelled unto it legally , and enter strait abord peruse the cargazowne , and then deliver up the charge of her to their confederates : and how much lesse this is then piraty , let any practise in the admiralty be judge . the merchant , his shipp and goodes confiscated , himselfe a prisoner , and threatned so to be sent and conveyed to england , there to receave the somme of all that did belonge to him a malefactor ( and a great one to ) this hee good man , indured with patience , longe time , untill the best of all his goodes were quite dispersed , and every actor his proportion , the merchant was inlarged , his shipp a burthen to the owner now , his undertakinges in these partes beinge quite overthrowne , was redelivered , and bondes of him were taken not to prosecute , hee being greived hereat , betakes him to drive a trade , betweene that and virginea many yeares . the brethren ( sharpe witted ) had it spread by and by amongst his freinds in england , that the man was mad . so thought his wife so thought his other freindes , that had it from a planter of the towne . so was it thought of those , that did not know , the brethren could dissemble : why thus they are all of them honest men in their particular , and every man being bound to seeke anothers good , shall in the generall doe the best hee can to effect it , and so they may be excused , i thinke . chap. vii . of thomas mortons entertainement at plimmouth and castinge avvay upon an island . this man arrived in those parts , and hearing newes of a towne that was much praised , he was desirous to goe thither , and see how thinges stood , where his entertainement was there best , i dare be bould to say : for although they had but 3. cowes in all , yet had they fresh butter and a sallet of egges in dainty wise , a dish not common in a wildernes , there hee bestowed some time in the survey of this plantation . his new come servants in the meane time , were tane to taske , to have their zeale appeare , and questioned what preacher was among their company ; and finding none , did seeme to condole their estate as if undone , because no man amongst them had the guift , to be in ionas steade , nor they the meanes , to keepe them in that path so hard to keepe . our master say they reades the bible and the word of god , and useth the booke of common prayer , but this is not the meanes ; the answere is : the meanes , they crie : alas poore soules where is the meanes , you seeme as if betrayed to be without the meanes : how can you be stayed from fallinge headlonge to perdition ? facilis descensus averni : the booke of common prayer sayd they what poore thinge is that , for a man to reade in a booke ? no , no , good sirs i would you were neere us , you might receave comfort by instruction : give me a man hath the guiftes of the spirit , not a booke in hand . i doe professe sayes one , to live without the meanes , is dangerous , the lord doth know . by these insinuations , like the serpent they did creepe and winde into the good opinion of the illiterate multitude , that were desirous to be freed and gone ( to them no doubdt , which some of them after confessed ) and little good was to be done one them after this charme was used , now plotts and factions , how they might get loose , and here was some 35. stout knaves , & some plotted how to steale master westons barque , others exasperated knavishly to worke , would practise how to gett theire master to an island ; and there leave him , which hee had notice of , and fitted him to try what would be done , and steps aborde his shallop bound for cape anne to the massachussets , with an hogshead of wine , sugar hee tooke along , the sailes hoist up and one of the conspirators aboard to steere , who in the mid way pretended foule weather at the harboure mouth , and therefore for a time , hee would put in to an island neere , and make some stay where hee thought to tempt his master to walke the woods , and so be gone , but their master to prevent them , caused the sales and oares to be brought a shore , to make a tilt if neede should be , and kindled fire , broched that hogshed , and caused them fill the can with lusty liquor , claret sparklinge neate which was not suffered to grow pale and flatt , but tipled of with quick dexterity , the master makes a shew of keepinge round , but with close lipps did seeme to make longe draughts , knowinge the wine would make them protestants , and so the plot was then at large disclosed and discovered , & they made drowsie , and the inconstant windes shiftinge at night did force the kellecke home , and billedge the boat , that they were forced to leave her so , and cut downe trees that grew by the shore , to make caffes : two of them wen● over by helpe of a fore saile almost a mile to the maine the other two stayed five dayes after , till the winde● would serve to fill the sailes . the first two went t● cape ann by land , and had fowle enough , and fowle wether by the way , the islanders had fish enough , shel-fish and fire to roast , & they could not perish for lacke of foode , and wine they had to be sure ; and by this yo● see they were not then in any want ; the wine an● goodes brought thence , the boat left there so billedg● that it was not worth the labor to be mended . chap. viii . of the banishment of master iohn layford , an● iohn oldam from plimmouth . master layford was at the merchants chardge sent to plimmouth plantation to be their pastor ▪ but the brethren , before they would allow of it , woul● have him first renounce his calling , to the office of th● ministery , received in england , as hereticall and papisticall , ( so hee confest ) and then to receive a ne● callinge from them , after their fantasticall invention , which hee refused , alledging and maintaining , that his calling as it stood was lawfull , and that hee would not renounce it ; and so iohn oldam his opinion was one the affirmative , and both together did maintaine the church of ●ngland , to be a true church , although in some particulars ( they said ) defective concludinge so against the tenents there , and by this meanes cancelled theire good opinion , amonst the number of the seperatists , that stay they must not , lest they should be spies , & to fall fowle on this occation , the brethren thought it would betray their cause , and make it fall under censure , therefore against master layford they had found out some scandall ; to be laid on his former corse of life , to blemish that , and so to conclude hee was a spotted beast , and not to be allowed , where they ordained to have the passover kept so zealously : as for iohn oldam , they could see hee would be passionate , and moody ; and proove himselfe a mad iack in his mood , and as soone mooved to be moody , and this impatience would minister advantage to them to be ridd of him . hanniball when hee had to doe with fabius , was kept in awe more by the patience of that one enemy , then by the resolution of the whole army : a well tempered enemy is a terrible enemy to incounter . they injoyne him to come to their needeles watch howse in person , and for refusinge give him a cracked crowne for presse money , and make the blood run downe about his eares , a poore trick , yet a good vaile though luscus may see thorough it ; and for his further behaviour in the case , proceed to sentence him with banishment , which was performed after a solemne invention in this manner : a lane of musketiers was made , and hee compelled in scorne to passe along betweene , & to receave a bob upon the bumme by every musketier , and then a board a shallop , and so convayed to wessaguscus shoare , & staid at massachussets , to whome iohn layford and some few more did resort , where master layford freely executed his office and preached every lords day , and yet maintained his wife & children foure or five , upon his industry there , with the blessing of god , and the plenty of the land , without the helpe of his auditory , in an honest and laudable manner , till hee was wearied and made to leave the country . chap. ix . of a barren doe of virginea grovvne fruithfull in nevv canaan . children and the fruit of the wombe , are said in holy writt , to be an inheritance that commeth of the lord ; then they must be coupled in gods name first , and not as this and some other have done . they are as arrowes in the hand of a gyant ; and happy saith david , is the man , that hath his quiver full of them , and by that rule , happy is that land and blessed to that is apt and fit for increase of children . i have shewed you before in the second part , of the discourse , how apt it is for the increase of minerals , vegetables , and sensible creatures . now i will shew you , how apt new canaan is likewise for the increase of the reasonable creatures , children , of all riches being the principall : and i give you this for an instance . this country of new canaan in seaven yeares time could show more children livinge , that have beene borne the●e , then in 27. yeares could be shewen in virginea ; yet here are but a handful of weomen landed , to that of virginea . the country doth afford such plenty of lobsters , and other delicate shellfish , and venus is said to be borne of the sea , or else it was some sallet herbe proper to the climate or the fountaine at weenaseemute made her become teeming here , that had tried a campe royall in other partes , where shee had been , & yet never the neere , till shee came in to new canaan . shee was delivered ( in a voyage to virginea ) about bussardes bay , to west of cape cod , where shee had a sonne borne , but died without baptisme , and was buried ; and being a thinge remarkable , had this epitaph followinge made of purpose to memorize the worth of the persons . epitaph : time that bringes all thinges to light . doth hide this thinge out of sight , yet fame hath left behinde a story , a hopefull race to shew the glory : for underneath this heape of stones , lieth a percell of small bones , what hope at last can such impes have , that from the wombe goes to the grave . chap. x. of a man indued vvith many spetiall guifts sent over to be master of the ceremonies . this was a man approoved of the brethren , both for his zeale and guiftes , yet but a bubble , & at the publike chardge conveyed to new england , i thinke to be master of the ceremonies , betweene the natives , and the planters : for hee applied himselfe cheifly to pen the language downe in stenography : but there for want of use , which hee rightly understood not , all was losse of labor , somethinge it was when next it came to veiw , but what hee could not tell . this man master bubble was in the time of iohn oldams absence made the howse chaplaine there , and every night hee made use of his guifts , whose oratory luld his auditory fast a sleepe , as mercuries pipes did argus eies : for when hee was in ; they sayd hee could not tell how to get out : nay hee would hardly out , till hee were fired out , his zeale was such : ( one fire they say drives out another , ) hee would become a great merchant , and by any thinge that was to be sold so as hee might have day and be trusted never so litle time : the price it seemed hee stood not much upon , but the day : for to his freind hee shewed commodities so priced , as caused him to blame the buyer , till the man this bubble did declare , that it was tane up at day , and did rejoyce in the bargaine , insistinge on the day , the day , yea marry quoth his freind if you have doomesday for payment you are then well to passe . but if he had not , it were as good hee had , they were payed all alike . and now , this bubbles day is become a common proverbe , hee obtained howse roome at passonagessit , and remooved thether , because it stood convenient , for the beaver trade , and the rather because the owner of passonagessit had no corne left : and this man seemed a bigg boned man , and therefore thought to be a good laborer , and to have store of corne , but contrary wise hee had none at all , and hoped upon this freind his host : thithere were brought the trophies of this master bubbles honor : his water tankard and his porters basket , but no provision , so that one gunne did serve to helpe them both to meat ; and now the time for fowle was almost past . this man and his host at dinner : bubble begins to say grace , yea and a long one to , till all the meate was cold ; hee would not give his host leave to say grace , belike hee thought mine host past grace , and further learned as many other schollers are : but in the usage and custome of this blinde oratory , his host tooke himselfe abused , and the whiles fell to and had halfe done , before this man bubble would open his eies , to see what stood afore him , which made him more cautius , and learned , that brevis oratio penetrat caelum . together bubbles and hee goes in the canaw to nut island for brants , and there his host makes a shotte & breakes the winges of many , bubble in hast and single handed , paddels out like a cow in a cage : his host cals back to rowe two handed like to a pare of oares , and before this could be performed , the fowle had time to swimme to other flockes , and so to escape : the best part of the pray being lost , mayd his host to mutter at him , and so to parte for that time discontended . chap. xi . of a composition made by the sachem , for a thef● committed by some of his men shevving● their honest meaninge . the owner of passonagessit to have the benefi● of company , left his habitation in the winter an● reposed at wessaguscus , ( to his cost ) meane tim● in the depth of winter , the neighbour salvage accustomed to buy foode , came to the howse ( fo● that intent perhaps ) & peepinge in all the windowes , ( then unglased espied corne . but no body to sell the same , and having company and helpe at hand , did make a shift to get into the howse , and take out corne to serve but for the present , left enough behinde the sachem having knowledge of the facte , an● being advertised likewise , of the displeasure that had ben cōceaved , by the proprieter therof , at this offence prepares a messenger , the salvage that had lived in england , and sends him with commission , for the trespasse of his men who had tenne skinnes perposed for it , to bee payd by a day certaine : the sachem at the time appointed , bringes the beaver to wessaguscus : where the owner lived , but just then was gone abroade , meane time the skinnes were by the wessaguscus men gelded , & the better halfe by them juggled away : before the owner came , and hee by the actors perswaded , to bee contended with the rest , who not so pleased did draw the sachem then to make a new agreement , and so to pay his remnant left in hand , and tenne skinnes more by a new day asigned , and then to bringe them to passonagessit , but the wessaguscus men went the day before to the salvages with this sayinge , that they were sent to call upon him there for payement , and received tenne skinnes , and tooke a salvage there to justifie that at their howse ; the owner stayed the while , hee verified this , because hee saw the man , before at wessaguscus : the sachem did beleive the tale , and at that time delivered up tenne skinnes : on that behalfe , in full dischardge of all demandes , against the trespasse , and the trespassers to them , who consented to him , and them , to the owner , and kept view to themselves , and made the salvage take the tenth , and give the owner all that yet was to bee had , themselves confessinge their demaunds for him , and that there was but onely one as yet prepared , so that by this you may easily perceive the uncivilized people , are more just than the civilized . chap. xii . of a voyadge made by the master of the ceremonies of nevv canaan to neepenett , from vvhence hee came avvay , and of the manifold dangers hee escaped . this woorthy member master bubble , a new master of the ceremonies , having a conceipt inhis head , that hee had hatched a new device for the purchase of beaver , beyond imagination , packes up a sacke full of odde implements , and without any company , but a couple of indians for guides , ( and therefore you may , if you please , ) beeleive they are so dangerous as the brethren of plimmouth give it out , hee betakes him to his progresse into the inlande for beaver , with his carriadge on his shoulders like milo , his guides and hee in processe of time , come to the place appointed , which was about neepenett , thereabouts being more beavers to be had then this milo could carry : and both his journey men , glad hee was good man , and his guides were willing to pleasure him , there the salvages stay : night came on , but before they were inclined to sleepe , this good man master bubble had an evation crept into his head , by misapplying the salvages actions , that hee must needs be gone in all hast , yea and without his errand , hee purposed to doe it so cunningely that his flight should not be suspected , hee leaves his shooes in the howse , with all his other implements , and flies , as hee was on his way , to increase his feare , suggestinge himselfe that hee was present by a company of indians , & that there shafts were let fly as thick as haile at him , hee puts of his breeches , and puts them one his head , for to save him from the shafts , that flew after him so thick , that no man could perceave them : and cryinge out avoyd satan , what have yee to doe with mee , thus running one his way without his breeches , hee was pittifully scratched , with the brush of the underwoods , as hee wandred up and downe in unknowne wayes : the salvages in the meane time put up all his implements in the sack hee left behinde , and brought them to wessaguscus , where they thought to have found him ; but understanding hee was not returned , were ferefull what to doe : and what would be conceaved of the english was become of this mazed man , the master of the ceremonies ; and were in consultation of the matter . one of the salvages was of opinion the english would suppose him to be made a way , fearefull hee was to come in sight . the other better acquainted with the english having lived some time in england , ) was more confident , and hee perswaded his fellow that the english would be satisfied with relation of the truth , as having had testimony of his fidelity . so they boldly adventured , to shew what they had brougt , and how the matter stood . the english ( when the sack was opened ) did take a note in writing of all the particulers that were in the sack ; & heard what was b● the salvages related of the accidents : but when his shoes were showne , it was thought hee would not have departed without his shoes ; and therefore they did conceave that master bubble was made away : by some sinister practise of the salvages , who unadvisedly had bin culpable of a crime which now they sought to excuse ; and straightly chardged the salvages to finde him out againe , and bring him dead , or alive ; else their wifes and children should be destroyed . the poore salvages being in a pittifull perplexity , caused their countrymen to seeke out for this maz'd man ; who being in short time found , was brought to wessaguscus ; where hee made a discourse of his travels , and of the perrillous passages : which did seeme to be no lesse dangerous , then these of that worthy knight errant , don quixote , and how miraculously hee had bin preserved ; and in conclusion , lamented the greate losse of his goods , whereby hee thought himselfe undone . the perticuler whereof being demaunded , it appeared , that the salvages had not diminished any part of them ; no not so much as one bit of bread : the number being knowne , and the fragments laid together , it appeared all the bisket was preserved , and not any diminished at all : whereby the master of the ceremonies was overjoyed , and the whole company made themselves merry at his discourse of all his perrillous adventures and by this you may observe whether the salvage people are not full of humanity , or whether they are a dangerous people as master bubble and the rest of his tribe would perswade you . chap. xiii . of a lamentable fit of mellancolly , that the barren doe fell into , ( after the death of her infant , seeing herselfe despised of her svveete hart , ) vvhereof shee vvas cured . whether this goodly creature of incontinency went to worke upon even termes like phillis or noe it does not appeare by any indenture of covenants then extant , whereby shee might legally challenge the performance of any compleate marriage at his hands , that had bin tradeing with her ●s demopheon here to fore had bin with his ostis . neverthelesse ( for his future advantage ) shee indeavoured ( like phillis , ) to gaine this demopheon all to herselfe , who ( as it seemes ) did meane nothing lesse , by leaving her for the next cōmer , that had any minde to coole his courage by that meanes ; the whipping post ( as it seemes ) at that time not being in publike use , for such kinde of cony katchers , but seeing herselfe rejected , shee grew into such a passion of mellancolly , on a sodaine , that it was thought , shee would exhibit a petition for redresse to grim pluto who had set her a worke , and knowing that the howse of fate has many entrances , shee was pusseld to finde the neerest way . shee could not resolve on a sodaine : which doore would soonest bring her to his presence handsomely . if shee should make way with a knife , shee thought shee might spoyle her drinking in after ages , if by poyson ; shee thought it might prolonge her passage thether : if by drowning , shee thought caron might come the while with his boate , and wast her out of sight : if shee should tie up her complaint in a halter , shee thought the ropmakers would take exceptions against her good speede . and in this manner shee debated with herselfe , and demurred upon the matter ▪ so that shee did appeare willing enough ; but a woman of small resolution . which thing when it was publikely knowne , made many come to comfort her . one amongst the rest , was by hir requested , on her behalfe , to write to he● late unkinde demopheon . the gentleman being merrily disposed , in steed of writing an heroicall epistle , composed this elegi for a memoriall of some mirth upon the circumstance of the matter , to be sen● unto hir , as followeth : carmen elegiacvm . melpomene ( at whose mischeifous tove , the screech owles voyce is heard ; the mandrals grove ) commands my pen in an lambick vaine , to tell a dismall tale , that may constraine , the hart of him to bleede that shall discerne , how much this foule amisse does him concerne , alecto ( grim alecto ) light thy tortch , to thy beloved sister next the porch , that leads unto the mansion howse of fate , whose farewell makes her freind more fortunate . a great squa sachem can shee poynt to goe , before grim minos , and yet no man know . that knives , and halters , ponds , and poysonous things , are alwayes ready when the divell once brings , such deadly sinners : to a deepe remorse , of conscience selfe accusing that will force , them to dispaire like wicked kain , whiles death , stands ready with all these to stopp their breath . the beare comes by ; that oft hath bayted ben , by many a satyr●s whelpe unlesse you can , commaund your eies to drop huge milstones forth , in lamentation of this losse on earth , of her , of whome , so much prayse wee may finde , goe when shee will , shee 'l leave none like behinde , shee was too good for earth , too bad for heaven . why then for hell the match is somewhat even . after this , the water of the fountaine at ma-remount , was thought fit to be applyed unto her for a remedy , shee willingly used according to the quality thereof . and when this elegy came to be divulged , shee was so conscious of her crime , that shee put up her pipes , and with the next shipp shee packt away to virginea , ( her former habitation ) quite cured of her mellancolly with the helpe of the water of the fountaine at ma-re mount. chap. xiv . of the revells of nevv canaan . the inhabitants of pasonagessit ( having translated the name of their habitation from that ancient salvage name to ma-re mount ; and being resolved to have the new name confirmed for a memorial to after ages ) did devise amongst themselves to have it performed in a solemne manner with revels , & merriment after the old english custome : prepared to sett up a maypole upon the festivall day of philip and iacob ; & therefore brewed a barrell of excellent beare , & provided a case of bottles to be spent , with other good cheare , for all commers of that day . and because they would have it in a compleat forme , they had prepared a song fitting to the time and present occasion . and upon may-day they brought the maypole to the place appointed , with drumes , gunnes , pistols , and other fitting instruments , for that purpose ; and there erected it with the help of salvages , that came thether of purpose to see the manner of our revels . a goodly pine tree of 80. foote longe , was reared up , with a peare of buckshorns nayled one , somewhat neare unto the top of it : where it stood as a faire sea marke for directions ; how to finde out the way to mine hoste of ma-re mount. and because it should more fully appeare to what end it was placed there , they had a poem in readines made , which was fixed to the maypole , to shew the new name confirmed upon that plantation ; which allthough it were made according to the occurrents of the time , it being enigmattically composed ) pusselled the seperatists most pittifully to expound it , which ( for the better information of the reader ) i have here inserted . the poem . rise oedipeus , and if thou canst unfould , what meanes caribdis underneath the mould , when scilla sollitary on the ground , ( sitting in forme of niobe ) was found ; till amphitrites darling did acquaint , grim neptune with the tenor of her plaint , and causd him send forth triton with the sound , of trumpet lowd , at which the seas were found , so full of protean formes , that the bold shore , presented scilla a new parramore , so stronge as sampson and so patient , as job himselfe , directed thus , by fate , to comfort scilla so unfortunate . i doe profosse by cupids beautious mother , here 's scogans choise for scilla , and none other ; though scilla 's sick with greife because no signe , can there be found of vertue masculine . esculapius come , i know right well , his laboure's lost when you may ring her knell , the fatall sisters doome none can withstand , nor cithareas powre , who poynts to land , with proclamation that the first of may , at ma-re mount shall be kept hollyday . the setting up of this maypole was a lamentable spectacle to the precise seperatists : that lived at new plimmouth . they termed it an idoll ; yea they called it the calfe of horeb : and stood at defiance with the place , naming it mount dagon ; threatning to make it a woefull mount and not a merry mount . the riddle for want of oedipus , they could not expound , onely they made some explication of part of it , and sayd , it was meant by sampson iob , the carpenter of the shipp , that brought over a woman to her husband , that had bin there longe before : and thrived so well , that hee sent for her and her children to come to him ; where shortly after hee died , having no reason , but because of the sound of those two words : when as ( the truth is ) the man they applyed it to , was altogether unknowne to the author . there was likewise a merry song made , which ( to make their revells more fashionable ) was sung with a corus , every man bearing his part ; which they performed in a daunce , hand in hand about the maypole , whiles one of the company sung , and filled out the good liquor like gammedes and iupiter . the songe . drinke and be merry , merry , merry boyes , let all your delight be in hymens ioyes , jô to hymen now the day is come , about the merry maypole take a roome . make greene ganlons , bring bottles out ; and fill sweet nectar , freely about , vncover thy head , and feare no harme , for hers good liquor to keepe it warme , then drinke and be merry , &c. iô to hymen , &c. nectar is a thing assign'd , by the deities owne minde , to cure the hart opprest with greife , and of good liquors is the cheife , then drinke , &c. iô to hymen , &c. give to the mellancolly man , a cup or two of 't now and than ; this physick ' will soone revive his bloud , and make him be of a merrier moode . then drinke &c. iô to hymen &c. give to the nymphe that 's free from scorne , no irish ; stuff nor scotch over worne , lasses in beaver coats come away , yee shall be welcome to us night and day . to drinke and be merry &c. jô to hymen , &c. this harmeles mirth made by younge men ( that lived in hope to have wifes brought over to them , that would save them a laboure to make a voyage to fetch any over ) was much distasted , of the precise seperatists : that keepe much a doe , about the tyth of muit and cummin ; troubling their braines more then reason would require about things that are indifferent : and from that time sought occasion against my honest host of ma-re mount to overthrow his ondertakings , and to destroy his plantation quite and cleane . but because they presumed with their imaginary gifts ( which they have out of phaos box ) they could expound hidden misteries ( to convince them of blindnes as well in this , as in other matters of more cōsequence ) i will illustrate the poem , according to the true intent of the authors of these revells , so much distasted by those moles . oedipus is generally receaved for the absolute reader of riddles who is invoaked : silla and caribdis are two dangerous places for seamen to incounter , neere unto vennice , & have bin by poets formerly resembled to man and wife . the like licence the author challenged for a paire of his nomination , the one lamenting for the losse of the other as niobe for her children . amphitrite is an arme of the sea , by which the newes was carried up and downe , of a rich widow , now to be tane up or laid downe . by triton is the fame spread , that caused the suters to muster ; ( as it had bin to penellope of greece ) and the coast lying circuler , all our passage to and froe , is made more convenient by sea , then land. many aimed at this marke ; but hee that played proteus best and could comply with her humor must be the man , that would carry her , & hee had need have sampsons strenght to deale with a dallila : and as much patience as iob that should come there , for a thing that i did observe in the life time o● the former . but marriage and hanging ( they say ) comes by desteny & scogans choise t is better none at all . hee that playd proteus ( with the helpe of priapus ) put their noses out of joynt as the proverbe is . and this the whole company of the revellers at ma-re mount , knew to be the true sence and exposition of the riddle : that was fixed to the maypole , which the seperatists were at defiance with ? some of them affirmed , that the first institution thereof , was in memory of a whore ; not knowing that it was a trophe erected at first , in honor of maja , the lady of learning which they despise ; vilifying the two universities with uncivile termes ; accounting what is there obtained by studdy is but unnecessary learning ; not considering that learninge does inable mens mindes to converse with climents of a higher nature then is to be found within the habitation of the mole . chap. xv. of a great monster supposed to be at ma-re-mount ; and the preparation made to destroy it . the seperatists envying the prosperity , and hope of the plantation at ma-re mount ( which they perceaved beganne to come forward , and to be in a good way for gaine in the beaver trade ) conspired together against mine host especially , ( who was the owner of that plantation ) and made up a party against him ; and mustred up what aide they could ; accounting of him , as of a great monster . many threatening speeches were given out both against his person , and his habitation , which they divulged should be consumed with fire : and taking advantage of the time when his company ( which seemed little to regard , theire threats ) were gone up into the inlands , to trade with the salvages for beaver . they set upon my honest host at a place , called wessaguscus , where ( by accident ) they found him . the inhabitants there were in good hope , of the subvertion of the plantation at mare mount , ( which they principally aymed at ; ) and the rather , because mine host was a man that indeavoured to advaunce the dignity of the church of england ; which they ( on the contrary part ) would laboure to vilifie ; with uncivile termes : enveying against the sacred booke of common prayer , and mine host that used it in a laudable manner amongst his family , as a practise of piety . there hee would be a meanes to bringe sacks to their mill ( such is the thirst after beaver ) and helped the conspiratores to . surprisee mine host , ( who was there all alone ) and they chardged him , ( because they would seeme to have some reasonable cause against him ( to sett a glosse upon their mallice ) with criminall things which indeede had beene done by such a person , but was of their conspiracy ; mine host demaunded of the conspirators who it was , that was author of that information , that seemed to be their ground for what they now intended . and because they answer●d , they would not tell him , hee as peremptorily replyed , that hee would not stay , whether he had , or he had not done as they had bin informed . the answere made no matter ( as it seemed ) whether it had bin negatively , or affirmatively made ; for they had resolved what hee should suffer , because ( as they boasted , ) they were now become the greater number : they had shaked of their shackles of servitude , and were become masters , and masterles people . it appeares , the● were like beares whelpes in former time , when mine hosts plantation was of as much strength as theirs , but now ( theirs being stronger , ) they ( like overgrowne beares ) seemed monsterous . in breife , mine host must indure to be their prisoner , untill they could contrive it so , that they might send him for england , ( as they said , ) there to suffer according to the merrit of the fact , which they intended to father upon him ; supposing ( belike ) it would proove a hainous crime . much rejoycing was made that they had gotten their cappitall enemy ( as they concluded him ) whome they purposed to hamper in such sort , that hee should not be able to uphold his plantation at ma-re mount the conspirators sported themselves at my honest host , that meant them no hurt ; & were so joccund that they feasted their bodies , and fell to tippeling , as if they had obtained a great prize ; like the trojans when they had the custody of hippeus pinetree horse . mine host fained greefe : and could not be perswaded either to eate , or drinke , because hee knew emptines would be a meanes to make him as watchfull , as the geese kept in the roman cappitall : whereon the contrary part , the conspirators would be so drowsy , that hee might have an opportunity to give them a slip , in steade of a tester . six persons of the conspiracy were set to watch him at wessaguscus : but hee kept waking ; and in the dead of night ( one lying on the bed , for further suerty , ) up gets mine host , and got to the second dore that hee was to passe which ( notwithstanding the lock ) hee got open : and shut it after him with such violence , that it affrighted some of the conspirators . the word which was given with an alarme , was , o he 's gon , he 's gon , what shall wee doe he 's gon ? the rest ( halfe a sleepe ) start up in a maze , and like rames , ran theire heads one at another full butt in the darke . theire grand leader captaine shrimp tooke on most furiously , and tore his clothes for anger , to see the empty nest , and their bird gone . the rest were eager to have torne theire haire from theire heads , but it was so short , that it would give them no hold ; now captaine shrimp thought in the losse of this prize ( which hee accoumpted his master peece , ) all his honor would be lost forever , in the meane time mine host was got home to ma-re mount through the woods , eight miles , round about the head of the river monatoquit , that parted the two plantations : finding his way by the helpe of the lightening ( for it thundred as hee went terribly ) and there hee prepared powther three pounds dried , for his present imployement , and foure good gunnes for him , and the two assistants left at his howse , with bullets of severall sizes three hounderd , or thereabouts ; to be used if the conspirators should pursue him thether : and these two persons promised theire aides in the quarrell , and confirmed that promise with a health in good rosa solis . now captaine shrimp , the first captaine in the land ( as hee supposed , ) must doe some new act to repaire this losse , and to vindicate his reputation , who had sustained blemish , by this oversight . begins now to study , how to repaire or survive his honor in this manner ; callinge of councell : they conclude . hee takes eight persons more to him , and ( like the nine worthies of new canaan ) they imbarque with preparation against ma-re-mount , where this monster of a man ( as theire phrase was ) had his denne ; the whole number , ( had the rest not bin from home , being but seaven , ) would have given captaine shrimpe ( a quondam drummer , ) such a wellcome , as would have made him wish for a drume as bigg as diogenes tubb , that hee might have crept into it out of sight . now the nine worthies are approached ; and mine host prepared : having intelligence by a salvage , that hastened in love from wessaguscus , to give him notice of their intent . one of mine hosts men prooved a craven : the other had prooved his wits to purchase a little valoure , before mine host had observed his posture . the nine worthies comming before the denne of this supposed monster , ( this seaven headed hydra , as they termed him , ) and began like don quixote against the windmill to beate a party , and to offer quarter ( if mine host would yeald ) for they resolved to send him for england , and bad him lay by his armes . but hee ( who was the sonne of a souldier ) having taken up armes in his just defence , replyed , that hee would not lay by those armes , because they were so needefull at sea , if hee should be sent over . yet ( to save the effusion of so much worty bloud , as would haue issued , out of the vaynes of these 9. worthies of new canaan , if mine host should have played upon them out at his port holes ( for they came within danger like a flocke of wild geese , as if they had bin tayled one to another , as coults to be sold at a faier ) mine host was content to yeelde upon quarter ; and did capitulate with them : in what manner it should be for more certainety , because hee knew what captaine shrimpe was . hee expressed , that no violence should be offered to his person , none to his goods , nor any of his howsehold : but that hee should have his armes , and what els was requisit for the voyage , ( which theire herald retornes , ) it was agreed upon , and should be performed . but mine host no sooner had set open the dore and issued out : but instantly captaine shrimpe , and the rest of the worties stepped to him , layd hold of his armes ; and had him downe , and so eagerly was every man bent against him ( not regarding any agreement made with such a carnall man , ) that they fell upon him , as if they would have eaten him : some of them were so violent , that they would have a slice with scabbert and all for haste , untill an old souldier ( of the queenes as the proverbe is ) that was there by accident , clapt his gunne under the weapons , and sharply rebuked these worthies for their unworthy practises . so the matter was taken into more deliberate consideration . captaine shrimpe and the rest of the nine worthies , made themselves ( by this outragious riot ) masters of mine hoste of ma-re mount , and disposed of what hee had at his plantation . this they knew ( in the eye of the salvages ) would add to their glory ; and diminish the reputation of mine honest host , whome they practised to be ridd of , upon any termes , as willingly as if hee had bin the very hidra of the time . chap. xvi . hovv the 9. vvorthies put mine host of ma-re-mount into the inchaunted , castle at plimmouth , and terrified him vvith the monster briareus . the nine worthies of new canaan having now the law in their owne hands ( there being no generall governour in the land : nor none of the seperation that regarded , the duety they owe their soveraigne , whose naturall borne subjects they were : though translated out of holland : from whence they had learned to worke all to their owne ends , and make a great shew of religion , but no humanity , for they were now to sit in counsell on the cause . and much it stood mine honest host upon , to be very circumspect , and to take eacus to taske : for that his voyce was more allowed of , then both the other : and had not mine host confounded all the arguments that eacus could make in their defence : and confuted him that swaied the rest , they would have made him unable to drinke in such manner of merriment any more . so that following this private counsell , given him by one that knew who ruled the rost , the hiracano ceased that els would split his pinace . a conclusion was made , and sentence given , that mine host should be sent to england a prisoner . but when hee was brought to the shipps for that purpose , no man durst be so foole hardy as to undertake to carry him . so these worthies set mine host upon an island , without gunne , powther , or shot , or dogge , or so much as a knife , to get any thinge to feede upon : or any other cloathes to shelter him with at winter , then a thinne suite which hee had one at that time . home hee could not get to ma-re-mount upon this island . hee stayed a moneth at least , and was releeved by salvages that tooke notice that mine host was a sachem of passonagessit , and would bringe bottles of strong liquor to him , and unite them selves into a league of brother hood with mine host ; so full of humanity are these infidels before those christians . from this place for england , sailed mine host in a plimmoth shipp , ( that came into the land to fish upon the coast , ) that landed him safe in england at plimmouth , and hee stayed in england untill the ordinary time for shipping to set forth for these parts ; and then retorned : noe man being able to taxe him of any thinge . but the worthies ( in the meane time ) hoped they had bin ridd of him . chap. xvii . of the baccanall triumphe of the nine vvorthies of nevv canaan . the seperatists were not so contended , ( when mine host of ma-re-mount was gone ) but they were as much discontended when hee was retorned againe : and the rather , because theire passages about him , and the businesse , were so much derided ; and in songes exemplified : which ( for better satisfaction of such as are in that kinde affected ) i have set forth as it was then in use by the name of the baccanall triumphe , as followeth : the poem . i sing th' adventures of mine worthy wights , and pitty't is i cannot call them knights , since they had brawne and braine and were right able , to be installed of prince arthures table , yet all of them were squires of low degree , as did appeare by rules of heraldry , the magi tould of a prodigeous birth , that shortly should be found upon the earth , by archimedes art , which they misconster vnto their land would proove a hiddeous monster , seaven heades it had , and twice so many feete , arguing the body to be wondrous greate , besides a sorked taile heav'd up on highe , as if it threaten'd battell to the skie , the rumor of this fearefull prodigy , did cause th' effeminate multitude to cry , for want of great alcides aide and stood , like people that have seene medusas head , great was the greife of hart , great was the mone , and great the feare conceaved by every one , of hydras hiddeous forme and dreadfull powre , doubting in time this monster would devoure , all their best flocks whose dainty wolle consorts , it selfe with scarlet in all princes courts , not iason nor the adventerous youths of greece , did bring from colcos any ritcher fleece , in emulation of the gretian force , these worthies nine prepar'd a woodden horse , and prick'd with pride of like successe divise , how they may purchase glory by this prize , and if they give to hidraes head the fall , it will remaine a plat forme unto all , theire brave atchivements , and in time to comme , per fas aut nefas they 'l erect a throne . cloubs are turn'd trumps : so now the lott is cast , with fire and sword , to hidras den they haste , mars in th' assendant , soll in cancer now , and lerna lake to plutos court must bow , what though they rebuk'd by thundring love , t is neither gods nor men that can remove , their mindes from making this a dismall day , these nine will now be actors in this play , and sum on hidra to appeare a non , before their witles combination , but his undaunted spirit nursd with meate , such as the cecrops gave their babes to eate , scorn'd their base accons , for with cecrops charme , hee knew he could defend himselfe from harme , of minos , eacus , and radamand , princes oj limbo who must out of hand , consult bout hidra what must now be done , who having sate in counsell one by one , retorne this answere to the stiggean feinds , and first grim minos spake : most loving freinds , hidra prognosticks ruine to our state , and that our kingdome will grow desolate , but if one head from thence be tane away , the body and the members will decay , to take in hand , what eacus this taske , is such as harebraind phaeton did aske , of phebus to begird the world about , which graunted put the netherlands to rout , presumptious fooles learne wit at too much cost , for life and laboure both at once hee lost , sterne radamantus being last to speake , made a great hum and thus did silence breake , what if with ratling chaines or iron bands , hidra be bound either by feete or hands , and after being lashd with smarting rodds , hee be conveyd by stix unto the godds , to be accused on the upper ground , of lesae majestatis this crime found , t' will be unpossible from thence i trowe , hidra shall come to trouble us belowe , this sentence pleasd the friends exceedingly , that up they tost their bonnets and did cry , long live our court in great prosperity . the sessions ended some did straight devise , court revells antiques and a world of joyes , brave christmas gambals , there was open hall , kept to the full : and sport the divell and all , labours despised the loomes are laid away , and this proclaim'd the stigean holli day , in came grim minos with his motly beard , and brought a distillation well prepar'd , and eacus who is as suer as text , came in with his preparatives the next , then radamantus last and principall , feasted the worthies in his sumptuous hall , there caron cerberous and the rout of feinds , had lap enough and so their pastims ends . the illvstrations . now to illustrate this poem , and make the sence more plaine , it is to be considered that the persons at ma-re-mount were seaven , and they had seaven heads and 14. feete , these were accounted hidra with the seaven heads ; and the maypole with the hornes nailed neere the topp , was the forked tayle of this supposed monster , which they ( for want of skill ) imposed : yet feared in time ( if they hindred not mine host ) hee would hinder the benefit of their beaver trade , as hee had done ( by meanes of this helpe ) in kyny back river finely , ere they were a wares ▪ who comming too late , were much dismaide to finde that mine host his boate had gleaned away all before they came ; which beaver is a fitt companion for scarlett : and i beleeve that iasons golden fleece was either the same , or some other fleece not of so much value . this action bred a kinde of hart burning in the plimmouth planters who after , sought occasion against mine host to overthrowe his undertakings , and to destroy his plantation , whome they accoumpted a maine enemy to theire church and state. now when they had begunne with him , they thought best to proceede : for asmuch as they thought them selves farre enough from any controule of iustice ; and therefore resolved to be their owne carvers : ( and the rather , because they presumed upon some incouragement they had from the favourites of their sect in england : ) and with fire and sword nine in number pursued mine host ; who had escaped theire hands in scorne of what they intended , and betooke him to his habitation in a night of great thunder and lightening , when they durst not follow him , as hardy , as these nine worthies seemed to be . it was in the moneth of iune , that these marshallists had appointed to goe about this mischeifous project , and deale so crabbidly with mine host. after a parly , hee capitulated with them about the quarter , they proffered him , if hee would consent to goe for england , there to answere ( as they pretended ) some thing they could object against him principall to the generall : but what it would be hee cared not , neither was it any thing materiall . yet when quarter was agreed upon , they contrary wise , abused him , and carried him to theire towne of plimmouth , where ( if they had thought hee durst have gone to england ) rather then they would have bin any more affronted by him , they would have dispatched him , as captaine shrimp in a rage , profest that hee would doe with his pistoll as mine host should set his foote into the boate . howsoever the cheife elders voyce in that place was more powerfull than any of the rest ; who concluded to send mine host without any other thing to be done to him . and this being the finall agreement , ( contrary to shrimpe and others , ) the nine wo●thies had a great feast made , and the furmity po●t was provided , for the boats gang by no allowance : and all manner of pastime . captaine shrimpe was so overjoyed in the performance of this exployt ; that they had , at that time , extraordinary merriment ; a thing not usuall amongst those presisians ) and when the winde served , they tooke mine host into their shallop ; hoysed saile , and carried him to the northen parts ; where they left him upon a island . chap. xviii . of a doctor made at a commencement in nevv canaan . the church of plimmouth having due regard to the weale publike , and the brethren , that were to come over ; and knowing that they would be busily imployed to make provision for the cure of soules , and therefore might neglect the body for that time : did hold themselves to be in duety bound , to make search for a fitting man that might be able , ( if so neede requir'd ) to take the chardge upon him in that place of imployment : and therefore called a counsell of the whole synagoge : amongst which company they chose out a man , that long time had bin nurst up in the tender bosome of the church : one that had speciall gifts : hee could wright and reade , nay more : hee had tane the oath of abjuration , which is a speciall stepp , yea and a maine degree unto perferment , him they weane : and out of phaos boxe fitt him with speciall guifts of no lesse worth : they stile him doctor and forth they send him to gaine imployement and opinion . what luck is it i cannot hit on his name : but i will give you him by a periphrasis , that you may know him when you meete him next . hee was borne at wrington in the county of somerset , where hee was bred a butcher . hee weares a longe beard , and a garment like the greeke that beggd in pauls church . this new made doctor comes to salem to congratulate : where hee findes some are newly come from sea , and ill at ease . hee takes the patient , and the urinall : vies the state there : findes the crasis syptomes , and the attomi natantes : and tells the patient that his disease was winde , which hee had tane by gapeing , feasting , over board at sea , but hee would quickly ease him of that greife , and quite expell the winde . and this hee did performe , with his gifts hee had : and then hee handled the patient so handsomely , that hee eased him of all the winde , hee had in an instant . and yet i hope this man may be forgiven , if hee were made a fitting plant for heaven . how hee went to worke with his gifts is a question : yet hee did a great cure for captaine littleworth , hee cured him of a disease called a wife : and yet i hope this man may be forgiven , if shee were made a fitting plant for heaven . by this meanes hee was allowed 4. p. a moneth , and the chirgeons chest , and made phisition generall of salem : where hee exercised his gifts so well , that of full 42. that there hee tooke to cure , there is not one has more cause to complaine , or can say black 's his eie . this saved captaine littleworths credit , that had truck'd away the vittels : though it brought forth a scandall on the country by it , and then i hope this man may be forgiven , if they were all made fitting plants for heaven . but in mine opinion , hee deserves to be set upon a palfrey , and lead up and downe in triumph throw new canaan , with a coller of iurdans about his neck , as was one of like desert in richard the seconds time through the streets of london , that men might know where to finde a quacksaluer . chap. xix . of the silencing of a minister in nevv canaan . a silenced minister out of courteousnesse , came over into new canaan to play the spie : hee pretended out of a zealous intent to doe the salvages good , and to teach them . hee brought a great bundell of horne books with him , and carefull hee was ( good man ) to blott out all the crosses of them , for feare least the people of the land should become idolaters . hee was in hope , with his gifts , to prepare a great auditory against greate iosua should arive there . hee applyed himselfe on the weeke dayes to the trade of beaver , but it was ( as might seeme ) to purchase the principall benefite of the lande , when the time should come ; for hee had a hope to be the caiphas of the country : and well hee might , for hee was higher by the head than any of his tribe that came after him . this man , it seemes , played the spie very handsomely , for in the exercise of his guifts on the lords day at weenasimute , hee espied a salvage come in with a good beaver coate , and tooke occasion to reproove the covetous desire of his auditory to trade for beaver on those dayes ; which made them all use so much modesty about the matter for the present , that hee found opportunity , the same day , to take the salvage a side into a corner , where ( with the helpe of his wampampeack , hee had in his pocket for that purpose in a readinesse , ) hee made a shifte to get that beaver coate , which their mouthes watered at ; and so deceaved them all . but shortly after , when iosua came into the land , hee had soone spied out caiphas practise ; and put him to silence ; and either hee must put up his pipes , and be packing or forsake ionas posture , and play demas part alltogether . chap. xx. of the practise of the s●peratists to gett a snare to hamper mine host of ma-re-mount . although the nine worthies had left mine hoste upon an island , in such an inhumane manner , as yee heard before ; yet when they understood that hee had got shipping , and was gone to england of his owne accord , they dispatched letters of advise to an agent they had there : and by the next shipp sent after , to have a snare made , that might hamper mine host so , as hee might not any more trouble theire conscience : and to that end , made a generall collection of beaver to defray the chardge , and hee was not thought a good christian that would not lay much out , for that imployment . some contributed three pounds ; some foure , some five pounds , and procured a pretty quantity by that devise , which should be given to a cunning man , that could make a snare to hamper him . the agent ( according to his directions , ) does his endeavoure ( in the best manner hee could ) to have this instrument made : and used no little diligence to have it effected . his reputation stood upon the taske imposed upon him against mine host , the onely enemy ( accounted ) of their church , and state. much inquiry was made in london , and about , for a skillfull man that would worke the feate . noe cost was spared , for gold hee had good store , first hee inquires of one : and then another : at the last hee heard newes of a very famous man , one that was excellent at making subtile instruments such as that age had never bin acquainted with . hee was well knowne to be the man , that had wit and wondrous skill , to make a cunning instrument , where with to save himselfe , and his whole family : if all the world besides should be drown'd ; and this the best , yea and the best cheap too ; for no good done , the man would nothing take . to him this agent goes , and praies his aide : declares his cause , & tells the substance of his greivance , all at large , and laid before his eies a heape of gold . when all was shewd , that could be ●he'd , and said what could be said , & all too little for to have it done ; the agent then did see his gold refused , his cause despised & thought himselfe disgraced , to leave the worke undone : so that hee was much dismaid , yet importun'd the cunning , who found no reason to take the taske in hand . hee thought perhaps , mine host ( that had the slight to escape from the nine worthies , to chaine argus eies , and by inchauntment make the doores of the watch tower fly open at an instant ) would not be hamperd , but with much a doe : and so hee was unwilling to be troubled with that taske . the agent wondring to see that his gold would doe no good , did aske , the cunning man if hee could give him no advise ? who said , hee would : and what was that thinke you ? to let mine host alone , who being ship'd againe for the parts of new canaan , was put in at plimmouth in the very faces of them , to their terrible amazement to see him at liberty , and told him hee had not yet fully answered the matter , they could object against him . hee onely made this modest reply , that hee did perceave they were willfull people , that would never be answered ; and derided them for their practises , and losse of laboure . chap. xxi . of captaine littlevvorth his nevv divise , for the purchase of beaver . in the meane time , whiles these former passages were : there was a great swelling fellow , of littleworth , crept over to salem ( by the helpe of master charter party the tresorer , and master ananias increase the collector for the company of seperatists , ) to take upon him their imployments for a time . hee resolving to make hay , whiles the sonne did shine , first pretended himselfe to be sent over as cheife iustice of the massachussets bay , and salem forsoth , and tooke unto him a counsell & a worthy one no doubt ; for the cow keeper of salem , was a prime man in those imployments ; and to ad a majesty ( as hee thought ) to his new assumed dignity , hee caused the patent of the massachussets ( new brought into the land ) to be carried where hee went in his progresse to and froe , as an embleme of his authority : which the vulgar people not acquainted with , thought it to be some instrument of musick locked up in that covered case , and thought ( for so some said ) this man of littleworth had bin a fidler , and the rather , because hee had put into the mouthes of poore silly things that were sent a longe with him , what skill hee had in engines and in things of quaint devise : all which prooved in conclusion to be but impostury . this man thinking none so worthy as himselfe , tooke upon him infinitely : and made warrants in his owne name ( without relation to his majesties authority in that place , ) and summoned a generall apparance , at the worshipfull towne of salem : there in open assembly was tendered certaine articles , devised betweene him and theire new pastor master eager ( that had renounced his old calling to the ministry receaved in england , by warrant of gods word : and taken a new one there by their fantasticall way imposed and conferred upon him with some speciall guifts had out of phaos boxe . ) to these articles every planter , old , and new , must signe : or be expelled from any manner of aboade within the compas of the land contained within that graunt then shewed : which was so large , it would suffice for elbow roome , for more then were in all the land by 700000. such an army might have planted them a colony with that cirquit which hee challenged . and not contend for roome for their cattell . but for all that , hee that should refuse to subscribe , must pack . the tenor of the articles were these : that in all ●auses , as well ecclesiasticall , as politicall , wee should ●ollow the rule of gods word . this made a shew of a good intent , and all the assembly ( onely mine host replyed ) did subscribe : hee would not unlesse they would ad this caution : so as nothing be done contrary , or repugnant to the lawes of the kingdome of england . these words hee knew , by former experience , were necessary , and without these , the same would proove a very mousetrapp to catch some body by his owne consent , ( which the rest nothing suspected ) for the construction of the worde would be made by them of the seperation , to serve their owne turnes : and if any man should , in such a case be accused of a crime ( though in it selfe it were petty ) they might set it on the tenter hookes of their imaginary gifts , and stretch it , to make it seeme cappitall ; which was the reason why mine host refused to subscribe . it was then agreed upon , that there should be one generall trade used within that patent ( as hee said ) and a generall stock : and every man to put in a parte : and every man , for his person , to have shares alike : and for their stock according to the ratable proportion was put in : and this to continue for 12. moneths : and then to call an accompt . all were united but mine host refused : two truckmasters were chosen ; wages prefixed ; onely mine host put in a caviat , that the wages might be payed out of the cleare proffit , which there in black and white was plainely put downe . but before the end of 6. moneths , the partners in this stock ( handled by the truckmasters ) would have an accoumpt : some of them had perceaved that wampambeacke could be pocketted up , and the underlings ( that went in the boats alonge ) would be neere the wiser for any thinge , but what was trucked for beaver onely . the accoumpt being made betweene captaine littleworth , and the two truckmasters ; it was found , that instead of increasing the proffit , they had decreased it ; for the principall stock , by this imployment , was freetted so , that there was a great hole to be seene in the very middle of it which cost the partners afterwards one hundred markes to stopp , and make good to captaine littleworth . but mine host that sturred not his foote at all for the matter , did not onely save his stock from such a cancar , but gained sixe and seaven for one : in the meane time , hee derided the contributers for being catch'd in that snare . chap. xxii . of a sequestration made in nevv canaan . captaine littleworth ( that had an akeing tooth at at mine host of ma-re-mount , ) devised how hee might put a trick upon him , by colour of a sequestration , and got some persons to pretend that hee had corne , and other goods of theirs in possession ; and the rather , because mine host had store of corne ; and hee had improvidently truckt his store , for the present gaine of beaver : in somuch , that his people under his chardge were put to short allowance ; which caused some of them to sicken with conceipt of such useage : and some of them ( by the practise of the new entertained doctor noddy , with his imaginary gifts : they sent therefore to exhibit a petition to grim minos , eacus , and radamant : where they wished to have the author of their greife to be converted : and they had procured it quickly : if curses would have caused it : for good prayers would be of no validity ( as they supposed ) in this extremity . now in this extremity capt. littleworth gave commission to such as hee had found ready for such imployments , to enter in the howse at ma-re-mount , and with a shallop , to bring from thence such corne , and other utensilles , as in their commission hee had specified . but mine host , wary to prevent eminent mischeife , had conveyed his powther , and shott ( and such other things as stood him in most steed for his present condition ) into the woods for safety : & whiles this was put in practise by him , the shallop was landed , and the commissioners entred the howse ; and willfully bent against mine honest host , that loved good hospitality . after they had feasted their bodies with that they found there , they carried all his corne away , with some other of his goods , contrary to the lawes of hospitality : a smale parcell of refuse corne onely excepted , which they left mine host to keepe christmas with . but when they were gone , mine host , fell to make use of his gunne , ( as one that had a good faculty in the use of that instrument ) and feasted his body neverthelesse with fowle , and venison , which hee purchased with the helpe of that instrument : the plenty of the country , and the commodiousnes of the place affording meanes by the blessing of god ; and hee did but deride captaine littleworth , that made his servants snap shorte in a country so much abounding with plenty of foode for an industrious man , with greate variety . chap. xxiii . of a great bonfire made for ioy of the arrivall of great iosua surnamed tempervvell into the land of canaan . seaven shipps set forth at once , and altogether arrived in the land of canaan , to take a full possession thereof : what are all the 12. tribes of new israell come : no , none but the tribe of issacar ; and some few scattered levites of the remnant of those that were descended of old elies howse . and here comes their iosua too among them : and they make it a more miraculous thing for these seaven s●ipps to set forth together , and arrive at new canaan together , then it was for the israelites to goe over iordan drishod : perhaps it was , because they had a wall on the right hand and a wall on the left hand . these seperatists suppose there was no more difficulty in the matter , then for a man to finde the way to the counter at noonedayes , betweene a sergeant and his yeoman : now you may thinke mine host will be hamperd or never . these are the men that come prepared to ridd the land , of all pollution . these are more subtile , then the cunning , that did refuse a goodly heap of gold . these men have brought a very snare indeed ; and now mine host must suffer . the book of common prayer which hee used to be despised : and hee must not be spared . now they are come , his doome before hand was concluded on : they have a warrant now : a cheife one too ; and now mine host must know hee is the subject of their hatred : the snare must now be used ; this instrument must not be brought by iosua in vaine . a court is called of purpose for mine host ; hee there convented : and must heare his doome , before hee goe : nor will they admitt him to capitulate , and know wherefore they are so violent to put such things in practise against a man they never saw before : nor will they allow of it , though hee decline their iurisdiction . there they all with one assent put him to silence , crying out , heare the governour , heare the govern : who gave this sentence against mine host at first sight : that hee should be first put in the billbowes , his goods should be all confiscated ; his plantation should be burned downe to the ground , because the habitation of the wicked should no more appeare in israell ; and his person banished from those territories , and this put in execution with all speede . the harmeles salvages ( his neighboures ) came the while , greived poore silly lambes : to see what they went about ; and did reproove these eliphants of witt , for their inhumane deede the lord above did opon their mouthes like balams asse , & made them speake in his behalfe sentences , of unexpected divinity , besides morrallity ; and tould them , that god would not love them , that burned this good mans howse : and plainely sayed , that they who were new come would finde the want of such a howses in the winter ; so much themselves to him confest . the smoake that did assend appeared to be the very sacrifice of kain . mine host ( that a farre of abourd a ship did there behold this wofull spectacle , ) knew not what hee should doe , in this extremity ; but beare and forbeare , as epictetus sayes : it was bootelesse to exclaime . hee did consider then , these transitory things are but ludibria fortunae as cicero calls them . all was burnt downe to the ground , and nothing did remaine , but the bare ashes as an embleme of their cruelty : and unles it could ( like to the phenix ) rise out of these ashes , and be new againe , ( to the immortall glory and renowne , of this fertile canaan the new , the stumpes and postes in their black liveries will mourne ; and piety it selfe will add a voyce to the bare remnant of that monument , and make it cry for recompence ( or else revenge ) against the sect of cruell schismaticks . chap. xxiv . of the digrading and creating gentry in nevv canaan . there was a zealous professor in the land of canaan ( growne a great merchant in the beaver trade ) ●hat came over for his conscience sake , ( as other men ●ave done ) and the meanes : ( as the phrase is ) who in ●is minority had bin prentice to a tombe maker ; who ●omming to more ripenes of yeares ( though lesse dis●retion , ) found a kinde of scruple in his conscience , ●hat the trade was in parte against the second commandement : and therefore left it off wholely , and betooke himselfe to some other imployments . in the end hee settled upon this course : where hee had hope of preferrement , and become one of those things that any iudas might hange himselfe upon , that is an elder . hee had bin a man of some recconing in his time ( as himselfe would boast ) for hee was an officer , just ●nder the exchequer at westminster , in a place called phlegeton : there hee was comptroller , and conversed with noe plebeians i tell you : but such as have angels for their attendance , ( i meane some lawyers , with appertenances ( that is clarks , ) with whome a iugg of beare , and a crusty rolle in the terme , is as currant as a three penny scute at hall time . there is another place , thereby called sticks : these are to two daingerous places , by which the infernall gods doe sweare : but this of sticks is the more daingerous of the two , because there , ( if a man be once in ) hee cannot tell how to get out againe handsomely . i knew an under sheriff was in unawaires , and hee laboured to be free of it : yet hee broake his back before hee got so farre as quietus est : there is no such dainger in phlegeton , where this man of so much recconing was comptroller . hee being here , waited an opportunity to be made a gentl. and , now it fell out that a gentl. newly come into the land of canaan ( before hee knew what ground hee stood upon ) had incurred the displeasure of great iosua so highly , that hee must therefore be digraded . no reconciliation could be had for him : all hopes were past for that matter : where upon this man of much recconing ( pretending a graunt of the approach in avoydance ) helpes the lame dogge over the stile ; and was as jocund on the matter as a magpie over a mutton . wherefore the heralls with drums , and trumpets , proclaiming in a very solemne manner , that it was the pleasure of great iosua ( for divers and sundry very good causes and considerations , master temperwell there unto especially mooving ) to take away the title , prerogative and preheminence of the delinquent , so unworthy of it , and to place the same upon a professor of more recconing : so that it was made a penall thing for any man after , to lifte the same man againe on the top of that stile : but that hee should stand perpetually digraded from that prerogative . and the place by this meanes being voyde , this man of so much more reckoning , was receaved in like a cypher to fillup a roome , and was made a gentleman of the first head ; and his coate of armes blazon'd and tricked out fit for that purpose , in this poem following . the poem . what ailes pigmalion ? is it lu●acy ; or doteage on his owne imagery ? let him remember how hee came from hell , that after ages by record may tell , the compleate story to posterity ; blazon his coate in forme of heraldry . hee beareth argent alwaies at commaund ; a barre betweene three crusty rolls at hand : and for his crest with froth there does appeare , dextra paw elevant a lugg of beare . now that it may the more easily be understood , i have here endeavoured to set it forth in these illustrations following pigmalion was an image maker , who doteing on his owne perfection in making the image of venus , grew to be amazed man , like our gentleman here of the first head : and by the figure antonomasia is hee herein exemplified . hee was translated from a tombe maker , to be the tapster at hell ( which is in westminster under the exchequer office ( for benefit of the meanes ) hee translated himselfe into new england : whereby the help of beaver , and the commaund of a servant or two , hee was advanced to the title of a gentleman ; where i left him to the exercise of his guifts . chap. xxv . of the manner hovv the seperatists doe pay debts to them that are vvithout . there was an honest man , one mr. innocence fairecloath , by mr. mathias charterparty , sent over into new canaan , to raise a very good marchantable commodity for his benefit ; for whiles the man was bound by covenant to stay for a time , and to imploy such 〈◊〉 , as did there belong to mr. charterparty , 〈◊〉 disdained the tenents of the seperatists : and they 〈◊〉 ( finding him to be none , ) disdained to be imploye●●y a carnall man ( as they termed him ) and sought occasion against him , to doe him a mischeife , intelligence was conveyed to mr. charterparty , that this man was a member of the church of england : and therefore ( in their account ) an enemy to their church , & state . and ( to the end they might have some coloure against him ) some of them practised to get into his debte ; which hee not mistrusting suffered : and gave credit for such commodity as hee had sold at a price . when the day of payment came , insteede of monyes ; hee being at that time sick and weake , and stood in neede of the beaver hee had contracted for hee , had an epistle full of zealous exhortations , to provide for the soule , and not to minde these transitory things that perished with the body ; and to be thinke himselfe whether his conscience would be so prompt to demaund so greate a somme of beaver as had bin contracted for . hee was further exhorted therein , to consider hee was but a steward for a time , and by all likely hood was going to to give up an accompt of his stewardship : and therfore perswaded the creditor not to load his conscience with such a burthen , which hee was bound by the gospell to ease him of ( if it were possible ) & for that cause hee had framed this epistle in such a freindly maner to put him in minde of it . the perusall of this ( lap'd in the paper ) was as bad as a portion , to the creditor , to see his debtor mast●r subtilety a zealous professor ( as hee thought ) to deride him in this extremity , that hee could not chuse ( in ad●iration of the deceipt ) but cast out these words : a●e th●se youre members ? if they be all like these i beleeve the divell was the setter up of their church . this was called in question , when mr. fairecloath least thought of it . capt. littleworth must be the man must presse it against him , for blasphemy against the church of salem : and to greate iosua temperwell hee goes with a bitter accusation , to have master innocence made an example for all carnall men , to presume to speake the least word that might tend to the dishonor of the church of salem ; yea the mother church of all that holy land. and hee convented was before their synagoge , where no defence would serve his turne , yet was there none to be seene to accuse him , save the court alone . the time of his sicknes , nor the urgent cause , were not allowed to be urg'd for him ; but whatsoever could be thought upon against him was urged , seeing hee was a carnall man of them , that are without . so that it seemes by those proceedings there , the matter wa● adjudged before he came : hee onely brought to hear● his sentence in publicke : which was , to have hi● tongue bored through ; his nose flit ; his face branded his eares cut ; his body to be whip'd in every several plantation of theire iurisdiction : and a fine of fort● pounds impos'd with perpetuall banishment : and ( to execute this vengeance , ) shackles ( the deacon o● charles towne ) was as ready as mephostophiles when doctor faustus was bent upon mischeife . hee is the purser generall of new canaan , wh● ( with his whipp , with knotts most terrible ) takes thi● man unto the counting howse : there capitulates wit● him , why hee should be so hasty for payment , whe● gods deare children must pay as they are able : an● hee weepes , and sobbes , and his handkercher walke as a signe of his sorrow for master fairecloaths sinne that he should beare no better affection to the churc● and the saints of new canaan : and strips innocenc● the while ; and comforts him . though hee be made to stay for payment , he should not thinke it longe ; the payment would b● sure when it did come , and hee should have his due t● a doite ; hee should not wish for a token more ; an● then tould it him downe in such manner , that he● made fairecloaths innocent back , like the pictur● of rawhead and blowdy bones : and his shirte like 〈◊〉 pudding wifes aperon . in this imployment shackles ●akes a greate felitity , and glories in the practise of it : this cruell sentence was stoped , in part by sir christopher gardiner ( then presentat the execution ) by expostulating with master temperwell : who was content ( with that whipping , and the cutting of parte of his eares ) to send innocence going , with the losse of all his goods to pay the fine imposed , and perpetuall banishment out of their lands of new canaan in terrorem populi . loe this is the payment you shall get , if you be one of them they terme , without . chap. xxvi . of the charity of the seperatists . charity is sayd to be the darling of religion and is indeed the marke of a good christian : but where we doe finde a commission for ministring to the necessity of the saints , we doe not finde any prohibition against casting our bread upon the waters , where the unsanctified , as well as the sanctified , are in possibility to make use of it . i cannot perceave that the seperatists doe allowe of helping our poore though they magnify their practi●● in contributing to the nourishment of their saints for a● much as some that are of the number of those whom ●hey terme without ( though it were in case of sicknesse ) upon theire l●nding , when a little fresh victuals would have recovered their healths , yet could they not finde any charitable assistance from thē . nay mine host of ma-re-mount ( if hee might have had the use of his gunne powther , and shott , and his dogg ▪ which were denied ) hee doubtles would have preserved , such poore helples wretches as were neglected by those that brought them over ; which was so appara●t ( as it seemed ) that one of their owne tribe said : the death of them would be required at some bodies hands one day , ( meaning master temperwell . but such good must not come from a carnall man : if it come from a member , then it is a sanctified worke ; if otherwise , it is rejected , as unsanctified . but when shackles wife , and such as had husbands parents , or freinds happened to bee sick , mine hosts helpe was used , and instruments provid●d for him , ●o kill fresh vittell with ( wherein hee was industrious ) and the persons , having fresh vittell , lived . so doubtles might many others have bin preserved , but they were of the number left without ; neither will those precise people admit a carnall man into their howses , though they have made use of his in the like case , they are such antagonists to ●hose , that doe not comply with them and seeke to be admitted , to be of their church that in scorne they say : you may see what it is to be without . chap. xxvii . of the practise of their church . the church of the seperatists , is governed by pastors , elders , and deacons , and there is not any of these ( thouh hee be but a cow keeper ) but is allowed to exercise his guifts , in the publik assembly on the lords day ; so as hee doe not make use of any notes for the helpe of his memory : for such things they say smell of lampe oyle , and there must be no such unsavery perfume admitted , to come into the congregation . these are all publike preachers . there is amongst these people a deakonesse made of the sisters , that uses her guifts at home in an assembly of her sexe , by way of repetition , or exhortation : such is their practise . the pastor ( before hee is allowed of ) must disclaime his former calling to the ministry , as hereticall ; and take a new calling after their fantasticall inventions : and then hee is admitted to bee their pastor . the manner of disclaimeing is , to renounce hi● calling with bitter execrations , for the time that hee hath heretofore lived in it : and after his new election , there is great joy conceaved at his commission . and theire pastors have this preheminence above the civile magistrate : hee must first consider of the complaint , made against a member : and if hee be disposed to give the partie complained of , an admonition , there is no more to be said : if not ; hee delivers him over to the magistrate to deale with him , in a course of iustice , according to theire practise , in cases of that nature . of these pastors i have not knowne many : some i have observed ; together with theire carriage in new canaan : and can informe you what opinion hath bin conceaved of theire conditions , in the perticuler . there is one who ( as they give it out there , that thinke they speake it to advaunce his worth ) has bin expected to exercise his gifts in an assembly , that stayed his comming , ( in the middest of his iorney ) falls into a fitt ( which they terme a zealous meditation ) and was 4. miles past the place appointed , before hee came to him selfe , or did remember where abouts hee went. and how much these things are different from the actions of mazed men , i leave to any indifferent man to judge : and if i should say , they are all much alike , they that have seene and heard , what i have done will not condemme mee altogether . now , for as much as by the practise of theire church every elder or deacon may preach : it is not amisse to discover their practise in that perticuler , before i part with them . it has bin an old saying , and a true , what is bred in the bone , will not out of the flesh , nor the stepping into the pulpit that can make the person fitt for the imployment . the unfitnes of the person undertaking to be the messenger , has brought a blemi●h upon the message , as in the time of lewes the eleventh king of france ; who ( having advaunced his barber to place of honor , and graced him with eminent titles ) made him so presumptuous , to undertake an embassage to treat with forraine princes of civile affaires . but what was the issue ? hee behaved himselfe so unworthily ( yet as well as his breeding would give him leave ) that both the messenger and the message were despised ; and had not hee ( being discovered ) conveyed himselfe out of their territories , they had made him pay for his barbarous presumption . socrates sayes , loquere ut te videam . if a man observe these people in the exercise of their gifts , hee may thereby discerne the tincture of their proper calling , the asses eares will peepe through the lyons hide . i am sorry they cannot discerne their owne infirmities i will deale fairely with them ; for i will draw their pictures cap a pe , that you may discerne them plainely from head to foote in their postures that so much bewitch ( as i may speake with mo●esty , ) these illiterate people to be so fantasticall , to take ionas taske upon them without sufficient warrant . one steps up like the minister of iustice with the ballance onely , not the sword for feare of affrighting his auditory . hee poynts at a text , and handles it as evenly as hee can ; and teaches the auditory , that the thing hee has to deliver ; must be well waied , for it is a very pretious thing , yet much more pretious then gold , or pearle : and hee will teach them the meanes how to way things of that excellent worth : that a man would suppose , hee , and his auditory were to part stakes by the scale ; and the like distribution they have used about a bag pudding . another ( of a more cutting disposition ) steps in his steed ; and hee takes a text , which hee devides into many parts : ( to speake truly ) as many as hee list . the fag end of it hee pares away , as a superfluous remnant . hee puts his auditory in comfort , that hee will make a garment for them : and teach them how they shall put it on ; and incourages them to be in love with it , for it is of such a fashion as doth best become a christian man. hee will assuer them that it shall be armor of proffe against all assaults of satan . this garment ( sayes hee ) is not composed as the garments made by a carnall man , that are sowed with a hot needle , and a burning thread ; but it is a garment that shall out last all the garments : and ( if they will make use of it , as hee shall direct them ) they shall be able like saint george ) to terrifie the greate dragon error ; and defend truth which error with her wide chaps , would devoure : whose mouth shall be filled with the shredds , and parings , which hee continually gapes for under the cutting bourd . a third , hee supplies the rome : ●nd in the exercise of his guifts begins with a text ●hat is drawne out of a fountaine , that has in it no dreggs of popery . this shall proove unto you ( says hee ) the cup of repentance ; it is not like unto the cup of the whore of babilon , who will make men drunk with the dreggs thereof : it is filled up to the brim with comfortable joyce , and will proove a cordiall , a comfortable cordiall to a sick soule , ( sayes hee , ) and so hee handles the matter as if hee dealt by the pinte , and the quarte with nic and froth . an other ( a very learned man indeed ) goes another way to worke with his auditory ; and exhorts them to walke upright , in the way of their calling , and not ( like carnall men ) tread awry . and if they should fayle in the performance of that duety , yet they should seeke for amendement whiles it was time ; and tells them , it would bee to late to seek for help , when the shop windowes were shutt up : and pricks them forward with a freindly admonition , not to place theire delight in worldly pleasures , which will not last , but in time will come to an end . but so to handle the matter , that they may be found to wax better and better , and then they shall be doublely rewarded for theire worke : and so closes up the matter in a comfortable manner . but stay : here is one stept up in haste , and ( being not minded to hold his auditory in expectation of any long discourse , ) hee takes a text ; and ( for brevities sake , ) divides it into one part : and then runnes so fast a fore with the matter , that his auditory cannot follow him . doubtles his father was some irish footeman , by his speede it seemes so . and it may be at the howre of death , the sonne being present did participat of his fathers nature , ( according to pithagoras ) and so the vertue of his fathers nimble feete ( being infused into his braines ) might make his tongue outrunne his wit. well , if you marke it , these are speciall gifts indeede : which the vulgar people are so taken with , that there is no perswading them that it is so ridiculous . this is the meanes , ( o the meanes , ) that they pursue : this that comes without premeditation : this is the suparlative : and hee that does not approove of this , they say is a very reprobate . many vnwarrantable tenents they have likewise : some of which being come to my knowledge i wil here set downe , one wherof being in publicke practise maintained , is more notorious then the rest . i will therefore beginne with that and convince them of manifest error by the maintenance of it , which is this : that it is the magistrates office absolutely ( and not the minsters ) to joyne the people in lawfull matrimony . and for this they vouch the history of ruth , saying boas was married to ruth in presence of the elders of the people . herein they mistake the scope of the text . 2. that it is a relique of popery to make use of a ring in marriage : and that it is a diabolicall circle for the divell to daunce in . 3. that the purification used for weomen after delivery is not to be used . 4. that no child shall be baptised , whose parents are not receaved into their church first . 5. that no person shall be admitted to the sacrament of the lords supper that is without . 6. that the booke of common prayer is an idoll and all that use it , idolaters . 7. that every man is bound to beleeve a professor upon his bare affirmation onely , before a protestant upon oath . 8. that no person hath any right to gods creatures , but gods children onely who are themselves ▪ and that all others are but usurpers of the creatures . 9. and that for the generall good of their church , and common wealth they are to neglect father , mother and all freindship . 10. much a doe they keepe about their church discipline , as if that were the most essentiall part of their religion , tythes are banished from thence , all except the tyth of muit and commin . 11. they differ from us some thing in the creede too , for if they get the goods of one , that is without , into their hands ; hee shall be kept without remedy for any satisfaction : and they beleeve , that this is not cosenage . 12. and lastly they differ from us , in the manner of praying ; for they winke when they pray , because they thinke themselves so perfect in the highe way to heaven , that they can find it blindfould : so doe not i. chap. xxviii . of their policy in publik iustice. now that i have anottomized , the two extreame parts of this politique commonwealth the head & the inferior members , i will shew you the hart & reade a short lecture over that too ; which is iustice. i have a petition to exhibit to the highe & mighty mr. temperwell ; and i have my choise whether i shall make my plaint in a case of conscience , or bring it with in the compas of a point in law . and because i will goe the surest way to worke , at first , i will see how others are answered in the like kinde , whether it be with hab or nab , as the iudge did the countryman . here comes mr. hopewell : his petition is in a case of conscience ( as hee sayes . ) but see great iosua allowes conscience to be of his side : yet cuts him off ; with this answere : law is flat against him . well let me see another . i marry : here comes one master doubt not : his matter depends ( i am sure ) upon a point in law : alas what will it not doe , looke yet it is affirmed that law is on his side : but conscience ( like a blanket over ) spreades it . this passage is like to the procustes of roome mee thinks : and therefore i may very well say of them . even so by racking out the joynts & chopping of the head , procustes fitted all his guests unto his iron bedd . and if these speede no better , with whome they are freinds , that neither finde law nor conscience to helpe them : i doe not wonder to see mine host of ma-re-mount speede so ill , that has bin proclaimed an enemy so many yeares in new canaan , to their church and state. chap. xxix . hovv mine host vvas put into a vvhales belly . the seperatists ( after they had burned ma-re-mount , they could not get any shipp to undertake the carriage of mine host from thence , either by faire meanes , or fowle , ) they were inforced ( contrary to their expectation ) to be troubled with his company : and by that meanes had time to consider more of the man , then they had done of the matter : wherein at length it was discovered , that they ( by meanes of their credulity of the intelligence given them in england of the matter , and the false carecter of the man ) had runne themselves headlonge into an error : and had done that on a sodaine , which they repented at leasure : but could not tell which way to help it as it stood now . they could debate upon it ; and especially upon two difficult points , whereof one must be concluded upon . if they sent mine host a way by banishment , hee is in possibility to survive , to their disgrace for the injury done : if they suffer him to stay , & put him in statu quo prius , all the vulgar people will conclude they have bin too rashe in burning a howse that was usefull , and count them men unadvised . so that it seemes ( by theire discourse about the matter ) they stood betwixt hawke and bussard : and could not tell which hand to incline unto . they had sounded him secretly : hee was content with it , goe which way it would . nay shackles himselfe , ( who was imployed in the burning of the howse , and therefore feared to be caught in england ) and others were so forward in putting mine host in statu quo prius , after they had found their error , ( which was so apparent that luceus eies would have served to have found it out in lesse time ) that they would contribute 40. shillings a peece towards it ; and affirmed , that every man according to his ability that had a hand in this black designe should be taxed to a contribution in like nature : it would be done exactly . now ( whiles this was in agitation , & was well urged by some of those partys , to have bin the upshot ) unexpected ( in the depth of winter , when all shipps were gone out of the land ) in comes m● . wethercock a proper mariner ; and they said ; he could observe the winde : blow it high , blow it low , hee was resolved to lye at hull rather than incounter such a storme as mine host had met with : and this was a man for their turne . hee would doe any office for the brethren , if they ( who hee knew had a strong purse , and his conscience waited on the strings of it , if all the zeale hee had ) would beare him out in it : which they professed they would . hee undertakes to ridd them of mine host by one meanes or another . they gave him the best meanes they could , according to the present condition of the worke ; and letters of credence to the favoures of that sect in england ; with which ( his busines there being done , and his shipp cleared ) hee hoyst the sayles , and put to sea : since which time mine host has not troubled the brethren , but onely at the counsell table : where now sub indice lis est . chap. xxx . of sir christopher gardiner knight , and hovv hee spedd amongst the seperatists . sir christopher gardiner , ( a knight , that had bin a traveller , both by sea and land ; a good judicious gentleman in the mathematticke , and other sciences usefull for plantations kimistry , &c. and also being a practicall enginer ) came into those parts , intending discovery . but the seperatists love not those good parts , when they proceede from a carnall man ( as they call every good protestant , ) in shorte time had found the meanes to pick a quarrell with him . the meanes is , that they pursue to obtaine what they aime at : the word is there the meanes . so that when they finde any man like to proove an enemy to their church , and state , then straight the meanes must be used for defence . the first precept in their politiques is , to defame the man at whom they aime . and then hee is a holy israelite in their opinions , who can spread that fame brodest , like butter upon a loafe : no matter how thin ; it will serve for a vaile : and then this man ( who they have thus depraved ) is a spotted uncleane leaper : hee must out , least hee pollute the land , and them that are cleane . if this be one of their guifts , then machevill had as good gifts as they . let them raise a scandall on any , though never so innocent ; yet they know it is never wiped cleane out : the staind marks remaines : which hath bin well observed by one , in these words of his : stick candles gainst a virgin walls white back : if they 'l not burne yet at the least they 'l black . and thus they dealt with sir christopher : and plotted by all the wayes , and meanes they could , to overthrow his undertakings in those parts . and therefore i cannot chuse , but conclude , that these seperatists have speciall gifts : for they are given to envy , and malllice extremely . the knowledge of their defamacion could not please the gentleman well , when it came to his eare , which would cause him to make some reply , ( as they supposed ) to take exceptions at , as they did against faire cloath : & this would be a meanes , they thought , to blow the coale , and so to kindle a brand that might fire him out of the country too , and send him after mine host of ma-re-mount . they take occasion ( some of them ) to come to his howse when hee was gone up into the country : and finding hee was from home ) so went to worke , that they left him neither howse , nor habitation , nor servant , nor any thing to help him , if hee should retorne : but of that they had noe hope ( as they gave it out ) for hee was gone ( as they affirmed ) to leade a salvage life ; and for that cause tooke no company with him : and they , having considered of the matter , thought it not fit that any such man should live in so remoate a place , within the compas of their patent . so they fired the place ; and carried away the persons , and goods . sir christopher was gone with a guide ( a salvage ) into the inland parts for discovery : but , before hee was returned , hee met with a salvage that told the guide , sir christopher would be killed : master temperwell ( who had now found out matter against him ) would have him dead , or alive . this hee related ; and would have the gentleman not to goe to the place appointed , because of the danger , that was supposed . but sir christopher was nothing dismaid : hee would on , whatsoever come of it ; and so met with the salvages : and betweene them was a terrible skermish : but they had the worst of it , and hee scaped well enough . the guide was glad of it , and learnd of his fellowes that they were promised a great reward , for what they should doe in this imployment . which thing ( when sir christopher understood , ) hee gave thanks to god ; and after ( upon this occasion , to sollace himselfe ) in his table booke , hee composed this sonnet , which i have here inserted for a memoriall . the sonnet . wolfes in sheeps clothing why will ye , think to deceave god that doth see , your simulated sartity . for my part i doe wish you could , your owne infirmities behold , for then you would not be so bold , like sophists why will you dispute , with wisdome so , you doe confute , none but your selves : for shame be mute . least great jehovah with his powre , do come upon you in an howre , when you least think and you devoure . this sonnet the gentleman composed , as a testimony of his love towards them , that were so ill affected towards him ; from whome they might have receaved much good , if they had bin so wise to have imbraced him in a loving fashion . but they despise the helpe , that shall come from a carnall man ( as they termed him ) who ( after his retorne from those designes ) finding how they had used him with such disrespect , tooke shipping , and disposed of himselfe for england , and discovered their practises in those parts towards his majesties true harted subjects , which they made wery of their aboade in those parts . chap. xxxi . of mine host of ma-re-mount hovv hee played ionas after hee had bin in the whales belly for a time . mi●e host of ma-re-mount being put to sea , had delivered him , for his releefe by the way , ( because the s●ipp was unvitteled , and the seamen put to straight allowance , which could hold out , but to the canaries ) a part of his owne provision , being two moneths proportion , in all but 3. small peeces of porke ; which made him expect to be famished before the voyage should be ended , by all likelyhood . yet hee thought hee would make one good meale , before hee died : like the colony servant in virginea , that before hee should goe to the gallowes ) called to his wife to set on the loblolly pot , and let him have one good meale before hee went ; who had committed a petty crime , that in those dayes , was made a cappitall offence . and now mine host being merrily disposed , on went the peeces of porke , where with hee feasted his body , and cherished the poore sailers : and got out of them what mr. wethercock , their master purposed to doe with him that hee had no more provision : & along they sailed from place to place , from iland to iland , in a pittifull wether beaten ship ; where mine host was in more dainger ( without all question ) then ionas , when hee was in the whales belly ; and it was the great mercy of god that they had not all perished . vittelled they were but for a moneth when they wayd ancor , and left the first port . they were a pray for the enemy for want of powther , if they had met them : besides the vessell was a very slugg , and so unserviceable , that the master called a counsell of all the company in generall , to have theire opinions , which way to goe , and how to beare the helme , who all under their hand affirmed the shipp to be unserviceable : so that in fine the master , and men , and all were at their wits end about it : yet they imployed the carpenters to search , and caulke her sides , and doe theire best whiles they were in her . nine moneths they made a shifte to use her , and shifted for supply of vittells at all the islands they touched at ; though it were so poorely , that all those helpes , and the short allowance of a bisket a day , and a few lymons taken in at the canaries , served but to bring the vessell in view of the lands end . they were in such a desperat case , that ( if god in his greate mercy had not favoured them , and disposed the windes faire untill the vessell was in plimmouth roade , ) they had without question perished ; for when they let drop an anchor , neere the island of s. michaels not one bit of foode left for all that starving allowance of this wretched wethercock ; that if hee would have lanched out his beaver , might have bought more vittells in new england then he & the whole ship with the cargazoun was worth , ( as the passingers hee carried who vittelled themselves affirmed , ) but hee played the miserable wretch , & had possessed his men with the contrary ; who repented them of waying anchor before they knew so much . mine host of ma-re-mount ( after hee had bin in the whales belly ) was set a shore to see if hee would now play ionas , s● metamorphosed with a longe voyage , that hee looked like lazarus in the painted cloath . but mine host ( after due consideration of the premisses ) thought it fitter for him to play ionas in this kinde , then for the seperatists to play ionas in that kinde as they doe . hee therefore bid wethercock tell the seperatists , that they would be made in due time to repent those malitious practises , and so would hee too ; for hee was a seperatist amongst the seperatists as farre as his wit would give him leave ; though when hee came in company of basket makers , hee would doe his indevoure to make them pinne the basket , if hee could , as i have seene him . and now mine host being merrily disposed , haveing past many perillous adventures in that desperat whales belly , beganne in a posture like ionas , and cryed repent you cruell seperatists repent , there are as yet but 40. dayes if iove vouchsafe to thunder , charter and the kingdome of the seperatists will fall a sunder : repent you cruell schismaticks repent . and in that posture hee greeted them by letters retorned into new canaan ; and ever ( as opportunity was fitted for the purpose ) he was both heard & seene in the posture of ionas against thē crying repent you cruel seperatists , repent , there are as yet but 40. dayes if iove vouchsafe to thunder . the charter and the kingdome of the seperatists will fall a sunder : repent you cruell schismaticks repent ; if you will heare any more of this proclamation meete him at the next market towne , for cynthius aurem vellet . a table of the contents of the three bookes . the tenents of the first booke . chapter 1. prooving new england the principall part of all america and most commodious and fit for habitation and generation . chapter 2. of the originall of the natives . chapter 3. of a great martallity happened amongst the natives . chapter 4. of their howses and habitations . chapter 5. of their religion . chapter 6. of the indians apparrell . chapter 7. of their childbearing . chapter 8. of their reverence and respect to age . chapter 9. of their juggelling tricks . chapter 10. of their duelles . chapter 11. of the maintenance of their reputation . chapter 12. of their traffick and trade one with another . chapter 13. of their magazines and storehowses . chapter 14. of theire subtilety . chapter 15. of their admirable perfection in the use of their sences . chapter 16. of their acknowledgement of the creation and immortality of the soule . chapter 17. of their annalls and funeralls . chapter 18. of their custome in burning the country . chapter 19. of their inclination to drunckennes . chapter 20. of ther philosophicall life . the tenents of the second booke . chap. 1. the generall survey of the country . chap. 2. what trees are there and how commodious . chap. 3. what potherbes are there and for sallets . chap. 4. of the birds , of the aire and fethered fowles . chap. 5. of the beasts , of the forrest . chap. 6. of stones and mineralls . chap. 7. of the fishes and what commodity they proov● . chap. 8. of the goodnes of the country and the fountaines . chap. 9. a perspective to view the country by . chap. 10. of the great lake of erocoise . the tenents of the third booke . chap. 1. of a great legue made betweene the salvages and english. chap. 2. of the entertainement of master westons people . chap. 3. of a great battaile fought betweene the english and the indians . chap. 4. of a parliament held at wessaguscus . chap. 5. of a massacre made upon the salvages . chap. 6. of the surprizing of a marchants shipp . chap. 7. of thomas mortons entertainement and wrack . chap. 8. of the banishment of iohn layford , and iohn oldam . chap. 9. of a barren doe of virginea growne fruithfull . chap. 10. of the master of the ceremonies . chap. 11. of a composition made for a salvages theft . chap. 12. of a voyage made by the master of the ceremonies for beaver . chap. 13. a lamentable fitt of mellancolly cured . chap. 14. the revells of new canaan . chap. 15. of a great monster supposed to be at ma-re-mount . chap. 16. how the nine worthies of new canaan put mine host of ma-●e-mount into an inchaunted castle . chap. 17. of the baccanall triumphe of new canaan . chap. 18. of a doctor made at a commencement . chap. 19. of the silencing of a minister . chap. 20. of a practise to get a snare to hemper mine host of ma-re-mount . chap. 21· of captaine littleworths devise for the purchase of beaver , chap. 22. of a sequestration in new canaan . chap. 23. of a great bonfire made in new canaan . chap. 24. of the digradinge and creatinge of gentry . chap. 25. of the manner how the seperatists pay their debts . chap. 26. of the charity of the seperatists . chap. 27. of the practise of their church . chap. 28. of their po●icy in publick iustice. chap. 29. how mine host was put into a whales belly . chap. 30. how sir christopher gardiner knight speed amongst the sep●ratists . chap. 31. how mine host of ma-re-mount played jonas after hee got out of the whales belly . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a07832-e1200 vse of vegetatives . fish poysonous about the isle of sall. zona temperata , the golden meane . salt aboundeth under the tropicks . raine 40. dayes about august betw●ene cancer and the line . capt davis froze to death . groene land too cold for habitation . sir ferdinando gorges the originall cause of plantinge new england . the salvages dyed of the plague , new engl. is placed in the golden meane . new england 10. degrees neerer the line then ●ld england . the massachussets in the middel of new engl. the windes not so violent in new england . the natives have a mixed language . pasco pan greedy gutt . mona an island . cos a whetstone . pan the shepheards god. not to proceede from the tartar● . no part of america knowne to be neare tartary . why brutus left latium . two nations meetinge make a mixt language . daedalus the first that used sayles . icarus the second that used sayles . troy destroyed about sauls time . the loadstone in salomons time . five frechmen kept by the salvages . the plague fell on the indians . the livinge not able to bury the dead . 2. sam. 24. the indians make good lether . indians ingenious workemen for their garments . the modesty of the indian men . indians travaile with materials to strike fire at all times . the indians ashamed of their nakednesse . the women big with child , very laborious . children bathed to staine the skinne . age honoured among the indian● a salvage entertained a factor . an english man cured of a swelling how the salvages performe theire duells . trees marked where they performe a duell . a marriage . an ambassage sent from papasiquin●o to his sonne in law , a sachem . beads in stead of money . the name of their beads wampampeak . what care they take , to lay up corne for winter . they begg salte of th● english. they trade away beavers skinnes for corne . a beaver skinne with his tayle on of great estimecion . a subtile plot of a sachem . a salvage scared . a salvage that had lived 12. moneths in england , sent for an ambassador . a good opportunity of of traffick lost by the subtility of a sachem . the salvages have the sence of seeinge better then the english . salvages that will distinguish a spaniard from a frenchman by the smell of the hand . a d●are pursued by the view of the , foote , hee was found and killed . the beleefe of the salvages . the sonne called kytan . a salvage desired to have his sonn brought up to learne the booke of common prayer . their custom in burryinge . their manner of monuments . at burrials , they black their faces . the salvages fire the country twice a yeare . the salvag●s want the art of navigation they leade a happy life , being voyd of care . they make use of ordinary things , one of anothers as common . notes for div a07832-e4710 a famous country . their fountaines are as cleare as cristall . greate store of fowles , fish and turtle-doves . 1. oake . 2. ashe . 3. elme . 4. beech. 5. wallnut . 6. chestnuts . 7. pine. 8. cedar . 9. cypres . 10. spruce . the spruce of this country are found to be 3. & 4. fadum aboute . 11. alder. 12. birch . 13. maple . 14. elderne . 15. hawthorne . 16. vines . 1. plummes . 17. cherries 19. roses . 20. sassafras and 21. sa●saperilla . potmarioram , tyme , alexander , angellica , pursland , violets , and anniseeds , hunnisuckles and balme . swannes . geese ●ide , white , and gray . fethers pay for powther and shott . ducks pide , gray , & black teales greene and blew . widggens . simpes . sanderlings . cranes . turkies . pheisants . partridges bigger in body as those of england . quailes bigger in body as those in england . the larkes sing not . owles . the crowes smell & tast of muske in summer , but not in winter hawkes of fiue sorts . a lannaret . fawcons . goshawkes well shaped marlins small and greate . sparhawkes . a hunning bird , i● as small as a beetle . his bill as sharp as a needle point , and his fethers like silke . deare of 3. kindes . mose or red deare . mose or deare greater then a horse , the height of them 18. handfulles . they bringe forth thr●e faunes at one time . they make go●d l●ther of the hides of deare . the midling deare or fallow deare . trappes to catch the deare . the humbles was the doggs fee. roe bucks or rayne deare . wolfes pray upon deare . beaver . the beavers cut downe trees , with hi● fore teeth . beaver at 10. shill. a pound . in 5. yeares one man gott together . 1000. p. in good gold . the otter in winter hath a furre as black as iett . the luseran as bigg as a hound . the martin is about the bignesse of a fox . racowne . the foxes red and gray . the wolfes of diverse coloures . the skin of a black wolfe , a present for a prince . the beares afraid of a man. the salvages seeing a beare chase him like a dogg and kill him . muske-washe . porcupines . hedghoggs . conyes of severall sorts . squirils of three sorts . a flying squirill . snakes . the rattle snakes . mise . lyons alwaies in hot clymats , not in cold . marble . limestone . chalk . slate . whetstones . loadstones . ironstones . lead . black lead . read lead . boll . vermilion . brimstone . tinne . copper . silver . codd . 15. shipps at one time for codd . oyle mayd of the livers of the codd . a 100. basse sould for 5. p. mackarell are baite for basse. sturgeon . salmon . herrings . great plenty of eeles . smelts . shadds or allizes taken to dunge ground . turbut or hallibut . plaice . hake . pilchers . lobsters . oysters . mustles . clames . raser fish . freele . fresh fish , trouts , carpes , breames , pikes , roches , perches , tenches and eeles , foode and fire . noe boggs . perfumed aire with sweet herbes . of waters . the cure of melanc●lly at ma remount the cure of barr●nnesse . water procuri●g a dead sleepe . new engl. excels canaan in f●untaines . milke and hony supplied . a plaine paralell to canaan . the request for the nomination of new canaan . the soyle . the grouth of hempe . the aire . no cold cough or murre . the plenty of the land. windes . raine . the coast harboures , scituation . the nomination . fowle innumerable . multitudes of fish. the prime place of new canaan . canada , so named of monsier de cane . patomack . great heards of beasts as bigg as cowes henry ioseline imployed for discovery . the dutch have a great trade of beaver in hudsons river . the passage to the east-indies . the country of erocois as fertile as delta in aegypt . notes for div a07832-e10680 a salvage sent an ambassador to the english at their first comminge . the sachem feared the plague . court holy bread at pimmouth . the sachems oration . a spirit mooving the sachem to warre . the grand captaine makes a speech . the mine battaile . the feild wonne by the english. some lazy people . a lusty fellow . a poore complaint . edward iohnson a cheife iudge . maide a hainous fact . a fine device a wise sentence . to hange a sickman in the others steede . very fit iustice. a dangerous attempt . iestinge turned to earnest . good quarter with the salvages . a plott from plimmouth . salvages killed with their one weapons . newes carried . a revenge . the salvages call the english ●utthroates . the merchant with supply , a glosse upon the false text where two nations meet one must rule the other must be ruled or no quietnes . a machivell plot . the vaile . shipp and goodes confiscated . when every conspirator had his share the shipp delivered againe . bonds taken not to prosecute . report mr. weston was mad in new england . honest men in particular . brave entertainement in a wildernes . the meanes . booke learning despised villanous plots of knaves . prevented by discretion and discovered in drinke and discovered in drinke . the shallop billedged . two men of the company cast away swim to shore upon trees . a minister required to renounce his callinge . impatience confuted by example . new plimmouth presse money . the solemnity of banishment . a great happines comes by propagation . more childr●n in new canaan in 7. yeares , then in virginea in 27. delivered neare bussards bay . dead and buried . stenography one guift . oratory another guift . a great merchant a third guift . his day made a common prouerbe . trophies of honor . his long grace made the meat cold . the salvages betake the howse & take the corne. a dishonest tricke . a consenting tricke . the heathen more just , then the christians . two salvage guides conduct iohn , to neepenett alone . they take a note of , what was in the sa●k . mr. bubble must be found againe or else they shall be destroyed , not any thing diminished . shee cannot one the sodaine r●so●ve which dore to goe in all . a maypole . the man who brought her over was named samson iob. the maypole called an idoll the calfe of horeb , cor. mine host got out of prison . the captain tore his clothes . mine host got home to ma-re mount hee provides for his enemies . a parly , captaine shrimpe promiseth , that no violence should bee offered to his person . the worthies rebuked for their unworthy practises . mine host set upon an island without any thing to shift for himselfe . master ben : iohnson . a councell called . this caiphas that condemneth covetousnesse , and committeth it himselfe . the generall collection made . noe cost spared for the getting of a skillfull man the heape of gold . mine host a●rived againe in plimmouth . charter party treasor●r . warrants made by capt. littleworth in his name . mine host subscribed not . the patent . all consented but mine host. insteed of proffit , disproffit . commission for corne . mine hosts corne & goods carried away by violence . men that come to ridd the land of pollution . a courte called about mine host. a divellish sentence against him . the salvages repro●ve them . epictetus summa to●ius philosophice . an elder . iosua displeased . master temperwell . put it this w●y . good payement . blasphe●● an example for carnall men . notable pay . lamecharity lewes the ii sent a barber embassador . the embassage despise● a grocer . a taylor . a tapste● . a cobler . a very patorick . tenent . 1. a letter of many ministers in old england requesting the judgement of their reverend brethren in new england concerning nine positions written anno dom. 1637 : together with their answer thereunto returned, anno 1639 : and the reply made unto the said answer and sent over unto them, anno 1640 / by simeon ash, and william rathband. ashe, simeon, d. 1662. 1643 approx. 316 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 50 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70435 wing l1573a estc r11945 12094848 ocm 12094848 53955 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70435) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53955) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 238:e59, no 20 or 111:6) a letter of many ministers in old england requesting the judgement of their reverend brethren in new england concerning nine positions written anno dom. 1637 : together with their answer thereunto returned, anno 1639 : and the reply made unto the said answer and sent over unto them, anno 1640 / by simeon ash, and william rathband. ashe, simeon, d. 1662. rathband, william, d. 1695. [12], 90 [i.e. 86] p. printed for thomas vnderhill ..., london : 1643. errata: p. [2]. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library and harvard university libraries. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity -early works to 1800. congregational churches -doctrines. new england -church history -17th century. great britain -church history -17th century. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-04 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter of many ministers in old england , requesting the judgement of their reverend brethren in new england concerning nine positions . written anno dom. 1637. together with their answer thereunto returned , anno 1639. and the reply made unto the said answer , and sent over unto them , anno 1640. now published ( by occasion mentioned in the epistle to the reader , following in the next page , ) upon the desire of many godly and faithfull ministers in and about the city of london , who love and seeke the truth . by simeon ash , and william rathband . 1 thes . 5. 21. prove all things ; hold fast that which is good . london , printed for thomas vnderhill , at the signe of the bible in great woodstreet . 1643. i have diligently perused this reply to the answer , of the ministers of new-england , to the nine positions which i have approved , and judge very necessarie , and seasonable to bee printed , and published , iuly the fifth , 1643. iames cranford rector of christophers london . errata . page 22. marg. read romae . p. 33 line 27 r. society . p 37. l. 21. r. of all true churches . p 37. l. 3● . r. parium . p. 47. l. 41 r. saith . p 48. l. 30. r. quin. p. 50. l. 31 r. ordinance . the faults escaped in the quotation p. 5● . in some copies , the reader is desired to correct by beza de presb. p 57 l. 7. r. is the same . p 61 l 25. r. objection . p. 61. l. 28. r. were dispensed . p 64 l ●4 r. which without . p. 67. l. 14. r parium . p. 67 l. 29 ▪ r. therefore to them , p. 6● . l. 28. r. with christ . to the reader . good reader , vpon the receipt of the answer returned unto the nine positions , master ball moved by the request of brethren , drew up this reply , which upon perusall and joynt approbation , was directed unto the reverend elders of the severall churches in new england . the reply sent miscarrying in the hand , to which it was committed , though both letters and printed bookes trusted in the same hand were delivered : hereupon another copie was from new england desired , and accordingly prepared in the yeare following . in the meane time , the answer being tendered to the presse , it was judged more meete to keepe the reply in readinesse to attend the publishing of the answer , then to part with it in the other way . this intelligence was the last yeare conveyed into new england , since which time , there hath been an expectation to see that in print , which now is sent abroad to open view . by this relation it is manifest who are voluntiers , and who are pressed to come forth as defendants in these controversies . these differences betwixt the loving brethren of old england and new , had not been made thus notorious , if some who cry up the church way in new england , as the only way of god , had not been forward , to blow them abroad in the world . but surely the providence of god is remarkeable in bringing these questions into debate at this time . when the ministers of the gospell from all the counties in the kingdome are called together by both houses of parliament , to consult about the healing of our breaches , which are very many and dangerous : the copie of this reply being committed to our custodie we are necessitated to appeare in the publication of it : yet we shall preface nothing concerning the treatise it selfe , because our known respects to the reverend and judicious author will tender us partiall , and our testimony can adde no credit to his works which withall indifferent readers will plead sufficiently for their own acceptance . if this discourse shall adde any discovery of light unto them , who desire a sound judgement in the controversies here agitated , our end is obtained , and our prayers answered , who are . thy servants in and for the truth , simeon ash , william rathband . the letter of those ministers in england , who requested to know the judgement of their brethren in new england , in nine positions , wherein the reasons of this their request , are truly reported . ( reverend and beloved brethren ) whiles we lived together in the same kingdome , we professed the same faith , joyned in the same ordinances , laboured in the worke of god to gaine soules unto his kingdome , and maintained the puritie of worship against corruptions , both on the right hand and on the left . but since your departure into new england , we heare ( and partly beleeve it ) that divers have embraced certaine vain opinions , such as you disliked formerly , and we judge to be groundlesse and unwarrantable . as that a stinted forme of prayer , and set liturgie is unlawfull ; that it is not lawfull to joyne in prayer , or to receive the sacrament , where a stinted liturgie is used . 3. that the children of godly and approved christians , are not to be raptized , untill their parents bee set members of some perticular congregation . 4. that the parents themselves , though of approved piety are not to be received to the lords supper , untill they bee admitted as set members . 5. that the power of excommunication , &c. is so in the body of the church , that what the major part shall allow , that must be done , though the pastors and governors , and part of the assembly be of another minde , and peradventure , upon more substantiall reasons . 6. that none are to be admitted as set members , but they must promise , not to depart , or remove unlesse the congregation will give leave . 7. that a minister is so a minister to a particular congregation , that if they dislike him unjustly , or leave him he ceaseth to be a minister . 8. that a minister cannot performe any ministeriall act in another congregation . 9. that members of one congregation may not communicate in another . these and other such like ( which we omit to reckon up ) are written and reported to be the common tenents in new england , which are received with great applause , maintained with great confidence , and applauded , as the only church way , wherein the lord is to be worshipped . and letters from new england have so taken with divers in many parts of this kingdome , that they have left our assemblies because of a stinted liturgie , and excommunicated themselves from the lords supper , because such as are not debarred from it . and being turned aside themselves , they labour to ensnare others , to the griefe of the godly , the scandall of religion , the wounding of their owne soules ( if they did advisedly consider the matter ) and great advantage of them , that are wily to espy , and ready to make use of all advantages to prejudice the truth . ( beloved brethren ) if you stood in our places , we are well assured it would be no small griefe unto you , to heare and see the people led afide to the disgrace of the gospell , upon weake and groundlesse imaginations , and in rash and inconsiderate zeale to deale with that which is of god ▪ as if it were of man. and if it be to us griefe of heart to heare that you have changed from that truth which you did professe , and embrace that for truth which in former times upon sound grounds you did condemne as erroneous , we hope you will not be offended . you know how oft it hath beene objected , that non-conformists in practice are separatists in heart but that they goe crosse to their own positions , or smother the truth for sinister ends . they of the separation boast that they stand upon the non-conformist's grounds . a vainglorious flourish and sleight pretence . but both these are much countenanced by your sudden change if you be changed , as it is reported . how shall your brethren bee able to stand up in the defence of their innocencie and the uprightnesse of their cause , when your example and opinion shall be cast in their dish ? must they leave you now , with whom they have held society ? or will you plead for separation , which you have condemned as rash and inconsiderate ? you know that thy who have run this way have fallen into manifold divisions , and may not you justly feare , lest the same befall you ? some warnings you have had already , and have you not cause to feare every day more and more ? errour is very fruitfull and will spread apace . a cracke in the foundation may occasion a wide breach in the building , where there will not be means , or mind to amend it . experience every day may tutour us herein . but to let passe all inconveniences , our request in all meeknesse and love is , that if these , or any of the forementioned opinions be indeed your tenants you would be pleased to take a second review of your grounds , and send us your strongest reasons that have swayed you in these matters : and if we shall find them upon due examination to be such as will carry weight , we shall be ready to give you the right hand of fellowship ; if otherwise you shall receive our just and modest animadversions in what we conceive you have erred from the truth . you will not judge , if we cannot apprehend the strength of your grounds , it is because we love not the truth , or bee carryed with by-respects ( though these conceipts prevaile too much : ) such rigid and harsh censures , cannot lodge in meeke and humble breasts . weighty reasons promote the truth not unadvised judging . you your selves have judged that to be errour , which now you take to be truth when yet you were not blinded with by-respects , nor hudwinked your eyes , that you might not see the light . and if you have just warrant from god to pull downe what you have builded , and to build what you have pulled downe , we desire you would lovingly and maturely impart it ▪ for as yet we have scene none , which we are not ready to prove , and shew by the rule of truth to be too weake to carry any burthen . we adore with you the fulnesse of the scripture , and we know the counsell of the lord shall stand : if you can shew that you walke in the wayes of god , we shall heartily rejoyce to walke with you : but if you have turned aside , we shall earnestly desire that you would be pleased seriously to consider the matter , and speedily reforme , what is out of order . thus not doubting of your favourable interpretation of this our motion , for the preventing of distraction , maintenance of peace , and searching out of the truth , whereby we may be directed to live to the praise of god the good of his people , and comfort of our soules , beseeching god to lead and guide us into all truth and holinesse , and keepe us blamelesse untill his glorious appearance , we rest your loving brethren . an epistle written by the elders of the churches in new-england , to those godly ministers fore-mentioned that sent over the positions . reverend and beloved brethren : in these remote coasts of the earth , whereunto the good hand of god hath brought us , as we doe with much comfort of heart call to mind the many gracious blessings , which both with you , and from you , we injoyed in our christian and holy communion , ( the memory and fruit whereof we hope shall never be blotted out ) so we have also seen cause to looke back to our former administrations there , and to search and trie our wayes ; that wherein soever we have formerly gone astray , we might judge our selves for it before the lord : and that seeing now god hath set before us an open doore of libertie , wee might neither abuse our libertie in the gospel , to runne out into any groundlesse unwarrantable courses , nor neglect the present opportunitie to administer ( by the helpe of christ ) all the holy ordinances of god , according to the patterne set before us in the scripture ; in our native countrey , when we were first called to the ministery , many of us tooke some things to be indifferent and lawfull , which in after-times we saw to be sinfull , and durst not continue in the practise of them there ; afterwards some things that we bare as burthens , that is , as things inexpedient , though not utterly unlawfull ; we have no cause to retain and practise the same things here , which would not have been not onely inexpedient , but unlawfull : such things as a man may tollerate when he cannot remove them , hee cannot tollerate without sinne , when he may remove them ; besides some things we practised there ( which wee speak to our shame and griefe ) which we never took into serious consideration whether they were lawfull , and expedient or no , but took them for granted , and generally received ; not onely by the most reformed churches , but by the most godly and judicious servants of god amongst them ; which neverthelesse when we came to weigh them in the ballance of the sanctuarie , we could not find sufficient warrant in the word to receive them , and establish them here : of one of these three kinds will these our present practises appeare to be , which you call our new opinions , or , innovations here ; except it be some few of them , which though they have been reported to you to be our judgements and practises , yet are indeed farre from us : the partieulars are too many , and too weightie to give you account of them , and the ground of our proceedings about them in a letter . but to give you ( if it be the will of god ) the better satisfaction , we have sent you a short treatise touching each particular , that according to your desire you might understand from us how farre we do acknowledge any of these tenents , and upon what ground , hoping that according to your promise , if upon due examination you shall find any weight in them , you will give us the right hand of fellowship . but if otherwise , you will send us your just and faithfull animadversions , and we doe not suspect your loves to the truth , or your sincere speaking according to your conscience in the sight of god. neither taxe we you as siding from the truth with by-respects , whereof you complain , verily we abhorre such rash , harsh , and presumptuous notoriousnesse , we see as much cause to suspect the integritie of our own hearts , as yours ; and so much the more , as being more privie to the deceitfulnesse of our own hearts then to yours . and we cannot but with much thankfulnesse of heart acknowledge the many rich precious treasures of his grace , wherewith the lord hath furnished sandrie of you above your brethren , which causeth us with great reverence to accept , and receive what further light god may be pleased to impart unto us by you . but as we have beleeved , so have we hitherto practised , and so have most of us spoken this our answer to your particulars , most of us we may say , because there wants not some brethren amongst us who proceed further , even to looke at all set formes of prayer invented by men of another age or congregation , and prescribed to their brethren to be read out of a book for the prayers of the church , as images , or imaginations of men , forbidden in the second commandement ; but as we leave them to their libertie of their own judgements without prejudice , so do we also concurre with the rest of them , so farre as we all goe in bearing witnesse against any set formes , or the corruptions in them ; in dispatching whereof , we have been the more slow because it behoved us first to inquire into , and to settle some controversies amongst our selves , before we could well attend to entertaine discourse about forraigne questions which do not so neerely concerne our present estate and practise . besides your letters being sent to the ministers of the churches , and some of us dwelling farre asunder , it was not an easie thing for all of us often to meet together to consider of these questions , much lesse to resolve upon one just answer . but having at length ( by the assistance of god ) brought our answers to this issue , we commend it to the blessing of the lord , and in him to your christian , and judicious consideration ; where if all things bee found safe , and duely warranted from scripture grounds ; do you also as seemeth vigilant watchmen of the lords flock , and faithfull witnesses to god ; if any thing seeme doubtfull to you , consider and weigh it very well before you reject it : if any thing appeare to be unsound , and dissonant from the word ( which we for our parts cannot discerne ) we shall willingly attend to what further light god may send unto us by you : in the meane while wee intreat you in the lord , not to suffer such apprehensions to lodge in your minds , which you intimate in your letters ; as if we here justified the wayes of riged separation , which sometimes amongst you we have formerly borne witnesse against : and so build againe the things we have destroyed ; you know they separate from your congregations , as no churches ; from the ordinances dispensed by you as meere . antichristian , and from your selves as no visible christians . but wee professe unfainedly , we separate from the corruptions which we conceive to be left in your churches , and from such ordinances administred therein as we feare are not of god , but of men ; and for your selves , we are so farre from separating as from no visible christians , as that you are under god in our hearts ( if the lord would suffer it ) to live and die together ; and we looke at sundrie of you as men of that eminent growth in christianitie , that if there by any visible christians under heaven , amongst you are the men , which for these many yeeres have been written in your foreheads ( holinesse to the lord ) which we speake not to prejudice any truth which our selves are here taught and called to professe , but we still beleeve though personall christians may be eminent in their growth of christianitie : yet churches had still need to grow from apparent defects to puritie ; and from reformation to reformation , age after age , till the lord have utterly abolished antichrist with the breath of his mouth , and the brightnesse of his comming to the full and cleare revelation of all his holy truth ; especially touching the ordering of his house and publick worship ; as a pledge of this our estimation of you , and sincere affection to you , we have sent you these answers to your demand , and shall be readie , by the help of christ , to receive back againe from you , wise , and just , and holy advertisements in the lord. now the lord god , and father of our lord jesus christ , your lord and ours ; lead us all unto all truths , purge out all leaven out of his churches , and keepe us blamelesse and harmlesse in his holy faith and feare , to his heavenly kingdome , through him that hath loved us ; in whom we rest , your very loving brethren , the elders of the churches in new-england . reverend and dearely beloved brethren , it is not to be doubted but while we live here , we shall have just cause to search and try our ways , look back upon former courses , and call things done to more strict examination . for being over-clouded with ignorance , compassed about with infirmities , and beset with many temptations to sinne , knowing what we know best , but darkly and in part , no marvell , if in many things we offend ignorantly , of frailty for want of due consideration , rashly mistaking errour for truth , condemning truth for errour , suspecting evill without cause , and not suspecting where is just reason , drawing erronious conclusions from sound principles , and maintaining truths upon weak grounds ; so that in examination of our wayes , and endevours of their reformation wee had need to looke warily , that wee turn not to the right hand or to the left , for in the one we add to the word of god , as well as in the oother , and of our selves are apt to strike aside to both . a loose conscience will be profane , a tender , scrupulous . it stands us therefore upon to have our selves in suspition , in as much as experience teacheth that many have swerved from the path of sound peace and comfort on each hand . wherefore ( beloved brethren ) if since your comming into new england , upon serious review of former actions you have discovered any truths heretofore not taken notice of , we shal be so far from rejecting them because of your former judgment and practice , that we shall heartily desire to know and imbrace the same with you , and blesse god for you as the happy instruments of his glory , our instruction & the advancement of the truth . but if the discoveries be of the like nature with the positions mentioned in the letter ; as before , so still , we conceive them to be new opinions , and not warranted by scripture , which is the true antiquity . opinions we say , not practices , for not changing your opinion , you might lawfully alter your practice ; nay , what you did tolerate formerly as a burthen , in case not free , you might well forgoe being at your liberty . your judgement being the same , you might use your liberty in forbearance of a set liturgie , and yet retaine the same judgement of a stinted liturgie , that you had before ; you might forbeare for a time upon speciall reason ( such as present state and occasion might suggest ) to receive to the sacrament approved christians , not set members of a particular congregation ; as some brethren do ) who yet dare not think it unlawfull to communicate with such in the act of worship , or deem it just and right altogether to debar them , as having no right nor title to those priviledges of the church . it is your opinions whereto we had respect , not simply your practice . it never entred into us to perswade you to a set liturgy , much lesse to complain that you had not accepted ours . but that all stinted liturgies should be condemned as devised worship , and so condemned as that none may lawfully be present at , or pertake of the sacraments administred in a stinted or devised forme , this wee called a new opinion . neither do we mention it because we knew it to be the private opinion of some brethren among you , whom we had left to the liberty of their owne judgment , so far as the maintenance of the truth , and a just call did not ingage us : but because it was cryed up , and advanced with all diligence , and endeavour of some among us standing affected england-ward , as if a chief point of holinesse consisted in separation . you know how great a fire a little sparkle kindles . and seeing this distraction and rent had its originall , growth and continuance from some brethren in those parts , or affected to that way , when in loving and friendly manner we could neither receive grounds at home for our conviction , nor procure just satisfaction to the contrary ; what could wee doe lesse then call upon you joyntly to know your judgment , and either by sound proof to be by you convinced ( if happily you should approve their separation ( which we esteem groundlesse , rash , unlawfull , and prejudiciall to outward peace ) or being backed by a testimony of its dislike from you , we might the better be both incouraged , and furnished to endevour the quenching of that fire which was kindled but in too many places , in other perticulars also , wee conceive , you goe beyond commission given of god : granting them authority to whom god hath not committed it , debarring others from the priviledge of the sacraments , who have title thereto by the covenant of grace . your love in that you were pleased to signifie first your kinde and respective acceptance of our letter , and now also to send us an answer thereto , we acknowledge it with all thankfulnesse , and shall endevour ( through the grace of god ) to return like affection in truth of heart , if in measure we fall short . of your respect to us in particular , we make no question , your expressions are beyond that we could expect , as also what we dare own . but we humbly beseech the lord to direct , uphold , and guide us , that in some measure we may walk worthy of our vocation , and approv our selves faithfull to your consciences . it was one end of our writing to be satisfied in this point , whether you approve the ways of separation ( whereof wee complain ) and their courses who laboured with all their might , ( when they conceived hope to be heard ) to perswade therunto . against which ( if we knew your judgment ) you testified among us . you know they that separate are not all of one straine and temper . some deny all communion with us publick and private , some admit of private , but deny all publick , and some joyne in prayer before , and after sermon , as also preaching of the word ( because in their esteeme , this may be done without communion in a church-way ) but refuse to partake of the sacraments . all which separations wee judge uncharitable , contrary to the commandement of christ , and have ever thought that you ( whilst with us ) and we were of one minde herein . if of late we have conceived fears of some of you ( deere brethren ) as leaning too much to what formerly you disliked , we beseech you weigh what urgent and pressing reasons forced us thereunto , and we shall most gladly ( wee heartily desire you to rest assured ) lay hold of every line and syllable , that may tend to dislodge such apprehensions . for as we conceive , the dispute to be unreasonably moved , the rent offensive , the opinions themselves prejudiciall to the cause of god , and the advancers thereof to have passed the limits prescribed by god ; so wee shall esteem it an inestimable blessing , if ( now what hinders being removed ) wee might joyn with one heart and soule , in one way of god to promote his glory , and seek the good of his church and people . we trust in the lord , we should not draw back in any course wherein wee may see the lord going before us , nor be an offence to any to keep the lords way ; wee seek the truth , and are perswaded it is the cause of god which we defend : we plead for communion with the churches of christ , no further then they hold communion with christ , still desiring to keepe the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , with your selves and all others , who walke in the right way of truth , peace and comfort . how the lord may be pleased to deale with us , or dispose of us wee know not ( his blessed will be done . ) but of this we are resolved , through his grace , not willingly to raise trouble or dissention among you , if through ignorance or infirmity we shall not so fall in , as to be of one minde with you in these matters . and here we desire you to consider that in these particulars you dissent as much one from another as we dissent from you , and that wherein we dissent from you ( and perhaps from the lesser part of you ) you dissent from the judgement and practice of all reformed churches . this wee speake not to prejudice your cause , but to intreat your serious re-examination of what you have sent us , and this tryall thereof , by the touchstone of the word . for if we mistake not , in many things it will not abide the test . you have written in great love and tendernesse , that your positions might be so scanned , and wee shall endeavour with such affection to try all things , and hold fast that which is good . and now ( beseeching the guidance of the spirit ) with your leave , wee shall endeavour to deale fully and plainly , as the nature of the cause requireth , intreating you impartially to consider the grounds whereupon we , go and weigh what wee shall say in the ballance of the sanctuary . the lord of his rich mercy in jesus christ , direct us in discerning what is right and pleasing in his sight , cast offences out of the church , close up rents and divisions , reveal his truth more and more , set up and mayntain the purity of his own ordinances , unite the hearts of his people to the love and feare of his holy name , teach us self-deniall , and keep us blamelesse to the comming of the lord jesus christ . amen . i position . that a stinted forme of prayer and set liturgie is unlawfull . answ . before we proceed to declare our selves concerning this position : it will be needfull that some thing be premised , for the explication of the terms thereof . we suppose , 1 by a liturgy and forme of prayer , you mean not a forme of private prayers composed for the helpe and direction of weaker christians : but the system or body of publike prayers generally used in the english parishes , compiled for the churches use by other men not infallibly guided by god , to be said or read out of a book by their ministers as the churches prayers . and that this is your meaning , may appeare from your letter it self , wherein you complain that divers in many parts of that kingdome have left their assemblies , because of a stinted liturgy . now we know not of any other stinted liturgy from which the people do absent themselves , but onely that which is in use in the english churches . for as for a forme of prayer in generall , wee conceive your meaning cannot be of that . for it is evident that many preachers constantly use one set form of prayer of their own making before their sermons , with whom the people refuse not to joyn . 2 by stinted and set , you mean such prayers , as are so imposed upon the churches and ministers , as that they are limited to that very form of words expressed in the book without addition , diminution , or alteration ; for that liturgy and forme among you , is in this sense set and stinted . 3 by unlawfull , you mean that we looking at that form , as swerving from the rule ; neither dare first practice it our selves , nor secondly approve the use of it by others . this being the true state of the question , so far as it appears to us , from the letter . we answer , 1 for our own practice , the churches here doe not use any stinted forme of prayer and set liturgy , for these and other such reasons . 1 because we finde no necessity of any stinted liturgy to be used among us , by vertue of any divine precept . and seeing the commission of the apostles limited them , to ●each men to observe and do onely what christ did command them in matters of this nature , math. 28. 20. who are we and what are our churches , that we should presume above this commission ? and , we hope , it will not be offensively taken by any godly brethren , that we stand fast in the liberty wherewith christ hath made us free in this , as well as in all other things . secondly , because the lawfulnesse of set forms and stinted liturgies is questioned and doubted of by many faithfull servants of god : whereas for church-officers to edifie the churches by their own gifts , as well in praying as in preaching , all sorts without controversie grant it to be lawfull . now spirituall prudence guideth believers , when two ways are set before them , one doubtfull though ventured on by some , the other certainly safe and good , though neglected by many , to choose that which is safe , declining the other . thirdly , because primitive paterns of all the churches of god in their best times ( when as touching this point they kept the rule in their eye ) whether jewish before christ , or christian above a 100 yeers after christ , yield not the least footstep to shew us another safe way to walk in , then this which we have chosen . as for after times towards the end of the second , and beginning of the third century , we know how far the churches were then degenerated and declined from the first purity ; neither do we marvell at it , seeing in the apostles time the mystery of iniquity began to work , and it was then foretold , that the power of godlinesse would be in aftertimes exchanged for empty formes . in which respect , we look not at them as our guides neither in this , nor other particulars not warranted by the rule , herein following the advise of cyprian , who himself saw the corruption of those times , non est attendendum quid aliquis ante nos faciendum putaverit , sed quid qui ante omnes est christus fecerit & faciendum praeceperit . to conclude , seeing our christian liberty freeth us from binding our selves to any religious observances , whereunto the written word doth not bind us . and seeing spirituall prudence directs us to choose those ways , which on all hands are confessed to be s●fe , avoiding those that be doubtfull and hazardous . and seeing it will not be safe for us , needlesly to swerve from the constant practice of all churches that are recorded in scripture , and there held forth as a cloud of witnesses for us to follow in matters of this nature , wee therefore may not , doe not , dare not use set forms of prayers and stinted liturgies in these churches . more particularly , in that we doe not use that forme of prayer and stinted liturgy , which is in use among your selves : these and such other like reasons have induced us thereunto . 1 the many and just exceptions whereunto that liturgy is lyable both for matter and manner ; for the proofe whereof wee referre you to those faithfull servants of god , who have gone before us in witnessing against the same : amongst others to master cartwright , and the abridgment . 2 in as much as that liturgy was never commanded of god , and hath been greatly abused to idolatry and superstition , and is not of any necessary use , and therefore we are affraid to bring it into the worship of god , as knowing the jealousie of the lord , in matters of this nature ; exod. 20 , and how strictly hee commandeth his people , that all monuments and remnants of idolatry and superstition should be abolished from among them , deut. 5. 25 , 26. exod. 23. 13. esay 30. 2● . 2 cor. 6. 17. in which respect the holy ghost hath greatly commended iacob , david , iehu hezechia and iosiah for taking away the remembrance of such things , gen. 35. 2 , 4. psal . 16. 4. 2 king 10. 26 , 27. & 18. 4. & 2● . all the chapter . and where other kings of iudah came short of the like zeale , the scripture notes it as a blemish in them that the high places were not taken away , albeit the people did not sacrifice in them to false gods , but onely to the lord , 2 chron. 15. 17. & 20. 33. & 33. 17. yea , moreover , it appeareth by the scripture , that somethings that had a good originall and use ( if they be not still necessary and commanded of god ) are unlawfull when once they are knowne to be defiled by idolatry , and abused to it , 2 king. 18. 4. hos . 2. 16 , 17. as the brazen serpent was at the first an institution though but temporary : but when the children of israel burned incense to it , hezechiah , is commended for breaking it in pieces , and the lord witnesseth of him that he did that which was right in the sight of the lord , and according to his commandement , which he commanded moses , 2 king. 18. 3 , 6. how much more in the like case ought other things to be removed , which never were commanded of god , but onely were devised by men ? and that that liturgy hath been superstitiously abused , may be cleer to any that shall consider that it is the same for substance that was used in the days of popery . and therefore when the papists in devonshire and cornwall , had made a commotion and rebellion upon the change of religion , in the days of king edward the sixth . it was told them by the king , for the pacifying of them : that it was the self-same service in english , which had been before in latine : and if the service of the church was good in latine , it remayneth good in english , for nothing is altered : fox acts and monuments , edward 6. and pope pius the fifth did see so little variation in it from the latine service , that had been formerly used in that kingdome , that he would have ratified it by his authority , if q. elizabeth would have so received it . and many of the people put such holinesse in it , that they think god is not rightly worshipped , nor his sabbath well observed , nor the sacraments sufficiently administred , if there be no reading of that service . and others put such holinesse and necessity in it , that they preferre it before gods holy ordinance of preaching the word . in so much as the ministers are in the danger of being called in question , and of being censured , if they doe not read that liturgy every lords day without omitting any part thereof , either in respect of preaching or otherwise . 3 in regard of the many wofull scandals , and dangerous consequences of using that liturgie , of which we suppose you are not ignorant . to mention but two , viz. the hardning of papists who are imboldned to think better of their own breviaries , masse-books , portuisses , seeing that liturgie hath bin extracted out of those books , and rather fetched from them then from the forms used in any of the reformed churches . 2 the conntenancing and establishing of an unlearned idol ministery , of not-preaching curates , non-residents , pluralities , &c. in whose skirts is to be found the blood of so many mens souls living and dying in their sins , while they ignorantly content themselves with , and harden themselves in some empty forms of religion and blinde devotion , which are begotten and cherished chiefely by such prayers and ministers . neither is there lesse scandall hereby ( we meane not onely taken but given ) then by the eating of an idolathite , in the idols temple condemned by the apostle 1 cor. 8. 7 10. for if the eating of an idolathite by him that had knowledge , and knew that an idol was nothing , and that all meats were lawfull , did imbolden others to honour the idol , and therefore was a scandall given , so also it is in this case . 4 seeing that booke is so imposed as that the minister in reading of it , is limited to the very words set downe without any diminution , addition , or alteration ; therefore we dare not use it . for 1 the lord himselfe hath not limited his people to his own formes and therefore we see not , how it can be lawfull to be limited to other mens formes ; for in thus doing we should subject our selves to the exercise of such an authority and power of the prelates , as in this case puts forth a stronger act of limiting power then christ himselfe , who doth not limit us to those formes , which himselfe hath set downe in scripture : for though we acknowledge the lords prayer and other formes set down in scripture , may be lawfully used as prayers ( due cautions being observed ) yet there is not a limitation lying upon the churches in the use of those prayers . and therefore we do not find that the apostles ever used that form taught by christ in those very words , much lesse limited themselvs to it , when they prayed , nor did they teach the churches so to doe . 2 if the lord would not have us limit our selves in our own forms , whiles we are exercising our own gifts ( which he hath specially sanctified to edify his church act. 6. 4. eph. 4. 8. 1 cor. 12. 7. ) least we should quench or at least straiten his spirit in prayer , 1 thes . 5. 19. would he then have us limited to other mens forms , which have not beene in like sort sanctified of god , but will rather quench or straiten the spirit of god , whiles we are so limited to them ? 3 the entertainment of this form hath been a manifest snare unto the churches who upon the same ground on which they have received this forme into the desks have beene limited to others in the pulpit , by meanes whereof the poore church of christ hath bin wholly deprived of the publike use of the ministers gifts in prayer , and the spirit of prayer in the ministers in publike , hath beene greatly restrained . as for our judgement concerning the practice of others , who use this liturgie in our native countrie , we have alwayes beene unwilling to expresse our mindes there against unlesse we have been necessarily called thereunto , and at this time we thinke it not expedient to expresse our selves any further concerning this matter , as loath to intermeddle with the affaires of other churches , but contenting our selves with , and blessing the lord for those liberties which we , by the mercie of god , do here enjoy , reserving also due reverence to the judgements of our beloved brethren and deere countreymen , who may concerning this matter be otherwise minded . reply . this position cannot beare that meaning which you give it , if you take it according , o our mindes , and the plain construction of the words . we never questioned why you made not use of a stinted liturgy , much lesse why you did not wholly and in every part tye your selves unto , and approve of that forme in use amongst us . you might well thinke we had little to doe to put forth such a demand , viz. whether you thinke it lawfull to approve in others and practice your selves , what swerveth from the rule , and we thinke it strange you should give our words such a meaning . the thing we craved resolution in was , whether in your judgements all stinted and set formes of prayer and liturgies be unlawfull . the reason hereof was because in writings from new-england , we had seene all set liturgies , and set formes of prayer condemned as devised worship which god would not accept , and partaking in the sacraments of the supper in our assemblies , therefore disallowed , because administred in a stinted liturgie , which things were received with such likeing among some brethren with us , and by them imparted and recommended to others , that they occasioned that rent and distraction whereof we complain . it is true , the people among us separate from our forme of prayer or liturgy , but the reason hereof is because it is stinted , not because this or that or ours in particular . you confesse you want not some brethren among you who look at all set formes of prayer invented by one of another age or congregation , and prescribed to their brethren , to be read out of a booke for the prayers of the church , as images and imaginations of man forbidden in the second commandement , and that the lawfulnesse of liturgies , and set formes is questioned and doubted of by many faithfull servants of god , such also as come over occasionally , who withdraw themselvs from the sacraments in the congregation , doe it on this pretence , that a stinted liturgie is a humane invention . and if we examine the reasons brought against stinted formes and liturgies , we shall finde them to strike at all formes and liturgies though devised by men of the same age and congregation , and to be used but now and then , or but once on set purpose , and that either in publike or in private , as elsewhere we may have occasion to shew . you say it is evident , many preachers constantly use a set forme of prayer of their own making before their sermons with whom the people refuse not to joyne ; and you know ( we doubt not ) that such set formes are disliked also . and if the grounds be examined ( in our understanding ) they make as much against the one as the other . view but the reasons why you admit not a stinted liturgie and forme of prayer , and see whether the two last will not in the same terms directly conclude gainst both . but what ever is to be thought herein , or whether mens practises agree with their opinions we now dispute not . this is plaine and manifest , that mens opinions are to be judged by their expresse words and reasons , not by their practises . the brownists ( as they are commonly called ) can separate from no stinted liturgie amongst us , but that which is in use , and for ought we know they may joyne with their owne pastors , though they oft use the same forme of prayer in whole or in part , in thanksgiving before meat , or in prayer before sermon , or the like . and yet their opinion is that all stinted liturgies and set formes of prayer be unlawfull , humane inventions forbidden by the second commandement . but if any thing had beene left doubtfull in the letter , that it might be strained to another sence , either because we were short in expression , or many of you not informed in the passages which gave occasion to the question , it is well knowne what the words meane in ordinary construction . and we doubt not but many brethren among you , might and could fully informe you of our meaning that there need no such straining to find it out . that which followeth in your answer to the position ( as you interpret it ) wee passe over , because it is not to the matter intended . and wee are as unwilling to trouble you with the affaires of other churches taking you from your owne weightie occasions , as you are unwilling to be interrupted . onely in regard of promise , and because plaine dealing serves to maintaine love , we thinke good to advertise you these few things . 1 that your reasons why you accept not of a stinted lyturgie be ambiguously propounded , for sometimes you plead onely for your libertie herein , and that a stinted forme is not necessary , and sometime you speake so , as they that looke at stinted lyturgies , as images forbidden in the second commandement will easily draw your words to their meaning . 2 the reasons you bring against a set forme of prayer or liturgie doe hold as strong against a set forme of catechisme confession and profession of faith , blessing , baptizing and singing of psalmes . 3 wee have not called upon you at this time to witnesse for , or against the corruptions in the communion-booke . this you fall upon by straining the sense of our demands contrary to the true meaning thereof . the reasons which you bring against it , we cannot approve them all ; the exceptions which have bin taken both from the matter and manner thereof we know : but to esteeme the whole for some corruptions found therein , a monument of idolatry , that we have not learned . the argument in the abridgement which is used against conformity to the ceremonies did not in their judgement who were authors of the booke hold against the lyturgie , of which opinion we are also . 4 if these reasons be intended onely to shew why you receive not our forme of administration , it is that which ( we are perswaded you know ) we never required of you . if to disallow the use of the booke amongst us altogether in things lawfull , good and pertinent , they will not hold weight . 5 you are generally ( as you say ) loath to meddle with the affaires of other churches , unlesse you have been necessarily called thereunto . but when some upon the request ( as we suppose ) of private friends , and others out of their zeale and forwardnesse have laboured to draw many to separation from the sacrament , because ministred in a stinted lyturgie : wee cannot apprehend any just ground of this apologie . the rent is wide , and some brethren had their hands deepe therein , which made us at this present to crave your judgements , and the reasons thereof to make up the breach . 6 i. d. objecteth to master p. that his manner of preaching was disorderly in carrying that matter , he speakes of , to the classes , before he had declared to the church the equity of his refusing the ministers desired by the scriptures . and may not we with like reason object , that this manner of proceeding is disorderly in seeking to draw men to separation , because of stinted liturgie , before you had shewed to us or other brethren ( whom it may concerne ) by scripture , or reasons drawne from thence , that a stinted liturgie was unlawfull ? but of this wee may intreat more fully elsewhere . ii. position . that it is not lawfull to joyne in prayer , or receive the sacraments where a stinted liturgie is used , or as we conceive your meaning to be in this , as in the former question viz. where , and when that stinted liturgie is used . answer . it seemeth by this your letter , the ground of this position hath beene the separation of divers from your assemblies , because of a stinted liturgie : and we are not ignorant of the rigid separation of divers people , who withdraw themselves from an able faithfull ministry , as no ministry of christ , and from their godly congregations as no churches of christ ; because of some corruptions from which ( through want of light , not love of the truth ) they are not throughly cleansed . against which practise we have ever witnessed . as for our judgement concerning the position it selfe , we would promise two things ; first concerning the persons reading this liturgie , which may be either an ungodly or unable minister , or an able and a godly . secondly , concerning the liturgie it selfe , which may be either of the whole or some select prayers , which may be conceived to be the least offensive . now if the question be of joyning in prayer with , and when that whole liturgie is used , or where that which is used , is read by an unable and ungodly minister , we then see not how it can be lawfull to joyne in prayer in such cases ; for 1 the prayers of the minister are not his private prayers , but the publike prayers of the whole assembly , whose mouth he is to god. and when the prayers offered up by the minister , as a living holy , and acceptable service to god , are not through humane frailty , but otherwise for matter and manner corrupt , wee see not what warrant any one hath to joyne with such prayers , mal. 1. 13. 14. 2 when men ioyne therein with an insufficient ministry , they doe not only countenance them in their place and office , whom the lord hath rejected from being his priests . hos . 4. 6. but also set up those idolls and means of worship to edifie themselves by , which god never appointed in his holy word ezeck . 11. 17. but if the question be of joyning in some few select prayers read by an able and painfull minister out of that booke as on the one side wee are very tender of imputing sin to the men that so joyne : so on the other side , we are not without feare , least that such joyning may be found to be unlawfull : unlesse it may appeare that the ministers with whom the people have communion in reading those prayers doe neither give any scandall by reading of them nor give unlawfull honour to a thing abused to idolatry , and superstition , nor doe suffer themselves to be sinfully limited in the reading of them . reply . sufficient hath been spoken of the meaning of the position and the grounds thereof and if we have not mistaken your judgment & practice both , you have born witnesse against both that you call the rigid seperation , and this more moderate also ; and we humbly wish , the moderate doe not degenerate into the rigid ere long . it is very strange , if they take not great incouragement upon your grounds . the truth of our ministery , churches , ordinances , and calling is questioned , and where men will stay the lord knoweth , and what more common then that our liturgie is unlawfull , because it is the devise of man ; the author ( or publisher at least ) of a letter against our service booke beginneth with such like distinction . against this prayer-booke ( saith he ) divers have pleaded in a different manner . first some arguments are proper to the separatists qua tales , viz. that it is offered in a false church ; 2. by a false minister ; 3. in the behalfe of the subjects of the kingdome of antichrist . these are properly theirs , being the grounds whereupon they make a totall separation from all the churches in this land , as no churches of christ . these i approve not , yet note them that yee may see upon what different grounds , the same position is maintained by severall persons , and that yee may be delivered from the prejudice , which hinders many from receiving those truths , because they feare the reproach of brownisme . secondly , there are other grounds which are common to all that plead for the the puritie of christs ordinances , and which doe not necessarily inferre such separation , but only serve to shew the unlawfulnesse of that practise , and our communicating therein . thus the epistle wherein the same distinction of separation is noted : but how truly , let the indifferent judge . if none must be counted separatists , but such as have pleaded against the booke of common prayer as unlawfull , because offered up in a false church , &c. then are there none such in the world , that we have knowne or heard of : for it is apparent they cast us off as no churches of christ , because our service is a humane devise , will-worship , idolatry ; and not on the contrary , that our service is will-worship , or idolatry , because our churches are false churches . against all communion with us they plead , because we are a false church , but against our stinted liturgie they argue not in that manner . the grounds on which that authour builds ( which he saith are common to all , that plead for the purity of gods ordinances ) are one and the same with the grounds of the separatists , shafts taken out of the same quiver and peculiar to them , some few brethren onely excepted , who of late have looked towards that opinion . see how affection will transport . those reasons shall be common to all that plead for the purity of christs ordinances , which were never taken to be sound and true , either by the reformed churches abroad , or by the godly brethren at home , whether now at rest with the lord , or for the present living , or yet by the most of the brethren among whom they live , and with whom they hold societie , or by any minister or societie which did hold the unitie of the spirit in the bond of peace for the space of this 1400 yeares and upwards , by your owne confession , unlesse within these few dayes , and that by a few onely . if this be not to strengthen the hands of the separatists , or at least , to lay blocks of offence in their way , what is ? as yet we thinke most of them that have separated , are not so farre gone , as to condemne all our assemblies as no churches of christ , but we judge they have proceeded further then christ the lord and saviour of his church hath given them commission or allowance , that the grounds whereon they build are unsound , and such as make way for further danger , if the lord prevent not . and that the reasons mentioned in the letters are the proper grounds of separatists , and not common to all them that seeke the purity of religion , for they are not approved by your selves : and if all this tend not to turne them who halt , out of the right way , wee heartily intreate you to consider . your judgement concerning the position , you deliver in three propositions ( for so many they be for substance ) in respect of the persons reading the liturgie , or the thing it selfe that is read . as if any part of the liturgie bee read , ( put case some few selected prayers onely , by an unable and ungodly minister : it is unlawfull ( say you ) for the people to joyne in that case . but if it be unlawfull for the people to joyne , when an ungodly minister readeth some few select prayers , it is either in respect of the minister , or the prayers themselves . not of the prayers themselves , for they be select and choyce , faultlesse both in respect of matter and manner , as it is taken for granted , unlesse this distribution be to no purpose ; if in respect of the minister , then it is not lawfull to joyne with such a one in any ordinance of god whatsoever . for if the minister make it unlawfull , then all communion in any part of gods worship , with such ministers is unlawfull , and so the church in all ages of the world , the prophets , our saviour christ , the apostles , and the faithfull in the primitive churches sinned , in holding communion with such , when the priests were dumbe dogges that could not barke , and greedy dogges that could never have enough ; when the prophets prophesied lies , and the priests bare rule by their meanes ; when the priests bought and sold doves in the temple , and tooke upon them to provide such things for them that were to offer ; when the pharisees corrupted the law by false glosses , taught for doctrines mens precepts , made the commandements of god of none effect through their traditions , under pretence of long prayer devoured widowes houses , taught the law , but practised it not ; when they were such , and did such things , they were ungodly ministers ; but we never find that the prophets , our saviour , the apostles , did either forbeare themselves , or warne the faithfull not to communicate with such in the ordinance of worship . we reade our saviour charged his disciples , to beware of the leaven of the scribes and pharisees , to let them alone , because they were the blind leaders of the blind , but he never forbade to communicate with them in the ordinances of god. it is not then for private christians to withdraw themselves from the ordinance of worship , and communion of the church , because such are permitted to deale in the holy things of god , whom they judge or know unfit : when men joyne in the worship of god with unworthy ministers , they doe not countenance them in their place and office , but obey the commandement of god , who requires their attendance upon his highnesse in that way and meanes . to goe no further then the text you quote , because thou hast despised knowledge , i will also reject thee , &c. properly the text is spoken of the ten tribes called israel , and the priests among them who worshipped the calves which ieroboam had set up , whom the lord threatneth to reject , because they had rejected knowledge being either wilfully ignorant , or withholding the truth in unrighteousnesse . whether they were for the present absolutely rejected , or the lord threatens only to reject them we will not dispute . this may suffice that it is not to be found either in this or any other text of scripture , that the people joyning in the true worship of god , with unworthy ministers , do countenance them in their place thereby . on the contrary , if you will extend this text to all unworthy ministers of what sort soever , whom the word of truth doth condemne as not approved ministers of god , the scripture teacheth evidently not onely that the people by joyning do not countenance them in their place and office , but that they must and ought to joyne with them in the worship of god , and in separating from the ordinance they shall sinne against god , much lesse then do they in such joyning set those idols and meanes of worship , which god never appointed in his word . for the worship is of god , and the ministery is of god , the person unworthily executing his place , is neither set up by some few private christians , nor can by them be removed . and warrant to withdraw themselves from the worship of god , because such as ought not , are suffered to entermeddle in the holy things of god , they have none from god. dumbe dogs , greedy dogs , idol-sheepheards , false prophets , strangers , are unworthy ministers , but they that communicate with such in the ordinance of worship , are never said to set up idols or means of worship which god never appointed . the sheep of christ will not heare strangers in the lords sense , but outwardly they heard those strangers preach ( if the scribes and pharisees were such ) and by hearing them discovered them to be strangers , i. e. false prophets ; some strangers at least , of whom our saviour speaks , were of the true church , and of israel , but brought false doctrine tending to kill the soule , such strangers none should heare , that is , believe and follow : but as they be tolerated in the church , so they may hear them , so long as they bring the truth . unworthy ministers are no ministers for themselves , but they are ministers for the people of god , that is , so long as they be in the place of ministers , the acts of their administrations are of force to the faithfull , if they observe the forme of administration prescribed by christ ; for christs ordinances have their efficacy from him , not from them that serve about them , and evill ministers minister not in their own name , but in christs and by his commission . it hath evermore bin held for a truth in the church of god , that although somtimes the evill have chiefe authority in the ministration of the word and sacraments , yet for as much as they doe not the same in their own name but in christs , and minister by his commission and authority , wee may use their ministery both in hearing the word , and receiving the sacraments ; neither is the effect of christs ordinance taken away , by their wickednesse , nor the grace of gods gifts diminished from such as by faith , and rightly doe receive the sacraments administred to them which are effectuall ; because of christs institution and promise , although they be ministred by evill men . beza de presbyt . et excōmunicat . p. 25 26. ista vero , quia nonnulli à sacris caetib . & sacrament . usu propter aliorum vitia ultro abstinent i. e. seipsos excommunicant magnam reprehensionem merentur . the reasons whereby the ancient churches condemned the donatists and catharists for their voluntary and seditious separation and the moderne churches condemne the anabaptists for their unwarrantable departure from , and so renting of the body of christ , will hold against separation from the prayers of the congregation , because they are read by an ungodly minister . the second proposition . where the whole liturgie is used , though by an able and godly minister , it is not lawfull to joyne in prayer in that case . herein wee cannot be of your judgement ; for in the times of the prophets , and our saviour christ , as great abuses , no question , were found in the church of the jews in the administration of holy things of god as can be imagined in our liturgie or forme of prayer : but the prophets and our saviour who taught the people to keepe themselves pure and undefiled , never taught them to separate from the administration of the holy things of god. and if the presence at our forms of prayer be not lawful by reason of the corruptions alleaged , there can be no visible society named throughout the world since 200. yeeres after christ or thereabouts , wherein a christian might lawfully joyne in prayer , reading the scripture , hearing the word or participation of the sacraments . for compare the doctrines , prayers , rites at those times in use in the churches with ours , and in all these , ( blessed be the name of the lord ) wee are more pure then they . but no man will be so bold ( we hope ) as to affirme the state of the churches within 200. yeeres after christ , to be so miserably decayed that the faithfull could not without sin hold communion with them in the aforesaid ordinances . the prayers of the minister , whether conceived or stinted in a set forme , be not his private prayers , but the publike prayers of the whole assembly , whose mouth he is to god both in the one and the other . but you will not say , the people ought not to joyne with their pastor in the publique assembly , if ought bee amisse in his prayer for matter , or manner , or both . it is all one to the people in this case , whether the fault be personall ( as some distinguish ) or otherwise knowne beforehand or not knowne : for if simple presence defile , whether it was knowne beforehand or not , all presence is faulty . and if simple presence defile not , our presence is not condemned , by reason of the corruptions knowne , whereof we stand not guilty , whether the corruption be through humane frailty or not , it is not in us to enquire , but rather whether we be called to come , and the faults such as one christian cannot or must not tolerate in another without breach of charity . for if the errour be such as may be tolerated , and i am called to be present ; by such fault i am not defiled though knowne before . if the error be such as in conscience may not be tolerated , though not knowne before hand , i am bound , if present some way to professe against it . this distinction of personall and ministeriall faults in this case untill it be cleared by some text of scripture or sound reason from the word , must goe for the devise of man. a church , a minister , or a christian may be stiffe in an error ( being misperswaded it is a truth ) after many meanes long used to convince them , with whom yet we must hold communion in the ordinances of religion : and the error may be such as we cannot without hypocrisy or denyall of the truth hold communion , though such meanes of conviction have not gone before . but the corruptions alleadged against our forme of prayer for matter or manner , are such as one christian may and must tolerate in another where he hath no power to redresse them . hath not christian wisdome and experience of humane frailties lessoned you ( deere brethren ) to beare one with another in matters of greater consequence then any have or can be objected truly against the form of prayer in use among us ? and why such corruptions should not be ascribed to humane frailty ; we see not : for if a godly minister make use of a book in things which he judgeth lawfull for matter and manner , the corruption in him that useth it according to his judgement , from what cause can it spring but humane ignorance and frailty ? we rest assured you question not the integrity of many , who make much more use of the booke then onely in a few select prayers . from the bottome of our hearts we desire and pray that god would remove out of his church and worship whatsoever offendeth for matter or manner , and that all things may be so done , not onely that they may be tolerated but that they might be approved in the conscience of all men . but we are perswaded that not onely some few select prayers but many prayers & other exhortations may lawfully be used , with fruit and edification to gods people . to aggravate faults especially when it tends to draw away people from the ordinances of god , is no lesse fault then to excuse them , it may be greater , and therefore we dare not esteeme the prayers read by a godly and faithfull minister according to the booke in use among us , a corrupt sacrifice whether in such as read them , or them that be present . in them that join according to christs command ( and liberty of absence from christ hath not beene shewed ) notwithstanding the corruptions , we hold the prayers to be an holy and acceptable sacrifice to god , and pleasing to jesus christ . the corrupt sacrifice is that , which the deceiver bringeth voluntarily , and out of neglect , having a male in his flock : but the faithfull bringeth himself and his godly desires according to the will of god , and as for corruptions , whether respecting matter or forme , they are none of his , they cleave not to his sacrifice to staine or pollute it . as for the text of the prophet mal. 1. 13 , 14. it is cited by many in this businesse , and to many purposes applyed , but we cannot finde that in the prophet for which it is here brought , the deceiver is accursed that offereth a corrupt thing to the lord. this we reade and beleeve , but that a godly man , being present at this forme of prayer among us , read by a godly and faithfull minister , is the deceiver , who offereth a corrupt thing unto the lord , that is not proved . no argument can be brought from this place to the purpose , but by analogy , which is a kinde of arguing of all other most ready at hand , but lyable to most exceptions , and apt to draw aside , if great care be not had , ( which in this place we finde not ) to take the proportion in every materiall point just and right . and we desire such as alleadge this passage of scripture against simple presence at the prayers of our liturgy , advisedly to consider whether god allow them to make such application of his truth which wee much doubt of , to say no more . your third proposition . that as you are very tender of imputing sinne to those men that joyne in some select prayers read by an able and godly minister : so on the other side you are not without feare , least such joyning may be found unlawfull , unlesse it may appeare that the ministers with whom the people have communion in reading those prayers , neither give any scandall by reading them , nor give unlawfull honour to a thing abused to idolatry and superstition , nor doe suffer themselves to be sinfully limited in the reading of them . 1 we cannot conceive how you should imagine the practice of a godly minister in reading some few select prayers to be scandalous or offensive in their congregations when the people generally , not in their assemblies onely , but throughout the whole land , were perswaded of the lawfulnesse of that course till now of late some have beene drawne away to separate , who yet by warrant of scripture produce nothing of weight to countenance that practice . 2 if the booke should be as you take it an idolathite , latent offence doth not oblige . if any man say unto thee , this is sacrificed to idols , eat it not , so that if it doe not manifestly appeare that this practice is scandalous ; it is not lawfull for the people to withdraw themselves . 3 the book ( we speake of the liturgie so far as it is sound and good ) by your confession is no idolathite , neither was it taken out of the masse-book in such sense as you object , but rather the masse & other idolatrous prayers were added to it , for popery is as a scab or leprosie cleaving to the church , and many truths belonging to the church as her proper legacie were stollen and heaped together in that denne . and why the true man may not challenge his goods where ever he finds thē , or the thiefe plead title to the true mans goods by prescription , we know not ? it is no hard taske to shew that our service-booke was reformed in most things according to the purest liturgies which were in use in the church long before the masse was heard of in the world . and if that could not be shewed , yet formes of speech generally taken ( we speak not of this or that speciall word or phrase ) is no more defiled by idolatry then the light aire , or place where idolatry is committed . it is not unlawfull to pray , lord helpe , or lord have mercy , or to give thankes , praised bee god , because the papists say , lady helpe , or , praised be god and the virgin mary . fourthly , put case the minister in reading such prayers gives offence , or attributes unlawfull honour to a thing abused to idolatry and superstition , or suffer himselfe to be sinfully limited in the reading of them , what is that to the faithfull ? this can be no just ground of the people 's not joyning with them in the worship of god , for that offence is personall onely , and not the sin of them that be present , they joyn in prayer onely , and not in his reading or limiting himself . not to say that every particular person must be herein both accuser and judge . if he give offence must they stumble at the stone , and separate from the ordinance of grace ? wee should rather think it is their duty to look unto their feet , that they goe not awry . let it be shewed out of the word of god , that either the minister is guilty of giving unlawfull honour , or that the people may lawfully withdraw themselves in case he should do so , and we will then say as you do , but untill that be proved , ( being pressed and called to proffer our judgements ) we believe that separation is scandalous and sinfull , never taught of god , nor confirmed by the approved example of the godly in any age or time of the church : yea , against the positive law of god , injurious to the churches distracting christians , bringing contempt upon the ordinances of god , and defrauding believers of the spirituall food of their souls , which is indeed to infringe their christian liberty , and what ever may be thought of it now , in former times it hath been accounted no small offence . fiftly , if this and such like scruples make it unlawfull to joyn in the ordenance of worship , we must hold communion with no society under heaven . for may not the brethren which hold all stinted liturgies , and set forms unlawfull say with like strength of reason , it is unlawfull to joyn in conceived prayer with others , if either they give too little honour to it , as deeming the other lawfull , or sinfully limiting , or suffering themselves to be limited to one stinted forme , though conceived at first by them selves ? and may not the brethren who hold a stinted forme lawfull in like manner object ? it is unlawfull to joyn in prayer with them because they attribute too much honour to conceived prayer , as making their device and method the worship of god ? and may not the brethren which hold it lawfull to use some selected prayers according to the forms among us , upon the same grounds condemne communion with both sorts ? and all of them one with another , because they either limit themselves too much , or too little ? you say in the exposition of the first position , many preachers constantly use a set form of prayer of their own making before their sermons , must you not say upon this ground , that it is unlawfull to joyn with them , because they sinfully stint themselves ? in probability a christian may presume , that in the publike worship of god , there will be through humane ignorance & infirmity somwhat amiss for matter , or manner , or both , & that upon this ground , he must joyn with no society in any part of gods worshipat all . the advancing of every small difference to this height , is that which will bring all to confusion , if men walk uniforme to their own principles . it is well observed by master i. da. that unlesse men will yield so much favour each to other in some difference of opinions , a dissolving not onely of churches , but of humane societies also must necessarily follow , & not onely not two ministers , but not two men should live together , which were to put off even humanity it selfe . sixtly , wee have credibly heard that you hold fellowship with professed , rigid separatists without any acknowledgment of their errour , and receive them as members , or communicate with them in the priviledges of the church , though you professe you approve not their opinion or practice . and if in godly wisdome , you can see grounds to joyn with them , we marvell you should be so timorous in this particular . seventhly , if you judge the practice of such godly ministers , scandalous to them that separate from the ordinance , because it is not administred in this , or that but in a stinted form . it is a scandall taken , and not given ; and by forbearing , if to confirme men in errour , be to scandalize them , they should offend them the more : yea , they should prejudice the truth , and it might be an occasion to beget needlesse scruples in others , and draw them ignorantly from the fellowship of the saints in the holy ordinances of god , and strengthen them who by your owne confession , are run too far into schisme already . iii position . that the children of godly and approved christians , are not to be baptized untill their parents be set members of some particular congregation iv position . that the parents themselves , though of approved piety , are not to be received to the lords supper , untill they be admitted as set members . answ . these two positions may be maintained with one and the same defence , being somewhat coincident , and therfore we joyn them as if they were but one . therefore to prevent all mistakes , it may please you to take notice that we are not of their judgement who refuse all religious communion with such as are not church members , nor doe wee appropriate communion in this priviledge of the seals only to the members of our own churches , excluding all other churches of christ from the same , though they may be through errour or humane frailty defective in some matters of order , provided that the liberty of our churches be preserved , of receiving such satisfaction as is meet ( as well by letters of recommendation , or otherwise if it be requisite ) concerning those whom wee admit unto fellowship in the seals . for as we account it our duty to keepe the unity of spirit inviolate with any , in whom we discerne any fruits of the spirit , so we hold our selves bound to discharge this duty , according to order . spirituall cōmunion in prayers , holy conferences & other religious actions of like nature we maintain with al godly persons , though they be not in church order : but church communion we hold onely with church members admitting to fellowship of the seals the known and approved , & orderly recommended members of any true church . but into fellowship of the censures , admittance of members and choice of officers , onely the members of that particular church whereof they and we ( any of us ) stand members . these things being premised , the considerations whereupon our judgement and practice is swayed for administration of the seals onely to such as are in order of a true visible church are these that follow . reply . vvhat is here premised to prevent all mistakes , doth seem more to raise then to abate scruples if we mistake not your meaning . you refuse not all religious communion with all that are not church members , and so much they professe , who formerly have gone for , and professed themselves separatists from our assemblies . you do not appropriate this priviledge of the seals onely to the members of your own churches , excluding all other churches of christ from the same ; if your meaning be onely this , that you deny not the sacraments administred in other churches to be the true sacraments of christ for substance , then you ascribe little more to the churches of christ in this , then to the synagogue of satan , the church of rome . for you will not deny baptisme administred among them to be true for substance : if you deny not to have fellowship with them in the scals , and to admit them to the sacrament , and to communicate with them : then either your judgment is contrary to your practice , or you exclude the churches of england from the number of true visible churches of christ , which is to destroy what you formerly builded , and here professe . all possible care to keep the ordinances of god from contempt , we allow and commend , provided you go not beyond the lords warrant , and deny not the priviledges of the church to them , to whom they are due by divine appointment , nor the name and title of church to those societies , which god hath plentifully blessed with means of grace , have received the tables and seals , and have entred into covenant with his highnesse . your liberty to receive such satisfaction as is meet , is not called into question , nor whether you are to keep the bond of the spirit inviolate according to order . but whether this be to keep the bond of the spirit inviolate ( viz ) to exclude from the sacrament true visible believers or knowne recommended christians , formerly members of visible churches among us ; and their children ; because they are not members ( as you speak ) in church order . and whether god alloweth to put this difference between church mēbers of your societies & other visible believers walking in holines , though not admitted members of any society according to your church order , as to receive the one , though members of another society , unto the seals , and to debar the other and their children . these are the things to be considered in these present positions . and first we will examine your reasons for your judgment and practice by themselves , and then so far as we judge meet , try your answers to the objections you make against it . 1 consideration . the seals baptism & the lords supper are given to the church , as a priviledge peculiar therto in ordinary dispensation . indeed the preaching of the word is not so , being an ordinance given not onely for the edifying of the church already gathered but also for the gathering of men to the churches that yet are without : wheras the dispensing of the seals is gods ordinance , given onely for the edifying of the church being gathered , and not for the gathering of it : and because there is now , no universall visible church on earth wherein the seals are dispenced , there being no place , nor time , nor officers , nor ordinances appointed in the new testament by christ our lord , for any such assemblies as the iewes had under moses . it remains that the christian churches , whereunto these priviledges were given , are congregationall , consisting onely of so many as may and do meet together ordinarily in one place for the publike worshipping of god , and their own edifying . hence it is that we read so much in the new testament of the churches in the plurall number , the churches of christ , the churches of god , the churches of the saints : and not onely when they were of divers nations , the churches of the gentiles , but also of the same nation , the churches of iudèa , and not onely when that country was of large extent and circuit , the churches of asia , but also of a small part of the country , the churches of galatia : yea , when congregations in severall cities are spoken of , they are called churches , as the churches of ierusalem , the churches at antioch . to wind up all , seeing the churches in the gospell are congregationall , and that baptisme and the lords supper ( being church priviledges ) belong onely to the churches , it will follow , that as city priviledges belong onely to citizens and their children : so baptisme and the lords supper being church priviledges , belong onely to the members of particular churches , and their seed . and that seeing sigillum sequitur donum , to apply them to others what is it but to abuse them ? as a seal of a corporation is abused if added to confirme the grant of priviledges which are peculiar to any towne corporate to one that being no free-man of that corporation is uncapable thereof . reply . if by the church be understood the society of men , professing the entire faith of christ , the seales are given unto it as a peculiar priviledge ; but if by the church you understand onely a congregationall assembly in church order , the seales were never appropriated to it . but to examine every thing in order as it is propounded . 1 the seales , baptisme , and the lords supper , are given to the church as priviledges peculiar thereunto , not onely in ordinary ( as you say ) but also in extraordinary dispensation . true baptisme is not without the church , but within it ; an ordinance given to it , and they that are baptised , must needes be of a church . the sacraments are the seales of the covenant to the faithfull , which is the forme of the church , and when for substance rightly used , tokens and pledges of our spirituall admittance and entertainment into the lords family , and symbolls or testimonies whereby the people of god are distinguished from all other nations . this is most certain , as in the ordinary ; so in the extraordinary dispensation of the seales , as is confirmed by the texts of scripture alleadged in the margine . for the apostles ( as you say ) dispenced the seales in an extraordinary way , but the seales dispenced by the apostles were seales of the covenant , priviledges peculiar to the church , priviledges of spirituall admittance and entertainment into the lords family . and when you say the dispencing of the seals is an ordinance given onely for the edifying of the church being gathered , and not for the gathering of it , must it not be understood in extraordinary , dispensation as wel as ordinary : to what pupose then are those words ( in ordinary dispensation ) added to the proposition ? if thereby you would intimate that the sacraments be not the peculiar priviledges of the church , and seales of the covenant in extraordinary dispensation , it is evidently crosse to the text you cite , and to your selves afterward . if your meaning be , that in ordinary dispensation the sacraments doe of right belong to them onely , who bee set members of a visible congregation , it is all one with the conclusion , that which is in question and should be proved , and that which this very scripture doth plentifully disprove ' ; for they that were baptised were not set members of a particular congregationall church whereunto they were baptised , nor in a church way before baptisme ( as is evident and granted by the most of your selves ) but by baptisme solemnly admitted into the church , and then it is not for your purpose ; or they were set members ( as some of the brethren seeme to contend in answer to the objection framed against this consideration ) and then the words are more then superfluous . added , they were to prevent the objection which you foresaw might be made from the apostles practice and example but so as they cut asunder the sinews of the consideration it selfe , and make it of no force . for as those beleivers were of the church : so are approved christians and their seed among us : therefore the priviledges of the seales belong unto them . 2 and as the seales : so is the word of salvation preached and received a priviledge of the church . if by the preaching of the word you understand nothing but the tender of salvation or the publishing of the will of god , concerning the salvation of man , whether by private or publike persons ; it is not proper to the church but an ordinance given for the gathering of men to the church , and not only for the edifying of the church . for the apostles first preached to the gentiles when infidels , that they might be converted ; and we doubt not but a minister or private christian comming into a country of infidells , may as occasion is offered , and as they shall be inabled , instruct and perswade them to receive the faith of christ : but if by the preaching of the word be meant the giving of the word to a people , to abide and continue with them , and consequently their receiving of it at least in profession then it is proper to the church of god. the word makes disciples to christ , and the word given to a people is gods covenanting with them , and the peoples receiving this word and professing their faith in god through iesus christ is the taking of god to bee their god. the lawes and statutes which god gave to israell , was the honour and ornament to that nation , and a testimony that god had separated them from all other people , even the gentiles themselves being iudges . the word of reconciliation is sent and given to the world reconciled in iesus christ , and they that receive the doctrine , law , or word of god are the disciples , servants and people of god. in your second consideration you intimate that there is a two fold preaching , the one by office and authority , the other in common charity , or how ever else it may be called . for thus you write . god hath joyned to preach ( viz by office ) and to baptize together , therefore we may not separate them . now to preach unto , that is to instruct or counsell in charity is a duty which may be performed to an infidell , but to preach by office is proper to them that are called to that office : and so to be taught and instructed by officers in the church is proper to the church . to have pastors who shall feed with knowledge and understanding is a gift of matrimoniall love which god vouchsafeth unto his church . the apostles first gathered churches and then ordained elders in everie citie or church ; so that it is proper to the church to be fed and guided by true spirituall pastors who teach and blesse in the name of the lord. and if the word preached and received bee a certaine note of the true church , they that have intyrely received the word of salvation and have pastors godly and faithfull to feede and guide them , they and their seed have right and interest unto the seales in order . moreover the true worship of god is an inseparable and infallible marke of the true church of god , for where christ is , there is his church . this is the prerogative of the church . the prince shall be in the midst of them , and he shall go in when they goe in , &c. and christ saith , where 2. or 3. are met together in my name there am i in the middest among them . and for certain they are gathered in the name of christ that being lawfully called doe assemble to worship god and call upon his name in the mediation of iesus christ . in times past , the church was acknowledged by the feare of god , and entyre service of his majestie , by the professing of the true faith and faithfull calling upon gods name . the signes of apostolike churches are these . the continuance in the apostles doctrine and fellowship , and breaking of bread and prayer . and if faith , true and lively ( though mixed with many doubtings and errors ) make a man a living member of iesus christ , the entyre profession of true faith joyned with holynesse of life in some measure answerable thereunto , makes a man a true member of the visible church . and if the feales belong to the church in right and orderly dispensation , they that joyne together in the true worship of god , according to his will , with godly and faithfull pastors , they have right and title to the sacraments according to divine institution . thirdly , that there is now no visible catholike church in your sense will easily bee granted . i. e. there is no universall society consisting of all such as are accounted or to bee esteemed christians , subjected to one or many vniversall pastors or guides , wherwithall subordinates must communicate in some sacred things which may make them one church and which may and can be performed by that vniversall and head church only . such an vniversall christian church christ never ordained , no not in the dayes of the apostles , to whom all the care of all the churches , was committed . the churches planted by the apostles had all the same substantiall lawes and customes , the same guides and officers for kinde , the same ordinances of worship and meanes of salvation : but one flock or society in the fore mentioned acceptation they were not , because they were but subordinate to one visible head , christ , with which they were to hold union and communion in some worship to be performed by them all jointly assembled at some speciall solemnity , nor subjected to the government of any supreame tribunall constantly to be erected and continued among them . neverthelesse , in some respects of reason , the visible church , may be called the church , sheepfold or flock of christ ; for if the whole society or body mysticall of christ be one , this church militant in like sort is one : the unity of which society consists in that uniformity , which all severall persons thereunto belonging , have by reason of that one lord whose servants they all are , and professe themselves , that one spirit whereby they are animated as the body by one soul ; whereby they believe in christ , and which they acknowledge and professe , that one baptisme inward and outward , whereby they put on christ , and are initiated . this society is one in the inward fruition and enjoying of the benefits of christs death and resurrection , and in outward profession of those things which supernaturally appertain to the very essence of the church , and are necessarily required in every christian , this acceptation of the word is not unusuall in scripture . as god hath set some in the church . his bodies sake which is the church . the church viz. whereof paul was made a minister , and whereunto the rest of the apostles were ordained , which was the catholike visible church , the society of men professing the faith of christ throughout the world , divided into many particular churches whereof some are pure , others impure , some more , others lesse sound . hereunto it may be added , that every multitude and society of believers are indefinitely called the church , i persecuted the church of god. the house of god which is the church of the living god. in which sense all the churches in the world may truly be called one . and thus the apostle peter writing to many dispersed churches , who could not assemble in one place nor be fed by one shepherd , speaketh of them singularly as one flock . feed the flock of god which is among you . but that flock are the strangers dispersed through pontus , galatia . asia , cappadocia , and bythinia , which could not possibly joine together in the ordinances of worship , or make one distinct congregated assembly . and if the catholike militant church be one society , the seals that are given as a prerogative to the church are given unto it , and the true members of the catholike church have right and title to them in due order , though they be not admitted into the church fellowship you speak of . for as the flock or society is one : so is the ministery , faith , covenant , and sacraments , which are given as a communion prerogative unto the whole church , and not appropriated to this or that part ormember , as separated from the whole ; which is further evidenced hereby , that sometime it hath , and too often it may fall out , that a christian may be a true member of the universall visible church ( i. e. he may hold , professe , and maintain that holy catholike faith , pure , and undefiled , without which no man can be saved ) who for the present is no actuall member of any particular or visible society in church order . as for example , a man may be cut off by excommunication , from all commerce with the present visible church wherein hee was bred and born , when hee is not cut off from the catholike , orthodoxall church . hee may be deprived of participation of the ordinance in every particular society , when his right and title to them is much better then these who have most injuriously cast him out , or debarred him of the means of salvation . the communion of saints , whether visible or invisible is the effect and property of the church catholike , and agreeth to the severall parts and members thereof , as they be members of that body under the head , and if particular churches have communion together it must of necessity be , that they bee parts and members of the whole body which is one . 4. though there be no universall congregation or assembly nor can be imagined , yet there are and have beene many visible assemblies or societies , true churches of christ , to whom the prerogative of the seals is given , which have not beene united and knit together , in church-order into one congregationall body or society , for every society in covenant with god is the true church of god : for what is it to be the flock , people or sheepe of god , but to be the church of god ? and where there is a covenant , there is the people of god. they that are of the faith of abraham , are the children and seed of abraham , and within the covenant of abraham ( though but two or three ) and so of the same church with him by that covenant . the communication and accepting of the tables of the covenant is an undoubted token of a people in covenant or confederate , but every society professing the true and entire faith , joyning in prayer and thankesgiving , receiving the truth of god to dwell among them , and in some measure conforming themselves to the obedience of gods commandements , is in covenant with god. it is simply necessary to the being of a church that it be laid upon christ the foundation , which being done , the remaining of what is forbidden , or the want of what is commanded , cannot put the society from the title or right of a church . for christ is the foundation and head corner stone of the church , and a people comming unto christ , united unto him , built upon him , having communion with him and growing up in him , are the true church of god : and if the seals be annexed to the covenant by god himselfe , as we cannot deny a people in covenant to be the church , so we must not deny their right and title to the sacraments . if therefore the meaning of the proposition be , that the seales be given to the church , that is , to true and sound christians , and people in covenant with god , as a priviledge whether in ordinary or extraordinary dispensation we accept it as good and sound , but it makes against your judgement and practice in keeping away such as have right and title to the ordinances . if you meane the seales are given to the church , that is , onely to set members of some particular society combined by covenant ( as it is among you ) we cannot receive it , because it implieth a distinction not taught in scripture , and crosse to your selves . and for the thing it selfe the scripture hath nothing but many things against it as hath beene shewed . 5 if it be granted that the seales are the prerogative of a particular visible church , known and approved christians among us , and their seed are members of true and visible churches , and so to be esteemed among you before they be entred into church membership as you call it . for every society professing the intire and true faith , and joyning together in the right use of the sacraments in matters substantiall is the true church of god , and every visible beleever receiving the word and professing the true intire faith , admitted to the right and lawfull participation of the sacraments is a visible member of the true church , if he have neither renounced that society , nor deserved justly to be cast out by excommunication or church censure . for the intire profession of the truth , the dwelling of the truth among men , the right use of the sacraments ( which is ever joyned with truth of doctrine , and to be esteemed by it ) is proper to them that be in covenant with god , and they that truly partake of the seales must needes be of a church , for the seales are not without but within the church an ordinance given unto it , and if they be true members of the true churches of jesus christ , other churches , are bound to hold communion with them in the ordinance of worship as divine providence shall minister occasion . in answer to the ninth position you say the members of other churches , well known and approved by vertue of communion wich churches , doe mutually and with good acceptance communicate each of them at others churches , even so often as gods providence leads them thereunto , and themselves desire it . in your preface to this consideration , you say you admit to fellowship of the seales , the known , approved , and orderly recommended members of any true church , and if knowne and approved christians , members of our churches comming over into new england , shall desire either to have their children baptized , or to be admitted themselves to the lords supper before they be set members of any society these , we desire to know upon what grounds from god you can deny them , if you acknowledge our churches , ministery , and sacraments , to be true and of god ( as you professe ) and the members of the church be known and approved , orderly recommended unto you . it is the priviledge of christians baptised themselves , and walking in the faith , that their children should have right to baptisme in all true churches in the world . it is the priviledge of christians lawfully and justly admitted to the lords supper in one visible church , and walking in covenant with god , that they have right to this priviledge in all churches professing their intire faith , and you must shew just and sound reasons from god of your judgement and practice in debarring their seed from baptisme , and parents themselves from the supper , or else ( to use the words of a reverend elder among you , in a case of lesse importance , and not concerning so many ) you will be found guilty of adding to the words , and making eleven commandements , and setting up humane customes , and selfewill against gods appointment . for the sacraments are given to the church as a priviledge peculiar thereunto , but you deny this priviledge to the true visible members of the church , ( as your selves confesse . ) for if the ministers be the ministers of christ , and their congregations the churches of christ , then knowne and approved christians are members of the church . in your opinion the members of the jewish church might be received unto baptisme , upon confession of the christian faith , before they were entred into church fellowship , and it is more then strange to us that you should not thinke the true visible members of the churches of christ to have as much title and interest to the seales , as the members of the jewish church to the sacrament of baptisme . 6 the distinct churches mentioned in the new testament , it is not certain that they were congregationall societies consisting onely of so many as might and did meete together ordinarily in one place at one time for the publike worship of god , and their own edification , and if this were granted it would not carry the weight that was laid upon it , but because it may make way for the clearing of some other points pertaining to discipline and church orders , we intreat leave to set downe , and desire you to examine what may be objected against it . we will not insist upon this that the least circuite wherein there is mention of churches is ample enough to containe some diocesses and the least city , populous enough to make many numbersome congregations . nor upon this , that to meete at one time and one place , as one assembly is a thing meerely accidentary to the unity of the church and society ecclesiasticall which is still one , when they are dispersed asunder , and no particular man of that society at first remaining now alive . the number of beleevers was so great in some cities as they could not conveniently meete in one place as one assembly to worship the lord according to his will and for their edifying . that there was a church gathered in the city of samaria by the ministery of phillip will not be denyed , for they received the word and were baptised , but that the church in that city was onely a congregationall assembly is more then can probably be concluded out of scripture . for the whole city or the greatest part could not ordinarily assemble in one place to their edification : but the whole city of samaria , in a manner , ( as it is probable ) imbraced the faith . as the whole city from the least to the greatest had given heede to simon magus before , so to phillip now when he preached christ , and the text saith expresly that samaria received the gospell . the christian church at ierusalem was one and distinct , but it grew and increased first to 3000. then to 5000. afterwards multitudes of men and women were added , and the multitude of disciples increased ; it is also noted that a company of the priests received the faith . the syriacke hath it of the jews , ( scil . ) inhabiting judea , but the greeke , arabian , vulgar , chrisostoms & ethiopians approve the former , and the number of the priests was not small : there is mention also of millions of beleevers . and when all the apostles , or the greatest part of them remained at jerusalem for a time continuing in the ministery of the word and prayer , and that they might doe it the more earnestly and diligently , left the care of the poore to others : how can we thinke but that church did grow exceedingly , and the number of beleevers there to be more then could fitly meete ordinarily in one congregation . without question the number of beleevers in antioch was not small , of which it is said expresly , that a great number beleeved , turned to the lord and that a great multitude was added to the lord by the preaching of barnabas , and that paul and barnabas continued there one whole yeere preaching the word of god , and teaching the multitude , so that the disciples were first called christians at antiach . after that this church was visited by paul and barnabas , who continued there teaching and preaching the word of god with many others also , and may wee not thinke that this church did quickly rise to such bignesse that they could not well assemble in one congregation as now wee call them ? it will easily be credited that the number of believers was not small at ephesus , if we call to minde that when paul had been there but two yeers , all they that dwelt in asia had heard the word of the lord both iews and grecians , that a great doore and effectuall was opened to him at ephesus , that the art for making shrines , and dianaes temple was in danger to be set at nought , and that those that had used curious arts , came and burnt their books in the sight of all men , which could not be done without great danger unto the church , unlesse a great part of the city had believed . where a church did comprehend a city with its suburbs and the country circumjacent , i. e. the believers who professed the faith within that circuit . it might well be that the number did so increase through the extraordinary blessing of god , which accompanied the preaching of the word in those primitive times , and first planting of the heavenly kingdome , that they could not well meet ordinarily in one place , and yet continued one society . for when a number is gathered in small villages , or some added to the number already gathered , it is not meet they should be neglected because small , nor divided from the body , because the number not competent to make an intire and perfect body of it selfe . the increase of the churches doth require an increase of elders , and ( if they grow to bignesse more then ordinary ) an increase of places for their assembling , when the essence of the visible church is not changed , nor one multiplied or divided into many . and it is more available for the good of the church , and further removed from all ambition , if the society shall assemble occasionally in divers places as parts and members of the body , then to constitute a distinct free society consisting of a few believers , not fit to make up an intire body contrary to the precedent examples of the apostles . in times of grievous and hot persecution the churches of god could not assemble in any great number in publick places , but have been compelled to meet in woods , caves , dens , and dark corners , as the lord hath offered opportunity , one and the same society in sundry places : so that either it is not essentiall to the church to meet together in one place ordinarily , or their society is broken off by persecution , when their meeting together in one place is interrupted . it is said by some where the church grew greater , sometimes by the suddain and extraordinary conversion of more then could well so assemble , then was there presently a dispersion of the former , and a multiplication of more particular assemblies . but in the scriptures quoted no such thing doth appeare , but rather the contrary as hath been proved . in aftertimes when the church was within the cities as of rome , ephesus , alexandria , carthage , ierusalem , &c. the number of believers did greatly exceed the bignesse of a convenient and fitting assembly which might ordinarily congregate in one place to worship god according to his appointment when the church was but one . seventhly seeing then both the seals in ordinary and in extraordinary dispensation belong to the church , id est , to the faithfull , and repentant , taught made disciples , who have received the word , believe , and professe the faith , have received the holy ghost , and walke in obedience , who are members of other visible churches , or to be made members of a visible church for the time being , by admittance unto the sacraments , and not unto set members of congregationall assemblies only . and seeing the godly and faithful ministers among us are the true ministers of christ , and their godly congregations , true churches , and knowne , and approved christians , true members of visible churches formerly baptized , and admitted to the lords supper . this consideration is of no weight to justifie your opinion and practice in debarring known and approved christians , professing the faith , members of the true visible churches amongst us from the lords supper , or their seed from baptisme , because they be not yet received as set members of some particular cōgregation amongst you : and if such believers are not to be received to the seals , we desire you to consider if ever the sacraments of the new testament , were rightly dispensed in the church of the new testament from the first plantation thereof unto this day . the seale doth follow the grant , and as the seale is prophaned , if it be put to a false grant or charter , so are the faithfull wronged if the seale in a lawfull way desired , be denied to them that have received the grant , i. e. have right unto jesus christ , and communion with him . but the faithfull who have received the word with gladnesse , believe , and professe , be members knowne and approved by other visible churches , or such as desire to be admitted members of that visible society for the time by communicating in the ordinance , are already partakers of the grant or charter , have right and interest in christ , may lawfully desire the seals , and may be admitted as members for the time being of that particular society . therefore to debar such , from the lords supper , and their seed from baptisme , is against the law of nature , and the positive law of god , an injury to the faithfull and their seed , a wrong to the catholike visible church , that particular society , and the pastors themselves that so debar them . they sinned grievously who deferred baptisme to the end of their life , and the negligence of pastors and teachers who did not instruct the ignorant and reprove the superstitious , was great . and is not the severity in debarring such as crave and desire to be admitted to the seals an injury to be reprehended ? answ . 2 confider the ordinary administration of the seales is limited to the ministery and the ministery to a particular church ; therefore the seals also must necessarily be proper to the church and to the members thereof . 1. that the administration of the seales is limited to their ministery is evident from the first institution math. 28. 19. where god hath joyned ( to preach ) viz. by office , and ( to baptize ) together , therefore wee may not separate them . for howsoever : any man may by the appointment of the lord and master of the family , signifie his minde and deliver his message from him to the family , yet the dispensing of a fitt portion of food to everie one of the houshold is a branch of the stewards office . indeed the keies are given to the whole church yet the exercise and dispensation of them in this as well as in other particulars is concredited to the ministers who are called to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 cor. 4. 1. and no church office can be orderly performed by any , but one that is called thereunto nor will god vouchsafe his presence , and blessing ( wherupon all spirituall efficacy depends ) in an ordinance dispensed , but when it is dispensed by those whom he hath ordayned and appointed therunto . 2. that the ministery is limited to the church appeares as from evident texts of scripture : so also upon this ground . 1 the office is founded in the relation betweene the church and the officer , wherfore take away the relation , and the office and the worke ceaseth . for where he hath not power , he may not doe an act of power , and he hath no powerwhere he hath not a relation by office . herein the proportion holdeth between an officer of a towne corporate , and of a church that as the power of the former is only within his owne corporation : so the power of the latter is confined to his owne congregation . reply . the proposition is granted that the dispensation of the sacraments in the new testament both ordinary and extraordinary is limited to the ministery . but in that you alleadge for confirmation , somethings may be noted . 1 the first institution of baptisme is not contained in that passage math. 28. 19. but confirmed ; for the seales of the new testament were instituted by christ before his death , and his disciples had baptized many which they could not doe before the institution of the sacrament . secondly we see not how you can apply that text to preaching by office , which according to our exposition must bee a dispensing of a fit portion of food to everie one of the houshould . for it is plaine the apostles were sent forth to preach to everie creature or unto the world , to convert men unto god , to make them disciples and not to preach unto disciples only , or members of the houshould . the apostles certainly had authority , and preached by authority , but they preached not to infidells and heathens , as to disciples or members of the church , much lesse did they give a portion to them as to the houshold which is the preaching by office , which you acknowledge . thirdly if under the power of the keyes you comprehend preaching by office , dispensing the seales , casting out , and receiving againe into the bosome of the church wee deny the power of the keyes to belong to the church or community of the faithfull : we cannot find in scripture that christ ever granted such power to the faithfull , as faithfull joyned together in covenant in those passages which speake of this power , the execution of this authority is given to them to whom the authoritie is committed . if the power of the keyes be given to the whole church the apostles themselves must derive their authoritie immediatly from the church , and not from christ , for the power must be derived from them , unto whom it was given ; but their power , and authority was not from the church , but from christ immediatly . and if the dispensation , and exercise of the keyes , be concredited to the ministers ; doth it hold in all things or onely in the dispensation of the sacraments , and preaching by office ? doe they dispense the seales as the stewards of christ , from whom they receive their authority immediately or as the servants of the church , from which they derive their authority ? if in the first sense ; the power of the keys is not in the community of the faithfull . if in the second , the office of a minister is not the immediate gift of christ , nor the minister , so much the servant of christ , as of the church , from whom he must receive lawes , in whose name he must doe his office , and to whom he must give an account . we could wish you had explained in what sense , you hold the dispensation , and execution of the power of the keyes is concredited to the ministers , and by whom . for if the community of the faithfull have to doe in all matters concerning the body , to admit members , and cast them out , to make and depose ministers , to bind and loose by authority derived from christ , wee cannot see how in your judgement the dispensation , and execution of the power of the keyes is concredited to the ministers . fourthly that which you add , that god will not vouchsafe his presence and blessing to an ordinance but when it is dispenced by those , whom hee hath ordayned and appointed thereunto , must bee warily understood , or it may occasion errors and distractions not a few , you know what corruptions soone entred into the church of god , both in respect of doctrine , worship , offices , and entrance thereunto , and how ready and apt is the conclusion from your words , that christ hath not vouchsafed his presence , and blessing in his ordinances to his church ? but of this before . and on the contrary , seeing god hath vouchsafed his blessing in his ordinances dispensed by your selves , when you stood as visible ministers in the congregation , and churches of old england , you must confesse , did approve both your standings and his ordinances dispensed by you . secondly , as for the assumption , that pastors and teachers are limited to a particular charge or society ; but that flock is not ever one congregationall assembly meeting in one place , neither the band so streight , whereby they are tied to that one society , that they may not upon occasion performe some ministeriall act or office in another congregation , or to them that be not set members of their proper assembly . for first to dispence the seals of the covenant is a ministeriall act , an act of office , and not an exercise of gifts onely : but the pastors of one assembly may dispence the sacrament to the set members of another society upon occasion , as you confesse in this and in your answer to the ninth position . and if the members of one church may lawfully upon occasion receive the sacrament of the supper in another society from the pastor thereof , then may the pastor of one congregation performe a ministeriall act to the members of another , and if to the members of another then in another congregation with consent , and upon occasion . secondly , as the ministers are exhorted to feed their fleek : so is every christian and minister to try and examine himselfe whether hee be in the faith , but you will not allow this conclusion . i must examine my self . ergo no man is debarred from the sacrament for his unworthinesse , or to be tried or examined by others , to be observed , admonished , and brought to repentance for notorious sin . no more can it be rightly gathered from the former passages of scripture , that the minister is not upon occasion to performe any ministeriall act to any other people or society , because ordinarily he is to attend his own flock . thirdly , as the ministers have peculiar relation to their particular flocks , so the people unto their particular ministers , unto whom they are ried in speciall manner , as to their overseers , who must give account for theirsculs . and if this peculiar relation betwixt the people & the minister doth not hinder the people from receiving the lords supper at the hands of another minister ; nor the minister from performing the ministeriall act to the members of another congregation . neither doth his peculiar relation to his own flock hinder him , from administring unto others upon just occasion being intreated thereunto . as the combining of the people to their peculiar minister , doth not quite cut off their communion with other ministers : so neither doth the restraining of a minister to a peculiar flock quite cut him off from administring upon occasion : unto another people . paul appointeth the ephesian elders unto the care & charg onely of their own particular flock , but so to attend them ordinarily according to the rules of the scripture ; that as occasion was offered , might performe some ministeriall acts in another congregation . the taking heed unto their flocks which paul requires in this place doth cōprehend under it the administration of the word , prayer , and sacrament , and if it must be restrained to their owne particular churches onely , it is unlawfull for a pastor to preach or call upon the name of god in any publike assembly save his own , upon any occasion , as these be duties prtaining to common confession or profession of faith . ordinary pastors and teachers it is true , are not apostles , who are to go from place to place , from country to country , to plant and erect churches , but they are tied ordinarily to one flock , as the text proveth , and to which purpose it is commonly cited . but that a pastor is so tied to his flock , that he can perform no ministeriall act to any other upon any occasion that it proveth not , nor can we find that it was ever so understood by divines ancient or modern . w. b. telleth us , the learned bring these allegations to this purpose . but the authour in alledging the consent of the learned was very carelesse or much abused , for there is not one that speaketh to the purpose . i. d. disclaimeth that position ; and for the rest it is a matter notorious , they were never thought to be of that opinion ; and wee doubt not if any could be named to free this allegation from suspition of novelty , you would have cited one or more as you have done in that which followeth . feed the flock of god ( saith peter . ) but he speaks of all those dispersed churches to whom he writes , which he calls a chosen generation , a royall priesthood , a peculiar people : and in some respect of reason , under which we may apprehend them , are one flock , but not really as combined under the same pastor , or meeting in one place . and as these dispersed believers , or socieities make one flock : so the ministers attending their flocks or societies , and the ministery exercised by them is , or maketh one . 4 a minister chosen and set over one society , is to looke unto his people committed to his charge , and feed the flock over which the lord hath made him overseer , but he is a minister in the church universall , for as the church is one , so is the ministery one , of which every minister ( sound or orthodox ) doth hold his part , and though he be minister over that flock onely which he is to attend , yet he is a minister in the universal church . the functiō or power of exercising that function in the abstract , must be distinguished from the power of exercising it , concretely , according to the divers circumstances of places . the first belongeth to a minister every where in the church , the latter is proper to the place and people where hedoth minister . the lawfull use of his power is limited to that congregation ordinarily . the power it self is not so limited and bounded . in ordination , presbyters are not restrained to one or other certaine place , as if they were to be deemed ministers there onely , though they be set over a certain people . and as the faithfull in respect of a community betwixt them , must and ought to performe the offices of love one to another , though of different societies , so the ministers in respect of their communion , must and ought upon occasion to performe ministeriall offices towards the faithfull of distinct societies . 5 if this be not so , what shall become of the poore flock when the pastor is driven away by personall persecution , so that he cannot , if others may not afford them helpe and succour : what when the congregation it selfe is dispersed , must no sheepherd receive them into fold , when they are driven from their own , or neglected by him ? 6 if the pastor may be absent from his flock upon necessary , just , and weighty occasion , respecting his own good , the good of that society , or the common good of churches consociate , then may the pastor , the society , the churches procure some man to supply the defect , and doe the office of a pastor , preach the word , pray , and as occasion is offered , administer the sacrament in that congregation unto that assembly untill their sheepheard shall returne . shall the people be left as sheepe without a sheepheard ; because for the good of the churches their owne sheepheard is called from them for a time , that he might returne with greater joy and comfort ? the pastor is appointed to feed his own flock , and yet for the good of the whole church he may be called to leave , if not the care , yet the over-sight of his flock fot a while ; and by the same reason a pastor of another flock or congregation may performe the office , and doe the acts of a minister in his congregation during absence : yea if for the good of the churches he be called away , doe not the churches stand obliged in conscience to provide that the flock sustain no hurt by his absence which possibly yee cannot doe if one minister may not performe a ministeriall act in another congregation . 7 if the prophets of one church may prophesy in another , and apply their doctrines , exhortations and prayers to any of the occasions of the churches where they speake , whereof they are not set members , what hinders why the pastor of one congregation , may not preach and pray , administer the sacraments in another ? the pastor of one congregation is appointed to his peculiar charge but he is a minister in the universall church , as well as the prophets of one church may bee called prophets of the universall church by vertue of that communion which all true churches have one with another . without consent the prophet may not prophesie by exhortation , and with consent the pastor may administer the sacraments . 8 in the primitive churches when elders were ordained in every city , they were not onely to looke to their flock but indeavour the conversion of poore infidels among whom they lived , and the inlargement of christs kingdome , for the worke of the lord must be done in its season , and then was the time of the calling of the gentiles : it was not their office proper and essentiall to travail from countrey to countrey as did the apostles , nor were they pastors of the infidels , but by private instruction and publique teaching ( if any of them would bee penitent ) they were to labour the comming of them to god. and these infidels converted to the saith were to be baptised of the elders ordinarily in those cities , though the number might bee so great as they could not well meete in one congregation , nor be subject to the same pastor ; for either they must bee baptized by the pastors among whom they lived , ( being converted to the faith ) or continue unbaptized untill they were a number convenient to make a distinct society , or grow together into one body , and to elect and choose their own minister by whom they may be baptised : but that either they must stay so long without baptisme , or that a society of unbaptised men had power in those times to elect and choose their minister , by whom they should be baptised is contrary to all presidents in scripture . 9 and so if a pastor may not performe a ministeriall act to any other person or people but his own flock onely , then a company newly converted from infidelity , which cannot joyne themselves as set members to another assembly , must remain unbaptised till they have chosen their minister to doe that office . then must the people thus converted want officers til there be among themselves able men to pray , preach , exhort in the congregation at the ordination of their minister , or ( if that may bee omitted ) till there be fit men among them to examine the fitnesse of him that is chosen . 10 if subtile heretikes arise , and seduce , and draw away many from the faith , and the body of the society be not able to convince them , either they must be let alone or cast out without conviction , for neighbouring ministers stand in peculiar relation to their flocks onely , and must not meddle beyond their calling according to your tenent . 11 there is no precept or example in scripture more to warrant the admitting of a set member of one congregation unto the supper in another , or the baptising of his child , occasionally in another assembly then there is for receiving of knowne and approved christians and their seede that are not set members . the pastor is no more the pastor of the one then of the other , nor the one more of his flock then the other , neither of them set members , and both sorts may be members for the time being , and they most properly who are of longest abode among them . but as we heare it is frequent among you ( as at dorchester , &c. ) to baptise the children of another assembly , and usually you admit to the supper of the lord , members of other churches , and therefore the minister is not so limited to his particular church or flock but he may dispence the seales to others , which in this consideration is denyed . 12 if the want of one officer in a congregation for a time may be supplyed by another , as the want of the doctor , ruling elder , or deacon , by the pastor ; why may not the defects of some congregation or christians be supplyed by pastors or ministers of another congregation , when they are requested and desired ? the minde herein is godly , and the means lawfull , and well pleasing unto god. 13 and if a synod consisting of sundry members of particular churches , met together in the name of christ about the common and publike affaires of the churches shall joyn together in prayer and communion of the supper , wee can see no ground to question it as unlawfull , although that assembly be no particular congregation or church , hath no pastor over them , make not one ecclesiasticall body as a particular congregationall church , unlesse it be for the time onely . the minister therefore may do an act of office to them that be not set members of his flock as he may stand in relation to them for the time . 14 your comparison betwixt an officer of a town corporate , and of a particular congregation is not alike , unlesse you will say that a member of another corporation occasionally comming into the towne , is thereby a member of that society , and subject to the authority of the officer . for so you professe that the members of one society may occasionally communicate with another , and so be subject to the pastor for the time being , which if you grant , it overthrows the whole strength of this consideration . howsoever the comparison it selfe is very perilous if it be pressed . for if the officer of a town corporate , presume to doe an act of power out of his owne corporation , it is a meer nullity , but if a minister of the gospell dispence the sacrament of baptisme , or the lords supper to believers of another society ( though done without consent ) it was never deemed or judged a nullity in the church of god. let the comparison hold good , and most christians have cause to question whether they be truly baptized , or ever lawfully received the sacrament of the lords supper . if it may not be doubted , whether ever the sacraments of the new testament were truly or by authority dispenced , especially if we consider what follows in the other considerations . this argument from comparison is very usuall in the writings of brethren against communion with our churches , but for the most part greatly mistaken , to say no more . answer 3 consideration . circumcision and the passoever were to be administred onely to the members of the church . ergo , baptisme and the lords supper is so to be administred also . the consequence is made good by the parity of these ordinances . for if the argument hold strong for the proofe of paedo-baptisme which is taken from the circumcision of infants , why may we not as well infer a necessity of church membership to baptisme , from the necessity of it to circumcision . and that circumcision was peculiar to the church members of the church , may appeare in that persons circumcised , & onely they , might eat the passeover , and they onely might enter into the temple , which were the priviledges of church members . in our answer to the second objection against the first consideration we have shewed that circumcision was not administred to all that were under the covenant of grace ( which all believers were ) but onely such of them as joyned themselves to the church , at first in abrahams family , whereunto baptisme doth so far answer that the apostle counteth these expresse equivalent to be circumcised in christ with circumcision made without hands , and to be buried with christ in baptisme . indeed , in somethings they differ as onely the males were circumcised , whereas with us females are also baptized . the reason is because god hath limited circumcision to the males , but under the gospel that difference is taken away . againe , circumcision was administred in the private family ; but baptisme , onely in the publick assemblies of the church . the reason of this difference is , because they were bound to circumcise the males on the eighth day , but that could not stand with going to the temple which was too far off , for the purpose , to bring every child thither from all parts of judaea to be circumcised the eighth day . nor had they alway opportunity of a solemne convention in the synagogue on every eighth day ; when some child or other might be to be circumcised . but there is no precise day set downe so baptisme , nor are opportunities of publick assemblies so remote where churches are kept in a congregationall frame , but that every first day of the week baptisme may be administred if it be required . again , for the aforesaid reason , circumcision required not a peculiar minister ( for ought we finde in scripture ) but it is not 〈◊〉 in baptisme , as was shewd in the second consideration . but no good reason can be given , why , in this they should not both agree , viz. that they are both to be dispensed onely to members of the visible church , as it hath been proved in the first consideration . reply . this whole reason as it is propounded makes onely against it selfe ; who eve● thought that the seals of the covenant were not proper to confederates or th● church of god ? but of old all visible believers under the covenant of grace walking in holinesse , were of the visible church , and in church order according to the dispensation of those times , though not joyned in externall society with the family of abraham . and to exclude melchisedeck or iob , because they were n●● members of the visible church , when yet they were visible believers under the covenant of grace , and in church order as those times required , is well-nigh a contradiction , and so it is to debar known and approved christians members of ou● congregation , and their seed from the seals , because they be not of the visible church , for they are members of the church , and so to bee held and esteemed all true churches and members of the church , the true & proper meaning of this consideration , is that as circumcision and the passeover were not to be dispensed to all visible believers under the covenant of grace , but onely to such as were joyned to abrahams family , or to the people of the god of abraham , no more may baptisme and the lords supper be administred to any believers now , unlesse they be joyned to some particular congregation in church membership , or unlesse by solemne covenant , they be set members of some particular assemblies . the strength of this consideration stands in the parity which is betwixt the sacraments of the old and new testament , circumcision and baptisme , for parum par est ratio , but this parity is not found in every thing ( as is manifest by the particulars alleadged in the consideration it self . ) and wee must justly require some reason to prove them like in that particular , but to unfold it more fully , we will consider three things . first , how far an argument may be drawn soundly from one sacrament to another , or wherein the sacraments agree , and wherein they differ . secondly , what wee are to think of the proposition it self . thirdly , whether the reason of circumcision and baptisme be one in that particular . first the sacraments of the old testament and the new agree in their common ●uthor , nature and end , and therfore what is spoken of one in respect of the common author , nature and end that doth hold true of everie one . if circumcision be of divine institution a seale of the righteousnesse of faith , and of the covenant of grace , a sacrament in generall is an ordinance divine , a seale of the covenant pro●er and peculiar to them that bee confederates . but what is peculiar to one sacrament that agreeth not to another . what is proper to the sacraments of the old te●●ament , in respect of the manner of dispensation that agreeth not to the new , as if ●he sacraments of the old testament be with bloud , obscure in signification , painfull ●or use , peculiar to one nation , and to bee abolished , the sacraments of the new testament must be without bloud , cleere for signification , easie for use , universall ●o all nations , and perpetuall to continue in the church for ever . circumcision and baptisme are both sacraments of divine institution , and so they ●gree in the substance of the things signified , the persons to whom they are to bee ●dministred , and the order of administration , if the right proportion bee observed . ●s circumcision sealed the entrance into the covenant the righteousnesse of faith , and ●ircumcision of the heart : so doth baptisme much more clearly : as abraham and ●is houshold , and the infants of beleiving iews were to be circumcised , so the faithful , ●heir families , and their seed are to bee baptized . none must eate the passeover who was not circumcised , women excepted , who were circumcised in the males . nor may a man unbaptized be admitted to the lords supper . circumcision was but once applied by gods appointment and the same holds in baptisme according to ●he will and good pleasure of god : but circumcision and baptisme agree not in ●heir speciall forme , and manner of dispensation appointed of god. and in these ●hings a reason cannot be drawn from the one to the other affirmatively . the males onely were to be circumcised as only capable of that signe : but males and females both ought to be baptized . the infants males were to be circumcised the eighth day because seaven dayes they were legally uncleane . but the seed of the faithfull are not to bee reputed uncleane . ergo , no set tyme is appointed for baptisme . circumcision as other ceremonies did distinguish the iewes from the gentiles ; but christ now of two hath made one . circumcision signified christ to come , baptisme is the seale of ●he new covenant made in christ already come . and so in the degree of grace given , some difference may be put : the other differences alleadged in the considerations with the reasons thereof are not so cleere and undoubted : for baptisme is not tyed to the first day of the weeke : and the jewes might gather an assembly on ●he eighth day as occasion required , and it might be appropriated to the priests and levites though done in private : but in whatsoever they agree or differ we must ●ooke to the institution and neither stretch it wider , nor draw it narrower then the lord hath made it . for hee is the institutor of the sacraments according to his owne good pleasure . and it is our part to learne of him , both to whom , how , and for what end the sacraments are to be administred , how they agree , and wherein they differ . in all which we must affirme nothing but what god hath taught us , and as he hath taught us . secondly , as for the proposition it selfe ; certaine it is , circumcision and the passeover were to be administred onely to the visible members of the church , i e. to men in covenant , professing the true faith ; but that in abrahams time none were visible members of the church , which joyned not themselves in church orders to the family of abraham , wee have not learned . in the first institution of circumcision , we find that god gave it to abraham , as the seale of the covenant formerly made with him : but of any church covenant or order whereunto abrahams family should enter before circumcision we read not . melchizedeck , lot , iob , &c. were not onely visible beleevers under the covenant of grace , but visible members of the church , according to the order and dispensation of those times . wee read not ( you say ) that melchizedeck , lot or iob were circumcised , but that is no good reason to inferre negatively that they were not circumcised . we read not that iohn the baptist , or the apostles , or the 500. brethren were baptized , wee must not forthwith conclude , that they were not initiated by that seale . moreover , if they were not circumcised , it may bee the institution of that sacrament was not knowne unto them , or the authour of circumcision ( upon whose will and pleasure they must depend ) did not command it unto them , or require that they should joyne themselves in covenant with abrahams family : and in that case if they had circumcised themselves they had transgressed . but then the reason why they were not circumcised was not this , that they were not ( as you speake ) in church order : but because circumcision was appropriated to abrahams family by divine institution in some speciall and peculiar respects belonging to the manner of administration . after the church of the jewes was constituted ( when wee can no more imagine that there was a church among the gentiles , then that there are christians among the barbarians at this day ) we finde none must be admitted to the passeover that was not first circumcised , but nothing was required of a stranger to circumcision , but that he professe the true faith , and a vouch the god of abraham to be his god , which of necessitie must be done before he could be reputed a visible beleever , or under the covenant of promise . thus a learned and reverend divine , circumcision was a seale of the covenant , that god made with abraham concerning christ that should come as concerning the flesh of isaac and so of iacob of whom were the 12 tribes who were the israelites , &c. rom. 9. 4. 5. so that as in abrahams time none were bound to be circumcised but those that were of his family as being borne there or bought , and so brought thither which were not of his seed : so afterwards none were bound to be circumcised which were not borne in the family of jacob and patriarchs , or joyned to them . and after their comming out of egypt none were bound to be circumcised but the children of the iewes ( then the only church of god , ) and those that desired to joyne unto them . the summe is thus much , god gave circumcision to abraham as a seale of the covenant but whether it was given to other beleevers in his time it is ( at least ) a thing uncertaine . and if they were not circumcised it was by reason of the speciall institution of god , and peculiar manner of administration of the covenant of promise which in some respect was proper , to the family of abraham , and not common to all the visible members of the church at that time in church fellowship and order . afterwards when there were none in covenant but the seed of iacob or strangers professing the faith of abraham , circumcision was not to be administred to any man who was not in covenant nor any man to bee admitted to the passeover who was not circumcised . this is the most that can be said with any probability : but hence it will not follow by iust analogie or proportion , that the seed of the faithfull must not bee admitted to baptisme , or visible beleivers be received to the lords supper unlesse they bee set members of some particular congregation united in church order . thirdly , presupposing therefore that melchizedeck , lot and iob , were not circumcised , we say there is not the like reason of circumcision and baptisme in this particular . for , first if circumcision was ever appropriated to the family of abraham , and might be communicated to other visible beleevers , it was in the first institution and administration ; but in the first institution and administration of baptisme , it was not observed that beleevers should be first gathered into a politicall body or christian church membership , and then baptized . iohn the baptist baptized such as came to him confessing their sins . the apostles baptized disciples , such as gladly received their doctrine , beleeved in jesus christ , and received the gifts of the holy ghost , before they were gathered into christian church order , or made fit members of a christian congregationall assembly . 2 if circumcision was by speciall institution given as a priviledge to the males of abrahams familie , melchizedecke , iob , lot , and other visible beleevers were not bound to joyne themselves as members to abrahams familie , or desire and seek to be circumcised : but they that have received the doctrine of salvation , beleeve christ , and professe the faith , are bound to seek , and desire the priviledge of the seals in an holy manner . 3. melchizedech , job , and lot were not onely visible beleevers , but visible members of the church , according to the manner of dispensing in those times : but the seals ( as you confesse ) belong to all beleevers knit together in church-covenant . 4. if circumcision be appropriated to the family of abraham , it is because the covenant sealed by circumcision is peculiar to abrahams posteritie , ( sc . ) that christ should come as concerning the flesh , of isaac . but baptisme is the seal of the covenant of grace without any peculiar or speciall tye or respect . 5. you contend , that baptisme did belong to such beleevers as were members of the then jewish church , which cannot stand , if abrahams familie did answer to a christian societie or congregationall assembly ; just reason therefore may be given why circumcision was dispensed onely to the males of abrahams familie , when baptisme is not to be limited onely to the set members of a particular societie ; and if this consideration be applied to the purpose , instead of saying , circumcision and the passeover were to be administred onely to the members of the church , you must say circumcision was to be desired of or administred unto all the true approved visible members of the church . and if there be the same reason of both , then all visible approved members of the church must not desire nor be admitted to the seals , but this conclusion you will not acknowledge . answ . 4. consideration . they that are not capable of the church censures , are not capable of the church priviledges . but they that are not within church-covenant are not capable of church censures . ergo. the proposition is evident , the assumption may be proved , 1 corinth . 5. 12. what have i to do to judge them that are without . now to be without is not onely the case of heathens and excommunicates , but of some beleevers also , who though by externall union with christ they are within the covenant of grace , yet being not joyned externally to the visible bodie of christ ( a particular church ) are in regard of visible church communion said to be without . to this purpose is this text alledged by other divines also , as dr. ames cas . of consci . l. 4. c. 24. q. 1. resp . 5. reply . first , men are capable of church censures in two respects , either in having the power of the keyes , and authoritie to dispense them according to god , or as subject to the censures of the church . in the first sense , many are capable of church priviledges that are not capable of church censures , as the seed of christian parents , children and women . you say you admit to the seales the knowne and approved , and orderly recommended members of any true church : but to fellowship in the censures , admittance of members , and choice of officers onely , the members of that particular church whereof they and we ( any of us ) stand members . in the second sense also many are capable of church priviledges who are not subject to church censures : as the children of christian parents are capable of baptisme , the known and approved members of any true church are capable of the seales in other congregations among you who are not subject to the censures of that other society . spirituall communion in publick prayer is a church priviledge , which is not denied to visible beleevers and godly persons , though not in church order , and so not in subjection in your sense to church censures . secondly , a person baptised is not baptised in that particular congregation onely , but into all churches , and every particular church where he cometh he hath all the priviledges of a baptised person in respect of his baptisme , and is so to be esteemed by them . now the priviledge of a baptised person who is able to examine himself , and walketh in the truth , is to be admitted to the lords supper . all circumcised persons had right thereby to eat the passeover in any societie , in the place which god should chuse to put his name there . exod. 12. 4. 47. deut. 16. 1 , 2. so all baptised persons have true and intire right to the lords supper in everie true church where god hath set his name . thirdly , there is not the same reason of every church priviledge , for one may have right to some , who is not to meddle with others . the members of one society may hear the word , joyne in prayer , and receive the sacraments in another , when they are not to meddle in the election and ordination of their teachers . the ministers of the gospel may preach the word , and administer the sacraments in another congregation , and hereto he needs no other calling but that god offers an opportunitie ; there is much need of his help , and he is intreated , or hath leave from them in place or office ; but he is not to admit members into the societie , or cast them out that be admitted . and if the pastor of one church shall preach or administer the sacraments in another , contrary to the liking and approbation of the society and governours , though the act be irregular , it was never esteemed a nullitie ; but if he shall presume to excommunicate the members of another societie , without the consent o● the church , and approbation of pastors and teachers , under whose charge and jurisdiction they live , it hath been judged a meer nullity . therefore the proposition is not so evident as to be taken without proofe , that they have no power to admit a beleever into communion in any church priviledge who have no power to excommunicate . fourthly , that visible beleevers baptised into a true church professing the true faith , and walking in holy obedience , and godly conversation , that they and their seed should be judged such as are without in the apostles sense , because they be not externally joyned as set members to some particular congregation in church-covenant is affirmed , not proved . 1. it hath , and may fall out many times through the ignorance , rashnesse , or pride of a prevailing faction in the church , that the true members of the catholique church , and the best members of the orthodox visible flock , or congregation of christ may be no members of any distinct visible societie . and shall their posteritie be esteemed aliens and strangers from the covenant , and debarred from the sacraments , because their parents are unjustly seperated from the inheritance of the lord ? surely as parents unjustly excommunicated do continue still not onely true members of the invisible body ; but visible members of the flock of christ : so the right of baptisme doth belong to the infants of such parents , though not actuall and constant members of this or that present assembly in church order . 2. if they be without , because no members of a politike bodie or spirituall fellowship : then all members which are of one societie are without to another : for they that be not of the bodie are not capable of church censures , or subject to the authoritie one of another . and so not being under the judgement of that particular church to it they are without ; whereas in ancient and moderne times distinct societies did communicate together , admit and receive each other as brethren , to testifie their fellowship in the faith . if the reason whereupon the apostle saith the church of corinth was not to judge them that were without , was because they were not within the church of corinth , and so not under their censure or judgement : this holds true of them that be of another society admitted to the sacrament , as well as of such as be no set members desiring to be received to the lords supper . 3. ( the fornicators of this world ) do they not explaine whom the apostle pointeth unto by the title of being without , ver . 10. 11. such as had not received the covenant of grace . 4. church order is necessarie we denie not ; but this order that a man should be a constant and set member of a particular societie by covenant , to make him a true member of the visible church , or to give him title or interest to the publick order , this is not taught of god. 5. paul divides all men into two ranks , the first and greater without ; the last and lesser within : but that beleevers who have received the holy ghost , and have been baptised into jesus christ , that they and their children should be reckoned among them that are without , that we read not in this nor any other scripture , but in phrase of scripture hereticks themselves are within the church . 6. the beleevers not yet gathered ( as the godly learned think ) into a certain distinct body are called beleevers , brethren , disciples ; but that they should be comprehended under them that are without , it hath not been beleeved in the church . 7. without ( saith the apostle whether alluding to this place or not , let others judge ) are dogs , inchanters , whoremongers , not such as are called faithfull and holy , walking in integritie , beleeving in and professing jesus christ to be their saviour . 8. they that are without in the apostes sense are aliens from the common-wealth of israel , strangers from the covenant of promise , having no hope , and without god in the world : but we hope you will not passe such rash and unadvised censure upon your brethren , who be not gathered into your societie as set members . 9. let the interpretation stand , and he is without , not onely who is no set member of some congregationall assembly , but he that is not subject to the censure of the community of that particular combination few or many , with , or without officers . and so all the reformed churches in the world who ascribe the power of the keyes to the presbitry or classes , and not to the community , and some amongst your selves ( if not the most ) shall be without also . and therefore we cannot think approved christians desiring to be received unto the sacrament , either to be without , or uncapable of church censures for the time being if they should offend , though not set members of any particular congregation : for desiring baptisme for their children or themselves to be admitted to the lords supper for the time they put themselves under the ordinance of jesus christ there . and as they are members for the time , so they might be proceeded against according to the rule prescribed by our saviour , as they would proceed with an offending member . 10. if upon just and good reason a passage of scripture can be cleared to prove that for which it was never alledged by any writer , we are not to except against any truth of god , because it wanteth mans testimonie . onely if we desire credit in such cases , our reasons must be weightie and convincing . but for your exposition of this text of scripture , as yet we have not observed one substantiall ground , or approved author to be alledged . doctor ames shewing the necessitie of christians ioyning themselves to some particular church , giveth this reason , quoniam alias fieri non potest qu●● conturbentur signa illa quibus fideles ab infidelibus discerni possunt . 1. cor. 5. 12. but herein dr. ames manifestly sheweth that by them that are [ without ] heathens , and unbeleevers must be understood , and not beleevers and godly men though of no particular setled societie for the time , for thus we conceive he argueth . the signes and evidences whereby the faithfull are to be discerned from unbeleevers , must not be confounded : but unlesse christians make themselves actuall members of a societie or church , the signes whereby the faithfull are discerned from unbeleevers , will be obscured and darkned . and if this be his reason how can that text of scripture be alledged for confirmation , unlesse by [ men without ] infidels be understood . again doctor ames in the same book , lib. 4. ca. 27. speaking of infants to be received , it is required ( he saith ) that they be in the covenant of grace in respect of outward profession , and estimation in respect of their parents , and that there is hope they shall be instructed and brought up in the same covenant . 2. that baptisme doth most properly belong to those infants whose parents , at least one of them is in the church , and not without , because baptisme is a signe and seale of the covenant of grace . 3. that children that are cast forth are in charitie to be esteemed the children of christian parents , when there is no just cause of presuming the contrary , that in admitting unto baptisme a difference must be put betweene the infants of those who in some sort belong to the church , but openly break the covenant of god , and the children of others . 1. because a distinction must be observed in holy things betweene the cleane and uncleane ; seeing else the ordinance of god cannot be preserved from all pollution . to say nothing of that which he addeth touching the baptisme of infants borne in fornication , excommunication , and papists , which is more then sufficient to cleare his meaning in the former passage . to this may be added that he holdeth it not necessarie that christians should gather themselves into a particular society , but as opportunitie and occasion should offer it self . so that it was never his mind to censure them who be not gathered into church-covenant , because they want means or opportunitie as men without in the apostles sense . his judgement is further manifested in his second manuduction , pa. 33. so many parish assemblies of england ( saith he ) as have any competent number of good christians in them , united to worship god ordinarily in one societie , so many have the essence and integrall forme of a visible church , and all they have intire right to christ , and to all the meanes of injoying him , how ever they are defective in the puritie of their combination , and in the compleat free exercising of their power , whereupon a reverend * elder now among you draws this conclusion , ergo to dischurch them wholly , and to separate from them as no churches of christ , or to denie baptisme to the infants of their known members is not warrantable by any rule of scripture that i know , nor justified by any assertion or practise . answ . 5. consideration . vve may adde hereunto for a fifth consideration , the evill and pernicious consequences of extending communion in church priviledges beyond the bounds of church fellowship : for thus , 1. the extraordinarie office of the apostles , and the ordinarie office of pastors and teachers will be much confounded , if the latter be as illimited as the former in the execution of their office beyond the bounds of their own particular churches . 2. the distinction of church assemblies from the confused multitude is abrogated , if without membership in a particular church the parents may communicate with the churches in the lords supper , and their seed in baptisme . 3. the church shall indanger the profaning of the seals , and want one speciall meanes whereby the grace and pietie of men may be discerned and made known ; for if without respect to their church estate men of approved pietie ( as you say ) are to be admitted to fellowship in the seales , how shall their pietie be approved to the church not by their own report of themselves alone without attestation of such as are approved by the church ; and how can such beare witnesse to their approved pietie , who against light refuse to professe subjection to the gospel of christ by orderly joyning themselves in fellowship with some approved church of christ as members thereof when they have opportunitie thereunto , seeing such fellow-ship is an action of pietie required of all beleevers in the second commandment ; and true pietie frameth mens spirits to have respect to all gods commandments . and we have had much experience of it , that men of approved pietie in the judgement of some have been found too light , not onely in the judgement of others , but even of their own consciences , when they have come to triall in offering themselves to be members of churches , with such a blessing hath god followed this order of taking hold of church-covenant by publick profession of faith and repentance before men be admitted to the seales ; but this meanes of discoverie of mens pietie and sinceritie would be utterly lost , if men should be admitted unto the lords table without entring in church-fellowship . reply . if it be repugnant to divine institution to admit of approved christians lawfully baptized , walking in the faith , members of the visible churches , and partakers of church priviledges among us to the lords supper , or their children to baptisme , because they be not entred into church fellowship according to your order , then it is unlawfull though no such evill consequences are to be feared . but if by accident some abuse should fall out , the evill is to be prevented by all lawfull meanes : but the faithfull are not utterly to be debarred of the order of god , whereto they have right and title by his free grant and gracious invitation . and no question but the seales of the covenant may be profaned many times when it is not in the power of the dispensers to put back or expell such as profane them . if the congregation shall admit of , or tolerate an unworthy member , the churches priviledges are profaned ; and yet we conceive you will say the pastor is not faulty in receiving him , when the church doth tolerate unworthily , if he do what pertaineth to his office to keep the holy things of god from contempt . but in the case propounded there is no feare or danger of such consequences necessarie to follow : for the question is not of all sorts at randame , but of christians professing the faith intirely , lawfully baptised , known , and approved to the consciences of the wise and judicious visible members of the churches of christ among us often admitted to the lords table , whether these either sufficiently knowne unto you , or orderly recommended may upon desire and suite themselves be admitted to communicate in the lords supper , and their children to be baptized , what feare is there now that the extraordinarie office of the apostles , and the ordinarie office of pastors and teachers shall be much or little confounded ? is this to take as illimited power as the apostles did in the execution of their office ? how shal this tend to abrogate the distinction of church assemblies from the confused multitude ? or how is the profanation of the seals thereby indangered ? you aske if without respect to their church estate men of approved pietie ( as we say ) are to be admitted into fellowship in the seals , how shall their pietie be approved to the church , not by their own report of themselves alone , &c. do not you say the same , that there be many godly persons , and of approved pietie among us , who are not approved by their own report of themselves ( unlesse ye will take their wisedome , faith , patience , courage , constancie , and holinesse of life for their report ) approved , we say by as ample and sufficient testimonie as the apostles exacted of them whom they received into church fellowship , or can be required of members admitted unto the priviledges of the church , if men will follow the lords direction , or as you can give to ordinances members of your societies . you professe high respect of your brethren in old england , but it seemes you judge them insufficient to give orderly testimonie of the sinceritie and uprightnesse of approved christians , well known unto them , and living among them , which two cannot well agree . we speake not of such who against light refuse to professe subjection to the gospel of christ to joyne themselves orderly in fellowship with some approved church : but of such as do with all readinesse professe subjection , and walk accordingly , and heartily desire to joyn themselves to the most pure and compleat churches so farre as they are taught of god , or have opportunitie thereunto . and if exception be taken against them onely , who refuse against light to submit themselves to the gospel ; by what rule do you proceed when you judge men to refuse against light , or debarre them who do not refuse against conscience , but for lacke of opportunitie . no doubt ( as you say ) but now and then a man of approved pietie in the judgement of some may be found too light , yea and in the judgement of his owne conscience when he hath come to triall . and no question but many have been admitted by the church , who indeed and truth are much too light ; and some refused who deserved better then they that cast them off , we will not dispute what errours have been committed , nor what blessing ye have found upon your proceedings ; we heartily beseech the lord to keep your congregation pure , make his ordinances more and more effectuall , go before you in the way wherein you should walk , and multiply his mercies upon you in the same . but this we are perswaded , and therefore we speak , that in debarring godly christians from the lords supper , and much more the children of those parents who are in covenant with god , from holy baptisme you exceed your commission you have received from god , and go beyond your due bounds . and notwithstanding your circumspection more worthy and faithfull christians have been denied when of lesse worth , and meaner sufficiencies have passed , and been by you received . answ . 6. consid . none have power to dispence the seales but they that are called to the office of ministery ; and no man can be so called till first there be a church to call him , seeing the power of calling ministers is given by christ unto the church ; and thence it follows , that all those that desire to partake of the seales , are bound to joyne themselves in church state , that so they may call a minister to dispense the seales unto them . and this dutie by the appointment of god lieth not onely upon some christians , but equally upon all : ergo no christian can expect by the appointment of god to partake in the seals till he have joyned himselfe in church fellowship , and in the call of the minister . and indeed seeing a church , and a minister called by the church , is of such necessitie for the dispensing of the seales , it may seeme unreasonable that some christians should be bound to become a church , and to call a minister that so the seales may be dispensed , and other men ( when this is done ) have equall libertie to the seals who refuse to joyne unto the church . reply . this conclusion is not to the question propounded , for we speake of such as cannot , not of such as refuse to joyne themselves unto the church ; or if they do not joyne , it is not out of contempt or wilfull neglect of gods ordinance , or desire of carnall libertie , and not to be in subjection to christ , but for lacke of opportunitie , or through their fault that should admit them but do not . for if in any of your churches you shall require more of members to be admitted then christ the chiefe shepherd of the flock doth , or presse that upon their consciences which they cannot consent unto , if they shall sit downe quietly for the time and serve god in private , when they cannot injoy church priviledges , it is your fault and not theirs . and they may more justly challenge the assemblie as injurious and tyrannicall , then you them as wilfull despisers of gods ordinance . we accuse not the wisedome and discretion of your chuches , but we know the zealous multitude may sometimes be rash ; and when a reason is craved of your judgement , why you do debarre the most knowne and approved christians which come over , and their children from the seals of the covenant , we dislike you should put this note upon them , as if against light they refused orderly to subject themselves to the gospel of jesus christ : what warrant you have thus to censure , what use of this manner of dispute we leave it to your godly wisedome to judge . in the consideration it self there are many propositions couched together , which we must examine severally as they have reference to the conclusion intended , and then try whether it can be raised from them . the first proposition , that none have power to dispence the seales , but they that are called to the office of ministery , is freely granted . the second , that no man can be so called till first there be a church to call him , needeth explication . for by the church you must understand the community of the faithfull , as they are one bodie , without officers or guides . and such a church there cannot be without a ministery to call and admit them into church-fellowship . the apostles baptised not themselves , but by the help of others , & those not called of the people to be baptised , 1 cor. 1. 17. the apostles appointed by electiō , elders in every city or church . and so there was a church before elders were set over it , but this church was a societie of beleevers by baptisme admitted into church-fellowship . there can be no church to call a minister to feed the flock , and dispence the seals , till they have received the doctrine of salvation intirely , and by the seale of initiation be solemnly received into the societie of men professing christ . a company of men converted to the faith being unbaptized , may and ought to desire baptisme , but they have not power to elect and chuse one among themselves to dispence the seales unto the rest for ought is to be found in scripture : the churches constitution into which christians are to gather themselves must be apostolicall , and not one day or houre younger in nature and forme of it , thus the first church of the new testament . but it can never be shewed in scripture that any societie of unbaptised persons did first chuse from among them a pastor or teacher by whom they might be baptised : you cannot produce one example or other proofe in the scripture , of one man teaching the gospel ministerially but he was baptised , and a member of a true church , or of a societie who made choice of a pastor and teacher , but they were baptised persons . the third proposition , that the power of calling ministers is given by christ unto the church , must also be rightly understood : for by the church must be meant the societie of the faithfull , not onely ingrafted into christ , set into the state of salvation , and made heires apparent of everlasting blessednesse , but solemnly entred and inrolled into the societie of christs flock , and acknowledged members by free admission into the seales of the covenant . againe , by the church if we speake of ordinary calling , must not be understood of the faithfull alone , but their guides and officers together with them , who are to goe before the rest , and to direct and governe them in their choice . neither can we say , that any two or three beleevers linked together in societie doe make such a church , as to whom the calling of the minister doth belong : but that right was given by christ to such churches as were gathered and established by the apostles . the church hath a ministery of calling one whom christ hath described , that from christ he may have power of office given him in the vacant place . but the office , gift , and power of the ministery , is immediately from christ and not from the church . the church doth neither virtually nor formally give power to her officers but ministerially onely , as ministring to him who hath power and vertue to conferre it . and this right of election is so given to the communitie and body of the people , that if they have consented to give away their right , or if it be taken injuriously from them , the calling of the minister notwithstanding may be true , and ministeriall acts done by him that is thrust upon the people without their consent may be effectuall to their salvation . a wrong it is altogether to debarre the godly of their consent in the calling of such as must watch for their soules ; but it makes not the calling it selfe a meere nullitie ; for then many churches in the world within a few hundred yeares after christ should have wanted both ministery and sacraments , and they would have been altogether destitute of both ministery and sacraments for many hundred yeares . the fourth , that all those who desire to partake in the seales , are bound to joyne themselves together in church-state , that so they may call a minister to dispence the seales unto them , will not follow from the former rightly understood . we deny not but christians are bound to joyne themselves together in holy fellowship , if god give them opportunitie : but they must partake in the seales before they can joyne themselves together in church-state . and such as for lack of meanes and opportunitie cannot joyne themselves into such an estate , or be dispersed by persecution , or be destitute of pastors and teachers , may for a time desire and seek to have the seales dispenced unto them by the pastors and teachers of other societies , with whom they hold communion in the faith . the people also who are deprived of right and libertie to choose their pastor , may desire and seek to have the seales dispenced unto them by him who is set over them . if a company of infidells should be converted to the faith , they must desire to partake in the ordinances of grace before they could joyne together in a church-way to call a minister of their own , who might administer the sacraments unto them . to make disciples and baptize are joyned together . and if these propositions be allowed for current , a nation or people plunged into idolatry or infidelitie , or otherwise dischurched , cannot by ordinary meanes recover into a church-estate , wherein they may lawfully and according to gods appointment desire or expect that the seales of the covenant should be dispenced to them . the fifth proposition riseth beyond measure , that no christian can expect by the appointment of god to partake in the seales till he have joyned himselfe in church-fellowship and the calling of the minister . wee conceive you will not say that children and women have to doe in the call of the minister ( for women they are debarred by their sex as from ordinary prophesying , so from any other dealing wherein they take authority over the man ) if some part of the congregation doe not consent in the election of pastors or teachers , have they not right to expect to have the seales of the covenant dispenced to themselves or their seede ? if the people be deprived of that libertie to choose or call their minister , must they seperate from the ordinances of worship there dispenced , and from the congregations as no true churches ? if some persons by the providence of god live in such places where they cannot joyne in church-fellowship and call of the minister ( as suppose the christian wife , childe , or servant ) nor lawfully remove to any such societie must they and their children live as strangers and aliens from the covenant of grace , wherein they may not expect to partake of the seales ▪ if infidels be converted to the faith , must they not partake in the seales , because they cannot joyne in church-fellowship and call of the minister , before they be admitted to baptisme ? here you say the people must joyne together in the call of the minister , before they can lawfully desire to be admitted to the seales . and another hath zealously affirmed ( it is a presumptuous sin in any to choose an officer not trained up and tryed ( scil . ) in the debating , discussing , carrying , and contriving of church-affaires , as also in admonition , exhortation , and comfort , publickly occasioned and so manifested ) lay these two together , and let it be considered how long many a poore soule converted to the faith must be compelled to want the comfort of gods ordinances . besides , if a people be joyned together in church-fellowship , and have called a pastor to feed and watch over them , wee desire ( not words but ) proofe why the poore dispersed christians wanting means or opportunitie to joyn themselves together into societie , ought not to desire , and that others be not bound in conscience to afford them the comfort of gods ordinances . if the propositions may stand for good , i feare we shall scarce finde that ever in ordinary way , the sacraments were lawfully dispenced or received in the christian churches of god since the first foundation of them . now the premises being liable to so many exceptions , the conclusion to be laid upon them , will fall of it selfe . and thereunto wee oppose the direct contrary . that infidels converted to the faith , or godly christians , formerly visible beleevers , knowne and approved members of congregations professing the intire faith , and joyning together in the lawfull use of the sacraments for substance according to the institution , may and ought to desire and expect the seales of the covenant to be dispenced to them , and to their seede , though for the present they be not joyned into such church-state and call of ministers as you require . answer 7. consideration . that our practise may not be censured as novell and singular , give us leave to produce a president of the like care observed and approved by publick countenance of state in the dayes of edward 6. of blessed and famous memory , who in the yeare 1550. granted johannes alasco a learned noble man of poland under the great seale of england , libertie to gather a church of strangers in london , and to order themselves according as they should finde to be most agreeable to the scriptures . among other godly orders established in that church , that which concerned the administration of baptisme to prevent the prophanation of it we will repeate in alascoes owne words . baptisme in our church ( saith he ) is administred in the publique assembly of the church after the publique sermon : for seeing baptisme doth so belong to the whole church that none ought to be driven thence , which is a member of the church , nor to be admitted to it who is not a member of it , truely it is equall that that should be performed publiquely in the assembly of the whole church , which belongs to the whole church in common . againe , he addeth ; now seeing our churches are by gods blessing so established by the kings majestie , that they may be as it were one parish of strangers dispersed throughout the whole citie , or one body corporate ( as it is called in the kings grant ) and yet all strangers doe not joyne themselves to our church , yea there are those who while they avoyde all churches , will pretend to the english churches that they are joyned with us , and to us that they are joyned to the english churches , and so doe abuse both them and us , lest the english churches and the ministers thereof should be deceived by the impostures of such men ( and that under colour of our churches ) wee doe baptize their infants alone who have adjoyned themselves to our churches by publique confession of their faith , and observation of ecclesiasticall discipline . and that our churches may be certaine that the infants that are to be baptized are their seede , who have joyned themselves thereto in manner aforesaid , the father of the infant to be baptized ( it possible he can ) or other men and women of notable credit in the church , doe offer the infant to baptisme , and doe publickly professe that it is the seede of the church , yet wee suffer no stranger to offer infants to baptisme in our churches , who hath not made publique profession of his faith , and willingly submitted himselfe to the discipline of the church , lest otherwise they who present their children to baptisme , might in time plead that they belong to our churches , and so should deceive the english churches and their ministers . to those which presented infants to baptisme , they propounded three questions , the first was ; are these infants which yee offer the seed of this church , that they may lawfully be here baptized by our ministery ? &c. answer , yea. this instance is the more to be regarded , because alasco affirmeth in the preface of that book , that this libertie was by the king granted to them out of his desire to settle alike reformation in the english churches , which in effect you see the same with our practise in this particular . reply . the practise of the church of strangers in london , recorded by john alasco , is farre different from your judgement and practise , not in some by-circumstances , but in the maine point in question ; for your judgement is that true visible beleevers , baptized and partakers of the lords supper in other churches not yet gathered into church-estate or fellowship , have no right or interest in the seales , ( they nor their seede ) but this church of strangers held no such opinion as their own words ( which you have omitted ) doe plainly speake . and paul testifyeth ( say they ) that by christs ordinance the church it selfe without exception of any member of it , is to be accounted cleane or holy by the ministery of baptisme . whence we may easily see , that baptisme doth neither belong to those who are altogether without the church , nor to be denyed to any member of the church . secondly , they held communion with the church of england as one and the same with theirs . for so they professe : yet neverthelesse , that we may openly shew that the english churches and ours are one and the same church ( though we differ somewhat from them both in language and ceremonies ) we doe not refuse that the english may as publick witnesses of the church offer the infants of our members to baptisme in our churches , if they have both the use of our language and a certain testimony of their piety . as in like manner our members are accustomed to offer the infants of the english to baptisme in the english churches . if your judgement be this of the english churches , your judgement in acknowledging us members of true churches , and practise in debarring visible beleevers and their seede from the seales , are opposite the one to the other . thirdly , this order was observed by them to prevent the impostures of some , who whilst they avoyded all churches , pretended to the english , that they were joyned to the strangers , and to the strangers that they were joyned to the english . but you debarre knowne christians who desire to joyne themselves with you , not to prevent impostures of them who avoyde all churches : yea , you debarre them as men having no right to the sacraments , because they be not in church-fellowship : and herein you can shew no president ancient or moderne , either from scripture or monuments of the church : and as your practise is without example , so without warrant from the word of god. and this is the maine reason why we cannot consent unto you in this particular which we thus propound . 1 reason . that sacred order which god hath set in his visible church for all his saints to keep and walk by , that is religiously to be observed . but for men to set up that as a necessarie order which god never allowed , approved , or commanded , is great presumption . now the lord hath not ordained that a man should be a set member of a particular societie , or body politique of faithfull people joyned together in spirituall church-fellowship by covenant , before he be admitted unto the lords supper , or that the parents should be actuall visible set members of some particular distinct body before their children be baptised . they that beleeve in jesus christ have received the word of promise and walk therein , they and their children are within the covenant , and have right and title to the seales of the covenant , but in their order , the infants to baptisme , parents baptised , to the lords supper . and if in that state by divine grant they have interest to the sacraments , the church in debarring them because they be not yet grown into one distinct separate societie of mutuall covenant , doth exceed the bounds of her commission . for a ministeriall power onely is committed to the church to admit or refuse them who are to be admitted or refused by authoritie from god : but the church if she thrust beleeving parents from the supper of the lord , and their seed from baptisme ; she denieth these benefits to them who by the grace and gift of god have lawfull right and title thereto . 1. for first , the baptisme of john was true baptisme , and truly administred by him : and they that were baptized by him received the seales of the covenant , and were esteemed members of the visible church : but john never demanded of them who came to his baptisme whether they were entred into spirituall fellowship by mutuall covenant one with another . this was not then knowne to be a necessarie and essentiall point in the lawfull , due , and orderly administration of the sacrament . the disciples of our saviour made and baptised disciples professing the faith , but not combined into church-state or fellowship . the apostles commission was first to teach the gentiles , and then to baptise them having received their doctrine . and this they carefully observed in the execution of their ministery upon grounds and reasons common to them and us : for as soone as any man or number of men gladly received the doctrine of salvation , and gave their names to jesus christ , if they desired to be baptised forthwith they accepted them , never excepting , that they were no set members of a distinct visible congregation . when the first 3000. converts , being pricked in their consciences , came to peter , and the rest of the apostles , saying . men and brethren , what shall we do ? peter returns this answer , repent and be baptised every one of you in the name of jesus , &c. for to you is the promise made , and to your children , and to all that are afar off , &c. as soon as the samaritanes beleeved , philip who preached the things that concerned the kingdom of god , they were baptised both men and women . when the eunuch asked of philip , see here is water , what doth let me to be baptised ? he answereth not if thou beest first received as a set member into a visible congregation thou mayest : but if thou beleevest with all thy heart , thou mayest . can any man forbid water ( saith peter , speaking of the gentiles upon whom was powred the gift of the holy ghost ) that these should not be baptised who have received the gift of the holy ghost as well as we ? at that time it was not held a bar sufficient to keep them from the sacrament of baptisme , because they were not set members of a distinct societie , which had it been essentiall to the lawfull and orderly administration of the sacraments , questionlesse it had been observed in the first institution and administration of them . annanias baptised paul before he was any set member of a congregationall assembly . lydia and her houshold , the jaylor and his house were baptised without regard to their church-estate . for in the same night which he was converted , he was baptized with all his houshold . and this was done not by the apostles onely upon speciall dispensation , but by others upon grounds and reasons common to them , and all ages , viz. because they were disciples , beleeved , gladly received the word , had received the holy ghost , were called , and the promise was made to them , and to their seed , even to all them that were afarre off . now if the apostles dispensed the seales to them that were not in church-fellowship upon common grounds , it is not essentiall to the lawfull dispensation of the seales , that all partakers should be under such a covenant . if the baptised disciples , beleevers , such as gladly received the word , and had received the gift of the holy ghost , then the seals of the covenant belong unto such , and by the grace of god they have right and title unto those priviledges . 2. as we received the sacraments from god by divine institution ; so must we learne from him , how and to whom the same are to be administred , observing what he hath commanded without addition or diminution . but we have learned from christ the author of baptisme , and the constant practise of the apostles ( the first dispensers of these holy seales who best understood the mind and pleasure of the lord herein ) that such as be called of god to whom the promise is made , who have received the gifts of the holy ghost , beleeved in the lord jesus , professed their faith in him , and repentance for sins past with purpose of amendment for the time to come , that such have right unto , and desiring it ought to be received unto baptifme , and are greatly wronged if they be deprived of that unspeakable benefit . 3. by a lively faith a man is made a living member of jesus christ , and hath internall communion with him by the intire profession of christian faith joyned with conformity of life in righteousnesse , and holinesse , and fellowship of love , he is a member of the visible congregation or flock of christ , though no set member of a free distinct independant societie . and baptisme is the seale of our admission into the congregation or flock of christ ; but not evermore of our receiving into this or that particular societie as set members thereof . this latter is accidentall to baptisme , not essentiall . it may fall out to be so , but it is not ever necessarie ; nor is the sacrament to be denyed , nor can we say it is imperfectly administred where it cannot be attained . for the catholique church is one intire bodie , made up by the collection and agregation of all the faithfull unto the unity thereof ; from which union there ariseth unto every one of them such a relation to , dependance upon that church catholique as parts use to have in respect of the whole . and this holds true , not onely of sound beleevers in respect of internall fellowship with christ their head , and so one with another ; but of all men professing the true and intire doctrine of faith and salvation in respect of them that hold and professe the same faith of christ , and worship god according to his will ; whereupon it followeth that neither particular persons , nor particular guides , nor particular churches are to worke as severall divided bodies by themselves , but are to teach , and be taught ; and to do all other duties as parts conjoyned to the whole , and members of the same flock or societie in generall : and so beleevers professing the faith , and walking in holinesse , may and ought to be admitted to the seales as actuall members of the church of christ , and sheep of his pasture , though not set members of one congregationall church . 4. not to insist upon this here , that it hath and may fall out many times through ignorance , rathnesse , or pride , of a prevailing faction in the church , that the true members of the catholique church , and the best members of the orthodox visible flock , or church of christ , may be no actuall members of any distinct societie , and shall they for this be accounted men out of covenant , and their posteritie be esteemed aliens and strangers : but if they be in covenant , then are they holy in respect of the covenant , and their children holy as pertaining to the covenant , and have right to the sacrament of initiation . thus mr. rob. frameth the argument . the sacrament of baptisme is to be administred by christs appointment , and the apostles example onely to such as are ( externally , and so far as men can judge ) taught and made disciples , do receive the word gladly , do beleeve , and so professe , have received the holy ghost , and to their seed . and thus the church of god ever since the apostles dayes understood the covenant and promise , and their practise in receiving beleevers and their seed to the seales of the covenant was answerable , as might be shewed at large , if it was not a thing confessed . hereunto you answer . answer . vvhere the holy ghost is given and received ( which was the case of the centurion ) and where faith is professed according to gods ordinance ( which was the case of the rest ) there none may hinder them from being baptised , viz. by such as have power to baptise them . in the instances given baptisme was administred either by apostles or evangelists , not ordinary pastors : the persons baptised , if they were members of churches , had a right to baptisme in their state , and the apostles being officers of all churches might dispense the seales to them where ever they came , which yet will not warrant ordinary officers to do the same . nor is it improbable but that all these were in church-order , aret , on act. 18. 1. is of opinion , that the centurion had a constituted church in his house ; the eunuches coming to jerusalem to worship , argueth him to be a proselyte , and member of the jewish church not yet dissolved : and therefore upon the profession of the christian faith capable of church priviledges at that time . as for lydia and the gaylor it appeareth that in the beginning of the gospel there was a church at philipp● which communicated with paul as concerning giving and receiving : as he expresly saith , before his departure was from macedonia , which departure was immediately upon the gaylors conversion . in which respect what should hinder that lydia and the gaylor should first be joyned to the church , and then to be baptised though it be not mentioned in that story ? as neither there is mention of a christian church , which paul mentioneth in his epistle to the philippians . at least it is probable that lydia was a member of the jewish church , because she is said to be one that worshipped god. but if any man think they were not members of any church yet baptised , though we see not how it will be proved , yet if it were so , the object doth no whit weaken the argument , which speaketh of the ordinary dispensation of the seales , and not of what was done in an extraordinary way . so that suppose that in the cases alledged , baptisme dispensed to some that were not in church-fellowship , yet the examples of the apostles and evangelists in so doing will not warrant ordinary pastors to do the like . the reason of the difference why apostles and evangelists might administer baptisme out of church-order , whereas pastors and teachers may not , is double . 1. because their calling gave them illimited power over all men , especially christians wheresoever they came . but we do not find that ordinarie pastors and teachers can do an act of power , but onely over their own church , which hath called them to watch over them in the lord. 2. because they were assisted with an immediate direction and guidance of the holy ghost , in the places of their administration in the cases alledged . but ordinary church-officers are to walke according to ordinary rules of the scripture in the dispensation of the seales , and not to expect immediate inspirations and extraordinary revelations for their helpe in such cases . this difference between apostles and ordinary church officers must needs be acknowledged , or otherwise a man might from their example justifie baptisme in private houses . reply . this answer stands of many parts , wherein things doubtfull are affirmed , and that which more weakeneth the force of the consideration before alledged , and the answer it selfe , then of the reason whereunto it is applyed . for first , if where the holy ghost is given and received , and where faith is professed according to gods ordinance , there none may hinder them from being baptized , viz. by such as have power to baptize them : then either men that have received the holy ghost , and professe the faith , be members of the church , or baptisme is not a priviledge of the church , then it is not essentiall to the first institution of baptisme , that it should be dispenced to none but such as were entered into church-fellowship , or were set members of a congregationall assembly . then the apostles in dispensing the seales unto such , or commanding them to be dispenced , did walk according to the rules of scripture , and upon grounds common to them and us , viz. they admitted them unto the sacraments who had right and interest to them , according to the minde and pleasure of the institutor , not extraordinarily revealed , besides the common rules , or by speciall dispensation and prerogative excepted from the common rule , but made knowne in the institution it selfe . and then the difficultie remaining is onely this , whether a pastor or teacher hath authority from christ to dispence the seales of the covenant to one who hath right and title to them , and doth orderly desire that benefit because he is not as yet received as a set member of that particular societie which your practise in admitting of set members of other congregations unto the seales doth manifestly convince . for if both have equall interest unto the seales , the pastor upon lawfull suite and request hath equall authoritie to receive the one as well as the other . secondly , in the particular instances given , it is not probable that baptisme was evermore administred by apostles or evangelists ; for before the death of christ , the disciples baptized when they were properly neither apostles nor evangelists : after the death of christ ( not to insist upon conjectures whether any assisted the apostles in the baptizing of the first three thousand converted ) it is not certaine , whether peter baptized cornelius and his family , or commanded others then present with him to baptize them : the words may be read : et jussit eos baptizari in nomine domini . syr. & arab. praecepit eis ut baptizarentur . the interlineary glosse leaveth it doubtfull , associis suis vel a scipso . others are of opinion that peter did baptize them himselfe . it cannot be proved that philip and ananias were both evangelists , when the one baptized the samaritans and the eunuch , the other paul. paul himselfe baptized but a few as he testifieth of himselfe , and reason to convince that others converted by his preaching were baptized by evangelists , we know not any . and if philip , ananias , and others might baptize such as had right and title to the seales , being as yet no set members of any particular congregation : and a congregation destitute of their proper pastor , may desire another to baptize their infants , and dispence the sacrament of the supper to them in that their necessitie . and if the members of one congregation may lawfully communicate in another , then may the pastors of particular congregations upon occasion admit to the seales of the covenant such known and approved christians , as have right and title thereunto , and duely and orderly require the same ; for of all these the reason is like and perpetuall . thirdly , it is very improbable that the persons baptized , were in church-state or order . if they were members of the jewish church not yet dissolved , this is not to the purpose ; for men have not right to baptisme , because they were members of the jewish church , but because disciples and ( as you say ) joyned together in covenant , and have fellowship and calling of their minister , who is to dispence the seales unto them . and baptisme is the sacrament of initiation , not into the jewish but the christian churches . secondly , when you say , the seales in ordinary dispensation are the priviledges of the churches . there are no ministers but of particular churches . baptisme and the lords supper are to be administred onely to the members of the church . no societie may lawfully desire the seales , unlesse they have joyned in the choice and calling of their minister . beleevers not yet joyned in church-order are without . doe yee not in all these understand a christian societie , united in a church-way , &c. which cannot agree to the members of the jewish church , not yet dissolved . thirdly , the constitution of the church ( saith mr. robin . ) is the orderly collection and conjunction of the saints into and in the covenant of the new testament ; but the members of jewish churches not yet dissolved , were not in such constitution . if the eunuch and centurion were proselytes and members of the church of the jewes ; the samaritanes whom philip baptized were not so . and that any gentiles , or the gailor whom paul baptized in the apostles times , were set members of a christian assembly before baptized , is very strange if there was a church at philippi , yet the gailor who was baptized and converted the same night , could not be a set member by solemne admission before baptisme . it is said the apostles baptized these persons in an extraordinary way . but in this practise of the apostles two things are to be considered . 1. the circumstance of the action . 2. the qualitie or substance of the act . in some circumstances the baptizing of some of these persons might be extraordinary , but the substance and qualitie of the action was grounded upon rules perpetuall and common to us with them . 1. that is done in an extraordinary way , which by peculiar priviledge of dispensation is made lawfull to some one or few men , which is unlawfull to all others , not having the same dispensation , but where the ground and reason of the action is common : we must not conceive the thing to be done in an extraordinary way by speciall dispensation . what was done by the apostles upon speciall revelation and immediate direction , besides the ordinary and common rule , in that wee are not to immitate or follow them , because we have not their warrant . but what they did upon reasons and grounds reaching unto us no lesse then unto them , in that we have the same libertie , allowance , or commandement that they did walk by . in one and the same action there may be and oft is something ordinary , something extraordinary or peculiar to speciall times or persons . so it was in the apostles administration of the seales : but in every place where they came by illimited power ( as you speake ) they did baptize disciples , if they did baptize ; this was proper to them , and could not be communicated to any others by them ; for there is no passage of scripture which teacheth this , that one officer may communicate his power to another , or doe that which particularly belongeth to his office by a deputie : but that they baptized beleevers professing their faith in the lord jesus , and repentance towards god , such as had gladly imbraced the word , and received the gifts of the holy ghost : this was common to them with all pastors and teachers , because they did it , not by power illimited or speciall dispensation , but upon this standing perpetuall reason , that the promise was made to them and to their seede , and to as many as the lord shall call , that they had received the holy ghost , and the kingdome of heaven belonged to them . and if the grounds and reasons of their practise be common reaching to us , no lesse then unto them , the practise it selfe was not extraordinary . to say nothing that this answer will not stand with the former ; for if the parties baptized were set members of particular societies , the apostles did not baptize them in an extraordinary way , they did it by the guidance and direction of the spirit , that is true , but not by guidance of dispensation , or prerogative , whereby that was made lawfull without such inspiration had been unlawfull . but they were infallibly guided to doe that which was according to the word of god , and might stand for our direction : that in case it be orderly desired a pastor hath authoritie in his owne congregation , to receive knowne and approved christians to the seales of the covenant , hath been proved before . if the apostles dispenced the seales onely to the church , disciples , faithfull , who received the doctrine of salvation with gladnesse of heart , and were partakers of the holy ghost , then they dispenced the seales in an ordinary way , for such have title and interest to the seales by the institution and appointment of god. and every pastor by his office may and ought to dispence the seales unto such , within the bounds and limits of his calling : but the apostles dispenced the seales onely to the church , disciples , faithfull , &c. 2. an argument followeth necessarily from particular example to a generall ; when one particular is proved by another particular , by force of the similitude common to the whole kinde , under which those particulars are contained : but the practise of the apostles in baptizing disciples and faithfull , by force of similitude common to the whole kinde , agreeth with the practise of ministers receiving to baptisme the seed of the faithfull , though as yet not set members of any particular societie , in some circumstances there may be difference when yet the reason is strong , if the difference be not in the very likenesse it selfe whereupon the reason is grounded . one circumstance that is materiall to the point may overthrow the likenesse pretended , and twenty different circumstances , if they be not to the point in hand make no dissimilitude . now in this matter wee speake of , no circumstance is or can be named why we should thinke it lawfull for the apostles to baptize disciples as yet being no set members of particular societies , and the same should be unlawfull in all cases for ordinary pastors in their particular congregations , though it be desired . 3. what is done by extraordinary dispensation , that is lawfull for them onely who have received such dispensation , and by them cannot be communicated to others . but the apostles baptized by others seldome by themselves , as hath been shewed . 4. we might urge the rule which a reverend elder among you , giveth in another matter , ( scil . ) those examples which are backed with some divine precept , or which are held forth in the first institution of an ordinance , being part of the institution , or which were the constant lawfull actions of holy men in scripture , not civill but sacred so binde us to imitation , as that not to conforme thereunto is sinne . for the assumption to this proposition , it is plaine and naturall : but the practise of the apostles in receiving the faithfull , disciples , &c. is backed with divine precept , held forth in the first institution , and was their constant lawfull practise , agreeable to the practise of all others who were imployed in that service ; ergo , &c. 5. in the first consideration , you prove the seales to be the priviledge of the church in ordinary dispensation , by this passage of scripture , then they that gladly received the word were baptized : but if apostles baptize by extraordinary dispensation in your sense this testimony is insufficient for that purpose . 2 reason . our second reason . in due order , the seales belong to them to whom the grant is given , viz. baptisme to the seed of the faithfull , and the lords supper to beleevers , able to try and examine themselves : but the grant is vouchsafed to the faithfull and their seed , forgivenesse of sinnes , sanctification , adoption , and what other good things are promised in the covenant of grace are the grant or good things sealed in the sacrament . but those are granted to beleevers according to the covenant ; and they are so linked together , that under one promised all are understood ; and if one be vouchsafed , none is denied . when god promiseth to circumcise the heart , the forgivenesse of sinnes is implyed . and when circumcision is said to be the seale of the righteousnesse of faith , the circumcision of the heart by spirituall regeneration is included . to whomsoever then the spirituall gift , or inward grace of the covenant is given and granted , to them the seales of that gift and grant doth belong in their due order . but the spirituall gift or grace which is the thing signified in the sacrament , is freely granted to true beleevers , who have received the doctrine of salvation , and walk in the wayes of truth and righteousnesse , therefore the priviledges of the seales belong unto them . to this you answer . the scope of the apostle in the place , rom. 4. 11. is not to define a sacrament , nor to shew what is the proper and adequate subject of the sacrament ; but to prove by the example of abraham that a sinner is justified before god , not by works but by faith . thus as abraham the father of the faithfull was justified before god , so must his seed be ( that is , all beleevers whether jews or gentiles , circumcised or uncircumcised ) for therefore abraham received circumcision which belonged to the jews to confirm the righteousnesse which he had before , while he was uncircumcised , that he might be the father of both : but lest any one should think his circumcision was needlesse if he was justified by faith before circumcision ; he addeth that his circumcision was of no use as a seale to confirme to him his faith , and the righteousnesse which is by faith : yet as justification is not the onely thing that circumcision sealed , but the whole covenant also made with abraham and his seed was sealed thereby ; so abraham is to be considered in using circumcision not simply , or onely as a beleever without church relation , but as a confederate beleever , and so in the state and order of a visible church . though the apostle maketh mention of the righteousnesse of faith as sealed thereby , which was not that which served for his purpose . now that circumcision also sealed the church-covenant , may appear from gen. 17. 9. 10 , 11. where you may find that abraham and his seed , though beleevers , were not circumcised till god called them into church-covenant ; and there is the same reason & use of baptisme to us which serveth to seal our justification as circumcision did , yet not that alone , but also the whole covenant with all the priviledges of it , as adoption , sanctification , and fellowship with christ in affections , and the salvation of our souls , and the resurrection of our bodies . and not onely the covenant of grace which is common to all beleevers : but church-covenant 1 cor. 15. 19. covenant also which is peculiar to confederates . according to that of the apostle , by one spirit we are baptized into one body , 1 cor. 12. 13. and by one bodie he meaneth that particular church of corinth whereunto he writeth and saith , now ye are the body of christ , and members in particular , ver . 27. and ergo church-membership is required as well to the orderly partaking of baptisme as it was of circumcision . nor do we find that circumcision was administred to all that were in the covenant of grace ( as all beleevers were ) but onely to such of them as were joyned to the people of the god of abraham . melchizedech was under the covenant of grace , so was lot , so was job and his foure friends ; yet we no where read that they were circumcised , nor do beleeve they were . so that if circumcision was administred to none but those that were joyned together in abrahams familie , and to the church of god in his seed , then may not baptisme in ordinarie course be administred to any beleevers now , unlesse they be joyned to the church of christ , for parum par est ratio . but the first is true , ergo , the second also . reply . the particulars in this answer hath been examined alreadie , and might have well been passed over , because it is tedious to repeat the same things againe and againe . two things are affirmed by you . 1. that the scope of the apostle , rom. 4. 11. was not to define a sacrament , nor to shew what was the proper and adequate subject of a sacrament . but this weakneth no part of the argument , for if the apostle do not fully define a sacrament , nor mention every particular benefit or prerogative sealed in the sacrament ; yet he sheweth sufficiently to whom the sacraments in due order do appertaine , even to the heires of salvation , to them that are justified by faith , and walk in the steps of our father abraham . and thus we argue from the text of the apostle . they that are partakers of the good things sealed in the sacrament , to them belong the seales of the covenant , according to gods institution . but they that are justified by faith are partakers of the good things sealed in the sacrament , to them belong the seales of the covenant according to gods institution . if justification be not the onely thing that circumcision sealed , this is nothing to the point in hand . for the gifts of the holy ghost is not the onely thing that is sealed in baptisme : but you confesse in your answer immediately going before , that they have right to baptisme who have received the holy ghost ; and the reason is the same of justification . besides if justification be not the onely thing that is sealed in the sacrament , it is one principall thing which doth inferre the rest . for the blessings of the covenant of grace in christ are inseparable ; where one is named , others are implyed : and where one is given , no one is absolutely wanting . christ is made of god wisedome , righteousnesse , sanctification , and redemption : whom god doth justifie , them he doth sanctifie , and them he will glorifie . 2. the second thing you affirme is , that not onely the covenant of grace which is common to all beleevers ; but church-covenant also which is peculiar to confederates is necessarie to the participation of the seales . this sense your words must beare , or else they reach not the point in hand : but this is that which should be proved substantially , and not barely affirmed ; and which ( as we conceive ) is contrary to the first institution of the sacrament , and the lawfull practise of john the baptist , our saviour christ , his apostles , and all others who are recorded lawfully to administer the seales . in gen. 17. we find the first institution of circumcision recorded , and that it was the seale of the covenant to abraham and his seed , to them that were borne in his house , or bought with his money : but we find no mention of any church covenant besides the covenant of promise which god made with abraham . there is no mention of any church-order into which abrahams family was now gathered more then formerly . god gave circumcision to abraham and his seed as a seale of the righteousnesse of faith ; but that this family was first gathered into church-order as you speak we cannot beleeve , because the scripture saith it not whether lot , job , melchizedech were circumcised or not , we will not dispute ; but if they received not the seale , we cannot think the reason to be because they were not in church-order as those times required , if any such thing had been required , we cannot think that either they were ignorant of it , or that they walked against their light : but accordiug to the dispensing of those times we judge as they were visible beleevers , so they walked in that church fellowship which god prescribed ; and therefore if circumcision had been the seale of such church-covenant as you conceive , it should have been given to them no lesse then to abrahams family . but of this sufficient is said before . as for baptisme it is the seal of the whole covenant , which the passages quoted prove it to be . whether it be the seale of our fellowship which christ in affliction , and the resurrection of our bodies , we leave it to your consideration : but that it should be a seal of a church-covenant which is peculiar to confederates , that to us is very strange . that it is a solemne admission into the church of christ , and that of necessitie it must be administred in a particular societie ( though in the passage to the corinthians the mysticall bodie of christ be understood ) will easily be granted . but that it is the seale of any other covenant but the covenant of grace we cannot digest . the sacraments are of god , and we must learne of god for what end and use they were ordained . but by the institution of baptisme recorded in scripture we have learned it belongeth to the faithfull , to disciples , to them that are called of god : and as for any other covenant necessarie to the right participation of the seales , there is deep silence of it in the institution , in the lawfull and approved practise of the first dispensers of these sacred mysteries . enough hath been said to this matter alreadie , but we will conclude it with the words of that reverend author whom we have cited many times before upon occasion . afterwards ( saith he ) john the baptist walked in the same steps , and by the same rule administred baptisme in the church whereof he was a member , required of all that came to his baptisme a profession of repentance , and amendment of life for remission of sinnes whereof baptisme was a seale , and preached christ to them . this order our lord jesus christ after his resurrection established to continue in the christian churches , giving a commission to his disciples to preach the gospel to the gentiles , and to gather all such as should beleeve through the world , as a testimonie to them , that the righteousnesse of faith did belong to them also , and not to the church of the jews onely . accordingly the apostles and servants of christ were carefull to observe this rule in their administring baptisme . thus peter when he saw those three thousand souls pricked in their hearts , preached unto them concerning repentance , remission of sin , christ , the promise , baptisme , faith , amendment of life , baptised those that gladly received his word , and testified the same by joyning together in the prosession thereof . the same course philip took with the church that was gathered in samaria , where many were baptized , but none till they professed their beliefe of the gospel , and their receiving of the word of god. and therefore it is said expresly , when they beleeved philip preaching the things concerning the kingdome of god , and the name of jesus christ , they were baptised both men and women . when ananias was commanded to go and baptise paul , he objected against it at first , till the lord assured him that he was one to whom the seale of the covenant belonged , and then he went and did it . when peter and those that came with him saw that the holy ghost fell on cornelius , and those that were assembled at that time in his house , whilest he spake these words , to him give all the prophets witnesse , that through the name of jesus whosoever beleeveth on him shall receive remission of sinnes . peter demanded , can any man forbid water that these should not be baptised , which have received the holy ghost as well as we ? in this catalogue we see profession of faith and repentance required in them that were admitted to partake in the seals ; but there is not a word of church-covenant , either in the institution or administration of the seales before they were admitted to them . that christians are solemnly ingrafted into the body of christ , and into particular societies by the seales , is a truth acknowledged on all sides : but that ever it was deemed necessarie , that a christian should be a set member of a particular congregationall church before he were admitted to the seales , or that by divine institution any such thing is ordained as necessarie thereunto , that upon the grounds before mentioned we denie , and cannot account it lesse then an addition to the institution . for if the sacraments be seales of the covenant of grace , and baptisme by divine institution belong to disciples , faithfull , saints , who have gladly received the word of grace , are justified by faith , sanctified by the spirit , adopted to be the children of god by grace , and heires apparent to the kingdom of heaven ; then to debarre such from the seales , and their seed from baptisme , because they be not in church-covenant ( as you speake ) is an addition to the ordinance of grace , and many wayes injurious to the people of god. v. position . that the power of excommunication is so in the body of the church , that what the major part shall allow must be done , though the pastors and governors and the rest of the assembly be of another minde , and that peradventure upon more substantiall reasons . answer . if the question had been , whether the power of excommunication lies in the body of the congregation , consisting of officers and members ; our answer should be affirmative , and according hereunto is also our practise , and wee hope your judgement and ours are not different herein : but seeing the question is , whether it is so in the body of the congregation , that what the major part doth allow that must be done , though the pastors and governors , and the rest of the assembly , doe dissent upon more substantiall reasons . our answer is negative , viz. that the power of excommunication is not sealed in the congregation , neither ought it to be so in any of the churches of the lord jesus , who ought not to carry matters by number of votes against god , as this position implyeth , but by strength of rule and reason according to god. the power of the apostles was not to doe things against the truth but for the truth , 2 cor. 13. 8 and not for destruction , but for edification , 2 cor. 10. 8. and the same may be said concerning the power which god hath given to the church , and if any church among us have swerved from the rule ( which is more then we know ) we doe not allow them in such a practise , but should be ready as the lord should helpe to convince them of their sin therein . reply . this question is much mistaken , for the demand is not whether in the congregation matters should be carryed by number of votes against god , as you interpret the position , but whether the power of excommunication so lye in the body of the congregation as that sentence must proceed in externoforo , according to the vote and determination of the major part , and so whether power of admission of members doe so reside in the communitie , as that they must be refused whom the major part refuse , though the pastors and governors and part of the congregation be of another judgement , and he admitted whom the major part doth approve . and though the church hath received no power against god , but for god , yet in the execution of the power no doubt the members of that church may be of different judgements and affections , wherein the one side or other doth erre , and is deceived . now the question hereupon moved is , whether the power of the keyes be so given and committed to the society of the faithfull , as that in externall court that act or sentence must stand and be in force which the greater part shall determine amongst them which hold the power of the keyes to be given to the church . some a distinguish betwixt the power it self which they give to the church , and the execution and exercise of it , which they confine to the presbytery : b others give the power of the keyes with the exercise thereof to the whole body of the church , or if in the dispensation they attribute any thing to the officers , it is but as servants of the church , from whom they derive their authoritie . by church also some understand the communitie of the faithfull , together with their officers and guides . and here lyeth the stone at which they of the seperation stumble , and which we conceive to be your judgement and practise , wherein we required your plaine answer , with your reasons , but have received no satisfaction . you referre us to mr. parkers reasons to prove the power of the keyes to belong to the whole church , who are of farre different judgement from mr. parker in the point it selfe . and if your judgement and practise be according to that of the seperation ( which we feare ) you dissent from him , and we cannot but dissent from you upon these considerations . 1. no power agreeth to the multitude or communitie of the faithfull , but that which is given them of the lord by his positive law ; for the whole spirituall power for the gathering and government of his church is given to christ as mediator . and if the power of the keyes be derived from , and communicated by christ unto his church , of necessitie it must draw its originall from divine positive law , and can agree to none but as it is communicated . but the communicated power of the keyes with the execution thereof , christ hath not given immediately to the whole multitude , but to some persons and officers designed and appointed thereunto . peruse the severall passages of scripture , wherein power and authoritie of preaching the gospel , administring the sacraments , binding and loosing is given to the church : and it is apparent that distinct severall persons are spoken of , and not the whole communitie ; goe teach all nations , and baptize them , &c. whose sinnes yee remit , they are remitted , &c. feed my lambes , feed my sheepe , &c. were these things spoken to the whole communitie , or to speciall persons ? 2. if christ gave this power to the communitie , was it from the beginning of the church , or tooke it effect after the churches were planted and established by the apostles . not the first , for then the apostles themselves should derive their power from the communitie and societie of the faithfull , which they did not , but from christ immediately , both in respect of gifts and graces , their calling it selfe , and the designation of their persons . it is said the power of the keyes given to the apostles was given to the church , in tuitu ejusdem tanquam finis & totius . and it is true the apostles were given to the church , and the power they received was for the good of the whole ; but this is not enough . that power may be said to be received immediately by the church , as the first receptacle of it , and from it derived to others . but this power must be in the communitie as the first subject , from whom it commeth to the officers . as the power of seeing is not onely given in tuitu hominis , as the end of it , and the totum to whom it agreeth , but is in homine as the first subject from which it commeth to the eyes . the apostles and other governors were given of christ for the church as for their end , and all their authoritie was given unto them for the church as for the whole : but the authoritie it selfe was immediately derived from christ , and is not in the church as the immediate subject , nor derived from the church , but from christ the king of the church . the authoritie of governors is given of christ for a gift to the church , but not for a gift absolute , that it may reside in the power of the whole church , to whom it is given , but for a conditionall gift communicated to the governors themselves for the good of the whole . it is one thing then to aske for what end or use the keyes are given , another to whom . to every one is given the declaration of the spirit for profit , i. e. for the good of the church . but was this gift given to the communitie of the faithfull first and immediately ? no ; by gift and possession it was given to some , but for use and profit it was publick . after the churches were established it tooke not effect ; for then it must be shewed where christ committed the power of god , first to the apostles , and after to the communitie of the faithfull . but that is no where to be found in holy scripture . the ministers and guides of the church were immediately of jesus christ , from whom immediately they derive their power and authoritie , by whom they are set over their charge , in whose name they must execute their office , whose stewards , legates and ambassadors they are , and unto whom they must give an account . yea , pastorship is the gift of christ no lesse then apostleship , and that the more because it is perpetuall in the church ; every pastor is not immediately called , but the office and order of pastors , the calling , authoritie and jurisdiction is immediately from christ , and not from the church : the steward is appointed of the master of the family alone , and hath all his authoritie and jurisdiction from him : every ambassador in the cause of his ambassage doth immediately depend upon him from whom he is sent . but if the function , order and authoritie of pastors and teachers , be immediately from christ , then it is not received from the church as the immediate receptacle . thus protestant divines dispute against papists . if bishops receive their power and authority of exercising immediately from christ , by mandate , mission , and commission from him , then they derive it not from the pope . and if presbyters receive their order jurisdiction and power of execution from christ by his mandate and commission , then they receive it not from the bishop . and by the same reason , if the power of the keyes be the immediate gift of christ to his ministers , then they derive not their power and authoritie from the people . it is usually objected that the church cannot convey what she never had , but the people may elect their pastor . whereunto the answer is direct and plaine . nothing can give that which it had not formally or virtually , unlesse it give it as an instrument ministring to one who hath it , but so it may give what it never had , nor is capable of . a steward may give all the offices in his masters house , as ministerially executing his masters pleasure . electors have not evermore authoritie over him whom they elect : but power and authoritie onely to apply that power to him whom they choose . the power and authoritie whereunto a minister is elected , is not in the people that elect him , but from christ the king and head of his church , who out of power doth conferre that office upon him . if we consider what men give , or give not universally , it must be deemed that any men can make ministers , because they give not the office , gifts , or authoritie , which are from christ alone . 3. if ecclesiasticall and spirituall power be in the multitude and community of the faithfull , the church doth not onely call , but make officers out of power and vertue received into her selfe , and then should the church have a true lordlike power in regard of her ministers . for as he that will derive authority to the church maketh himselfe lord of the church : so if the church derive authoritie to the ministers of christ , she maketh herself lady and mistris over them in the exercise of that authoritie over them . for all men know it is the property of the lord and master to impart authoritie . did the church give power and authoritie to the pastors and teachers , she might make the sacraments and preaching which one doth in order no sacraments , no preaching . for it is the order instituted of god that gives being and efficacie to these ordinances . and if the power of ruling , feeding , and dispensing the holy things of god , do reside in the faithfull , the word and sacraments in respect of dispensation and efficacie shall depend upon the order and institution of the societie . if the power of the keyes be derived from the community of the faithfull , then are officers immediately and formally servants to the church , and must do every thing in the name of the church , rule , feed , bind , loose , remit and retaine sinnes , preach and administer the sacraments , then they must performe their office according to the direction of the church more or lesse , seldome or frequent , remisse or diligent . for from whom are they to receive direction how to carry themselves in their office but from him or them from whom they receive their office , whose works they do , and from whom they expect their reward ? if their power and office be of god immediately , they must do the duties of their place according to his designement , and to be accountable unto god : but if their power and function be from the church , the church must give account unto god , and the officers unto the church whom she doth take to be her helpers . if it be said that god will have the church to chuse officers to execute the power committed unto her . the answer is , either god will have her elect officers of his designement to do his work according to that power which he shall give them , and by his direction , and then they are god servants , and not the churches , and receive their charge and function immediately from god , and not from the people : or he leaveth it to the arbitriment of the church , to chuse according to their pleasure such as must receive charge and authoritie from her . and then they must execute their office in her name so as shall seeme good unto the church , and neither longer nor otherwise . for if the ministers of the church be subject to god and christ by the intervention of the people onely , they have it from them , and not from god : but they preach or administer the sacraments , rule , or feed , and if they depend immediately upon the faithfull , viz. two or three gathered together in covenant , they must draw what in order they are to preach unto them in the name of the lord ; for from him must the ambassadour learne his arrand from whom he receiveth his commission . we forbeare to presse the a confessions and reasons of such as maintaine this opinion , that the officers of christ be both of and for the people , and that in relation as the officers are called servants , the church may be called lord. 4. moreover if the power of the keyes be given first and immediately to the community of the faithfull , what reason can be alledged why in defect of officers the church might not rule , governe , feed , bind , loose , preach and administer the sacraments , or if any faile in any office , why she might not supply that want by her power . for the power of the keyes doth containe , both authority and exercise , power being given to this end , that it might be exercised as it is vouchsafed . but the church when she is destitute of officers , cannot exercise those acts of rule , nor by her power supply the want of any officer . onely she hath a ministery of calling one whom christ hath described , that from christ he may have power of office given him in the vacant place . for these reasons ( not to insist on any more ) we judge the multitude or community of the faithfull not to be the immediate receptacle of ecclesiasticall authoritie , and so the power of excommunication not to belong to them . if consent of the churches of god be asked in this point ( to omit others ) the churches of scotland speake fully and expresly for us , in the second book of disci . cap. 1. the church as it is taken for them that exercise spirituall functions in the congregation of them that professe the truth , hath a certain power granted by god according to which , it useth a proper jurisdiction and government exercised to the comfort of the whole flocke . power is an ecclesiasticall authority granted by god the father through the mediator jesus christ unto his kirke , gathered , and having its ground in the word of god , and to be put in execution by them unto whom the spirituall government of the church by lawfull calling is committed . the policie of the kirke flowing from this power is an order or spirituall forme of government which is exercised by the members appointed thereto by the word of god , and therefore is given immediately to the office-bearers by whom it is exercised to the weale of the whole body . vt universam scripturam evolvat d. erastus , nunquam tamen inventurum verba ligandi , & solvendi aliis quam publico ministerio fungentibus , & quidem met aphoricè , divinae videlicet & spiritualis potestatis respectu , tribui . sunt enim judicialia haec verba . &c. beza de presb. p 60. see helvet . conf . ca. 18. sect. nunc ergo , &c. belgic . confess . art . 3. argentinens . conf . art . 13. bohem. confes . art 14. vi. position . that none are to be admitted as members but they must promise not to depart or remove unlesse the congregation will give leave . answer . our answer hereto is briefly this . we judge it expedient and most according to rule , that such brethren as are in covenant with the church , and ours as fellow-members , and have committed their soules to our charge as ministers , should not forsake our fellowship , nor obruptly breake away from us when and whither they please ; but first approve themselves therein to their brethrens consciences , and take their counsell in so weightie a matter . for which we propound to confider these two reasons following . the former is drawne from the nature of the church-covenant , which consists in these foure particulars . 1. every member at his admission doth openly professe , and solemnly promise , that by christs helpe assisting , he will not onely in generall give up himselfe ( as to the lord to be guided by him , so ) to the church according to god to be directed by it , which is no more then the members of the church of macedonia , did in a parallel case , 2 cor. 8. 5. but also in particular , that he will performe all duties of brotherly love and faithfulnesse to all the members of the body , as of diligent watchfulnesse over all his brethren , thereby to prevent sin , so of faithfull admonition after their falls to regaine them to the lord , from their sinne , the former being injoyned , hebr. 3. 13. and the want thereof deeply condemned in cain , that would not acknowledge that duty of being his brothers keeper , gen. 4. 9. the latter given in charge to the church-members of israel by the hand of moses , levit. 19. 17. and so by christ himself , matth. 18. 15. and by paul also to the galat. c. 6. 1 , 2. secondly , the ingagements are not made onely by the members admitted into the church , but by the church back again to the member . so that thereby the whole church in generall , and every member thereof in particular , stand as well in conscience bound to performe all duties of love and watchfulnesse to him , as he doth to them ; and this we do according to the golden rule of love and equitie injoyned by our saviour , matth. 7. 12. fearing that contrary practise of scribes and pharisees so much condemned by christ , of laying greater burthens upon others , then we our selves are willing to undergo . matth. 23. 4. 3. these promises thus lawfully and mutually made , that member , as also the whole church , are bound not onely every one for himselfe , actively to performe them , but passively also to suffer his brethren to do those offices upon and towards himself : if he neglect the former , he shall falsifie his covenant so solemnly before god , angels , and men made , and so not onely breake promise to his brother , contrary to psal . 15. 4. but also in some sort commit the sinne of ananias and saphira in lying against the holy ghost , condemned and punished severely by gods own hand , act. 5. 3. 5. 10. if he faile in the latter , he shall not onely be guiltie of the same sinne of breach of covenant with god and man as in the former ; but shall also be guilty of this folly of despising counsell so much condemned , prov. 12. 15. and 1. 7. and shall also proclaime this his folly and pride by shewing to all the church that he is wise in his own eyes , and leanes to his own wisedome both reproved , prov. 3. 7. and 23. 4. seeing need of no further light to be held forth by his brethren , then what he apprehends himselfe , which is one of the greatest properties of folly . 4. from all these things premised , it appears that we can do no lesse ( and yet we do no more ) then require a member before he depart according to our covenant thus lawfully , deliberately , and mutually made , to expresse to his brethren his desire of departing , and the place and societie to which he tends , whether to a godly church where he may be edified ; or to some corrupt assembly where he may be destroyed . and 2. his grounds and reasons which move him so to do , which if they hold good being scanned by the word , he may be not onely confirmed in his way by the consent and advise of many , but counselled also how to manage his departure for his best comfort . and so after all , solemnly with the whole churches prayers , and blessings in the name of christ dismissed : but if his grounds either be none at all , or weake and sinfull , and that his desire of departing savours of self-will , inordinate love of gaine , rash precipitancie , or a spirit of schisme , more strongly then of sound reason , then what can we do lesse without breach of covenant , then in love and tendernesse shew him his weaknesse , disswade him from his purpose , and refuse to consent . yet if after all this we see his spirit stedfastly and stiffely bent for a departure , then though we dare not act against our light by consenting or counselling , yet if his finne be not apparent , and danger eminent , we use rather ( through indulgence in cases of like nature ) to suspend our vote against him , as not willing against his will to detain him , abhorring to make our churches places of restraint and imprisonment . but if any should object that this argument holds firme where this church-covenant is allowed to be lawfull , but with some it is questioned , and with them it avails not . ans . some indeed have questioned the necessitie of our church-covenant , but none ( we hope ) of these our reverend brethren that we write unto do question the lawfulnesse of such a covenant being nothing else for the matter of it , but a promise of doing such christian duties as the gospel of christ requires of all saints in church-estate ; for we doe not herein promise to performe any new dutie to our brethren which was not before commanded us of the lord , but onely revive and renew our purposes afresh of performing such duties unto that particular body into which we are then incorporated as were before injoyned in the word , as to love each other , and to watch over each other out of love for their good , to be ready to give counsell to , and to take counsell from each other , to prevent sinne in them , or to gaine them from sinne . all which are plentifully and frequently held forth in the scriptures ; for the defect of which care and watchfulnesse , all the body shall be wrapt in the same guilt & punishment with the member that commits the sinne , as the whole church of israel was in achans sinne and punishment . secondly , it s a thing very reasonable , and a knowne fundamentall rule in all societies , that he that is incorporate thereto , and so participates of the priviledges thereof , should ingage himselfe to conforme to all such lawfull rites and orders as are expedient for the well being of that societie , the contrary whereto will be a thing injurious in him to offer , and confusion to themselves to accept . the second ground is drawne from the necessitie that may fall upon the body if every particular member should depart at his owne pleasure . for as every societie , so much more a church of saints , both from principles of nature and christianitie also , not onely lawfully may , but in dutie are bound to endeavour the preservation of it selfe , and ergo timely to foresee and wisely to prevent all such things as would bring destruction to it selfe . now if any member might , when , whither , and wherefore he please without consent of the church depart away from it , this may by unavoydable consequence dissipate the whole ; for if one man may so depart , why may not another also , though never so usefull in that body , and whose absence might much shake the well-being of it : and if one why not two , six , ten , twent● as well ? for where will yee stop seeing any may plead the same libertie , and if members may so doe why not the pastor and teacher also ? seeing they are tyed to him by the same relation that he is to them , and so the principalls falling , the whole building must downe : and if this may be so in one church , why not in all , and so christ should have no setled church on earth . reply . it is one thing abruptly to breake away when and whither they please , and forsake fellow-ship , another thing not to depart or remove habitation , unlesse the congregation will give leave . also it is one thing mutually to compound and agree not to depart from each other without consent and approbation , another to require a promise of all that be admitted into societie , that they shall not depart without the churches allowance . if such a promise be required of all members to be admitted , we cannot discerne upon what grounds your practise is warranted . first , you exclude all such as be not set members from the sacrament of the supper , and their children from baptisme , and yet hinder them from entrance into church societie , because they cannot promise continuance in the place where they are resident for the present . here we desire to be satisfied from the word of god by what you require it . did the apostles ever stipulate with such as desired to be baptized , that they must abide in particular societie , and not remove thence without approbation from the church ? or did they deny the seales unto them , because they could not make any such promise ? was it ever heard of in the church of god from the beginning thereof unto this day , that any such thing was propounded unto , or required of , members to be admitted into church-fellowship ? that church covenant which is necessary was not in use in the apostles times , but the covenant they entred into bound no man to this condition for ought we reade . they did not prescribe it , no church ever yet covenanted it as necessary to the preservation of the body . secondly , it pertaines not to the whole congregation to take notice of , be acquainted with , or judge of the cause of every particular members removall . may not a servant remove from his master to another congregation ? or the father bestow his sonne or daughter in marriage to one of another congregation , but the whole church must be called to councell in this matter ? if the assembly once grow to be populous , of necessitie they must be negligent in , or weary of such an heavy taske ; and for the present , for every one to challenge so much authoritie over other is usurpation . let it be shewed that ever by divine right this power was committed to the church , and then we will confesse it to be expedient and necessary . but till then we thinke the church is over ridged in exacting such a condition of the members , and the members themselves goe beyond their measure as busi-bodies in other mens matters , and things whereof they are not well able to judge many times , if they arrogate such power unto themselves wee allow not rashnesse , or precipitancy , pride or self-conceitednesse , we know it is meete that weightie matters should be mannaged by councell , but it is not necessary to bring every particular thing to the whole church . in the multitude of councellors there is peace , but over many councellors oft causeth distraction , and different apprehensions breed delayes . the nature of your church-covenant , as you describe it , inferreth not a necessitle of bringing every such businesse unto the church ; for you binde your selves mutually to watch over one another , and in love to admonish one another in the lord , to prevent sinne and to encourage in well-doing , as it concerneth every man within the limits of his place and calling . but this essentially tyeth not any man to a perpetuall residence in one place , for then even occasionall absence should be a breach of covenant , unlesse it be by consent and approbation of the church . you say in your covenant you promise to performe no new dutie to your brethren which was not before commanded of the lord , but onely revive and renew your purposes afresh of performing such duties to that particular body into which you are then to be incorporated , as were before injoyned in the word . but in the word of truth , it is not commanded either expresly or by consequent , that no member of a congregation should remove , or occasionally be absent from the place of his habitation , before he have acquainted the church whither he goeth , and upon what occasions , and whether the place be dangerous , where he is likely to be infected ; or safe , where he may be edified . these things are matters of weight and to be undertaken with advice , but the knowledge thereof belongeth not to every particular member of the societie . and the church shall burden her selfe above measure if she take upon her to intermeddle in all such occasions . neither is it safe to commit the determination of such matters ever to the vote of the multitude , or weight of reasons , as they shall apprehend the matter . and if such businesse must be determined on the lords day , and to goe before the administration of the word , sacraments , and almes , least the holy things be polluted by notorious obstinate offenders , wee feare the time appointed for the exercise of religion shall be prophaned with unseasonable disputes . instances might be alledged , if it were a matter to be insisted upon . as for the covenant it selfe which you mutually enter into , if therein you exact nothing but what god requires both for tryall and stipulation , far be it that we should disallow it , but if yee constraine men to meddle with things that belong not to them , and winde them up higher then god would , and straine every thing to the pitch that you seeme here to doe in this branch a godly and sober minde may well pause before he make such promise . all members of the church are not equally necessary to the preservatiō of the whole body ; & if to the removall of some , it were expedient to have the cōsent , not only of the whole society , but of neighbouring societies , ministers especially , it is very much to draw this to the removall or abode of every particular member . and if any man shall not intermeddle with every businesse of this kinde , as questioning whether it doth belong to him or no , or not aske the advice of the whole societie , as knowing the most to be unfit to counsell in such a case , doth he break his covenant therein , and so commit a sinne in a sort like the sinne of ananias and saphira ? judge your selves if in other cases you would not censure this to be an high incroachment upon christian libertie , and a strict binding of mens consciences by humane constitutions . may you not expect to heare from your own grounds that herein you have devised an expedient , or necessary rite or custome to preserve the unitie , and prevent the dissolution of the body , which never came into the minde of the lord jesus , the saviour of the church , and that in so doing ( if your exposition will hold good ) you breake the second commandement . rites and customes expedient to prevent confusion for the time , let them be observed as customes expedient , and what god requires in the examination or admission of members , let that take place according to the presidents given in the scriptures , and the constant practise of the universall church in the purest times . but to presse customes onely expedient for the time , as standing rules necessary at all times , and for all persons , to put that authoritie into the hands of men which god never put upon them , to oblige men to intermeddle further in the affaires of men , then the word doth warrant , to binde the conscience , and that under so heavy a penalty as the sinne of ananias and saphira , where god hath not bound it , and to debarre known and approved christians from the seales of the covenant , because they cannot promise as setled members to abide and stay in the societie , unlesse they shall obtaine leave of the congregation to depart , and to charge them in the meane season to be men , who against light refuse subjection to the gospel ; this is that which we cannot approve , which yet wee suspect will follow from your judgement , and desire to be resolved of in your practise . and here we intreat leave to put you in minde of that which you have considered already , schil . that the church and every member thereof hath entred into covenant , either expresly or implicitely to take god for their god , and to keepe the words of the covenant and doe them , to seeke the lord with all their hearts , and to walke before him in truth and uprightnesse : but we never finde that they were called to give account of the worke of grace wrought in their soules , or that the whole congregation were appointed to be judge thereof . you stand all of you this day ( saith moses ) before the lord your god , &c. that thou shouldst enter into covenant with the lord thy god. all the people that were borne in the wildernesse joshua circumcised , but it is incredible to thinke that among that great multitude , there was not one who did not give good testimony of the worke of grace in his soule : we reade often times that israel after some grievous fall and revolt , renewed their covenant , to walke with god , to serve him onely , and to obey his voyce , as in the dayes of joshua , the judges , david , samuel : also joash , josiah , and nehemiah , &c. but no particular enquiry was made , what worke of grace god had wrought in the hearts of every singular person . but the confession and profession of obedience was taken . when john baptist began to preach the gospel , and gather a new people for christ , he admitted none to baptisme but upon confession of their sinnes ; but we reade of no question that he put forth unto them to discover the worke of grace in their soules , or repelled any that voluntarily submitted themselves upon that pretence . it appeareth many wayes that when the apostles planted churches , they made a covenant between god and the people whom they received . but they received men upon the profession of faith , and promise of amendment of life , without strict in quirie what sound work of grace was wrought in the soul . in after ages , strangers from the covenant were first instructed in the faith , and then baptised upon the profession of faith , and promise to walk according to the covenant of grace . now the profession at first required of all that were received to baptisme was that they beleeved in the father , sonne , and holy ghost . this was the confession of the eunuch when he was baptised , i beleeve that jesus christ is the sonne of god. the creed is honoured of the ancients with glorious titles , as the rule of faith , the summe of faith , the body of faith , the perswasions of faith : but by the creed they understand that rule of faith , and law of faith , and institution of christ which was then given when he was about to ascend into heaven , and commanded his disciples , saying , go teach all nations , &c. it is true , that in after times as occasion required some other articles were added as explanations of the former , to meet with the heresies of the times which began to trouble the church . but for substance of matter in things to be beleeved , the church never required other acknowledgement of them that were to be received into the congregation of christs flock , and admitted into her communion . and for things to be done , or the practicall part , she requireth of them that were to be received to baptisme an abrenuntiation of the devill , the world , and the flesh , with all their sinfull works and lusts . the first principles then of the doctrine of christ being received , and the foresaid profession being made , the apostles , and the church following the example of the apostles , never denied baptisme unto such as sought or desired it . if this be the covenant that members admitted into church-fellowship do enter into , and this be all you require of them whom you receive , you have the practise of the apostles , and the whole church in after ages for your president . but if you proceed further then thus , and put men to declare what worke of grace god hath wrought in their soul , in this or that way , which perhaps is not determined by the word of grace , at least not agreed upon among your selves , we beseech you consider by what authority you do it , and upon what grounds you stand . but we will enter no further upon this matter , because it comes not within the compasse of these positions , and to attribute so much to private letters , as to make them the ground of another dispute we may not . vii . position . that a minister is so a minister of a particular congregation , that if they dislike him unjustly , or leave him , he ceaseth to be a minister . answer . our answer to this consists in two branches . 1. in case a minister be set aside by the church meerly through his own default . 2. by the churches default without any desert of his . in the former case it is evident he ceaseth to be a minister to them any longer , as appears in foure conclusions . 1. it is cleare from the word , that a pastor or teacher in these dayes hath no apostolicall power over all churches , but onely limited to that one church where god hath set him . paul gives not the elders at ephesus a generall commission to go teach all churches , but to go feed that one flock over which the holy ghost hath made them over-seers . act. 20. 28. so peter gives direction to elders to feed that flock of god onely which was among them , and take the over-sight thereof . 1 pet. 5. 2. 2. it is as cleare that all this power of feeding which the minister hath in that church is nextly derived to him from christ by the church , who hath solemnly called him to the work , and promised to obey him therein : for if he have it elsewhere , it must be either from christ immediately , or from some other men deputed by christ to conferre it on him , or he must take it up of himselfe . not the first , for that was proper to the apostles or apostolicall men , therefore paul proving his apostleship , saith he was called not of men , nor by men , but by jesus christ himself . gal. 1. 1. not the second , for we never read in gods word that any ordinary officers , or other besides the church , that had any commission given them from christ to call ministers unto churches . not the third , for no man taketh this honour , viz. of a priest under the law , or of a minister under the gospel , but he that is called of god , hebr. 5. 4. therefore it must needs be from christ by the church . 3. as the church in the name of christ gave this power to a minister to be what he is , and do what he doth amongst them : when such a minister shall make and manifest himself apparently , unworthy , and unfit to discharge the place , which they thus called him unto , so that they may discerne that christ the head of the church hath refused him , from being a minister unto him , they may then upon as good grounds depose him from it , as they called him to it . 4. when a church hath thus in christs name put forth this power of shutting , as before it did of opening to a minister , then he must cease to be a minister unto them any more , for we know no such indelible character imprinted upon a minister , that the ministery ceasing , the minister ceaseth also . 2. in case the church shall without cause , or sufficient weightie cause , rashly or wilfully set him aside whom christ hath set over them , and whom they so solemnly called , and promised before the lord to submit unto , and so abuse their power given them by christ ; it is doubtlesse a very great wrong unto the minister , and sinne against christ himselfe before whom it was done ; and not onely christ himself will take it ill at their hands , for such contempt done to him in his ministers according to christs speech , luke 10. 16. he that rejecteth you , rejecteth me . and gods speech , 1 sam. 8. 7. they have not cast off thee but me . but even other churches also may admonish them . and if they prove obstinate therein , withdraw the right hand of fellowship from them ; and concerning the minister himself thus deposed , seeing it is done not by christ , but by the church without christ , yea against the mind of christ , we conceive though he be by them deprived of the execution of his ministery among them , yet untill he accepts of a call to another people , he doth yet still remain a minister of christ , in whose account ( notwithstanding such deposition ) he hath true right of administration among that people . reply . the question is of ministers unjustly forsaken , or driven from the church or congregation : and your answer is for the most part of ministers set aside or deprived through their own default . we never purposed to speak one word for any unworthy minister whom christ hath put out of office , and therefore your labour to prove that such justly rejected by the church are no longer ministers might well have been saved . but sitting them aside , we will in few words examine your conclusions upon which you bind the certainty of that sentence you passe against them . first , it is certain and clear from the word , that a pastor or teacher neither in these dayes hath , nor in any other age of the church , ought to have apostolicall power over all churches . the apostles had onely power to serve the church with the personall service of their apostleship . but pastorall power of ordinarie ministers or teachers they never had : and if the apostles had not the power of ordinarie ministers , much lesse can pastors receive the power of apostles , for christ gave both the one and the other order . but as the apostles were not pastors of that church to which they preached , and among whom they continued for some space ; no more do pastors become apostles if they preach the word , or dispence the sacraments to another flock or people beside their own , whereof they have the speciall oversight . but of this matter we have spoken before , and of the texts of scripture here alledged , therefore we will not repeat what hath been said alreadie : onely it seemeth somewhat strange , that you should cite those texts of scripture , as if the apostle had said , feed one flock , or feed that flock of god onely . for we find the word ( one ) or ( onely ) neither in the text expresly , nor in the sense for which it is here alledged , viz. as if he might not perform any ministeriall act in another congregation upon any occasion whatsoever . secondly , the power of feeding which the minister hath is neither confined to one societie onely , nor nextly derived to him from christ by the church . the office and authoritie of a pastor is immediately from christ . the deputation of the person which christ hath designed is from the church ministerially , but neither virtually nor formally . the consent of the people is requisite in the election of pastors and teachers we grant , the direction of the elders going before or along with them ; but the authoritie , office , and gift of a pastor is not from the people or elders , but from christ alone . when an apostle was to be chosen in the place of judas , act. 1. 22 , 23. no one had the handling of that businesse , but peter declared unto the brethren present , what an one ought to be taken , and they present two , whereof one was elected by lot . in this example somethings are extraordinarie , for one onely was to be chosen , and that immediately by god himselfe : and somethings ordinarie for our imitation . for if peter would do nothing without consent of the disciples , thenmay not ordinarie elections be passed without consent and approbation of the church , but it is not a popular election , not governed by the fore-direction of elders , which is concluded from this passage of scripture : but a church election by the free consent , and judgement of the faithfull with the fore-leading of the presbyterie . when deacons were to be chosen , act. 6. 1. 6. in the church of jerusalem , it was done by the consent of the church . the mutinie of the hellenists against the hebrews occasioned that election , but was no cause why it was made by free consent . the apostles shew what persons must be chosen , and who ever thought the church was left at libertie to chuse as she please without direction . but in this election the people did first chuse , the apostles onely directing whom the people ought to make choice of : when most commonly the apostles instructed the people , and went before them in the election , and they consented . act. 14. 23. the apostles by consent chose elders , and so in every matter of great importance belonging directly to the whole bodie of the church , whether severally in one congregation , or joyntly in many , the consent of the faithfull by observation of the apostles was required . act. 11. 22. and 15. 22. and 16. 4. 1 cor. 8. 19. but in the primitive times after the apostles , one church might elect and chuse a pastor for another . as ignatius exhorts the phyladelphians , that they would elect a pastor for the church of antioch . and so when the east church was infected with arrianisme , basil . epist . 69. 70. 74. thought it a fit meanes to remove the heresie , if the bishops of italie being sent thither did condemne the heresie , and he imploreth the aid of the bishops of italy , france , and all the east . cyprian saith , all bishops sunt mutuae concordiae glutine copulati : that if any hold heresie the rest should help . it would be too long to reckon up examples which in this case might be produced . if here it be questioned whether your election of the people be essentiall to the calling of a minister : we answer . 1. a thing is essentiall two wayes . first , as absolutely necessarie , so that the thing can have no existence without it . secondly , as necessarie to the integritie of the thing , so that it is maimed without it . againe , either the people be few in number , and simple apt to be led aside , unable to judge of the sufficiencie of their minister , or they be more in number , increased in wisdome , sound in faith , and able to discern betwixt things that differ . in the first sense the election of the people is not necessary or essentiall ; but in the second we cannot say he is no minister that is not chosen by the people , but his calling in that respect is maimed . if the people be few and simple , apt to be deceived , they stand in more need of guidance and direction , both from their own elders , and other churches . if the people be many in number , full of wisdome and understanding , their libertie to choose is the greater ; and it is the greater wrong to be deprived of it . the practise of the apostles and the primitive churches for many ages will confirme this ; for sometimes men were propounded to the church to be chosen : sometimes the choice was wholly left to them : and was not that for our direction , that more libertie is given where the danger is lesse , and more restraint and caution used where the danger is more apparent , that if they be left to themselves , either an ill or unfit choice will be made ? in reason this is evident , for the childs consent is required in marriage , but the more able he is to choose for himselfe , the more libertie may parents grant , the lesse able , the more watchfull must they be ; and so in this businesse . brotherly societie requires that we mutually exhort , admonish , reprove and comfort each other as occasion requires , and as need requires . it is a dutie of neighbour-churches to lend their helpe to their brethren in the choice and election of their minister . when the scripture willeth that one should admonish another , it is not onely a command to every singular man towards his fellow , but also to any whole company too : another societie bellarmine asketh , quo jure unus populus episcopum alterius populi elegere potest ? junius answereth ; certe charitatis jure & communione sanctorum . and paul when he teacheth that all the faithfull are members of one mysticall body of christ , who ought to have a mutuall care one of another , laid the foundation of this policie . it is a blemish in the calling of a minister , if either the people be not fit to choose , or being fit they be shut forth from the choice , but this maime doth not make a nullitie in his calling ; for in every true church where the word is preached and received , and the sacraments for substance rightly administred , there is a true and lawfull ministery , and a true and lawfull calling of that ministery , though in some things defective . in the church of god all sound and saving truth is to be found , for it is the pillar and ground of truth , and where the true profession of all saving truth , with the right use of the sacraments for substance is to be found , there is the church , which ordinarily cannot be had , maintained and continued without a lawfull ministery , nor that without a calling . the saving truth of god & a lawfull ministery , are both essentiall to a true church . something of this remaines in every compleat societie that hath any thing of the church ; and for essence and substance they are true in every true , lawfull , compleat societie . the profession of the truth may be true and sound in all necessary and fundamentall points , though mixed with diverse errors , and the ministery for truth and substance lawfull , though many wayes deficient . in the true church there is a true ministery , but the true church hath continued there by the blessing of god , where the election of ministers hath been given away by the people , or taken from them . in the primitive church , when the people had a voyce in the choice of their pastor , oftentimes there were factions in the church , the people stood against their guides and challenged the whole power of election to themselves . sometimes they were divided among themselves . sometimes they gave away their power , at least in part , and sometimes ministers were set over them without their councell and advice , whose ministery notwithstanding was not reputed voyde and of none effect . if it be objected that many things were amisse in those primitive elections , what will follow thence , but that the ministery may be lawfull and good , where there be many wants in the manner of calling ? if this be not granted , what shall be done when the people and their elders be divided in the choice of a fit officer . if the people prevaile against their elders , he whom they choose is no minister to them , because not chosen by their suffrages : if the elders against the people , he whom they approve is no minister unto theirs , because not chosen by their suffrage ; and so if there be dissention they must seperate from , or excommunicate one another , because he is no minister to the one whom the others approve . the orthodox pastors did professe , so that the donatists would returne to the true and apostolicall doctrine , they would not disallow their bishops , that they might understand that catholiques did not detest christian consecration ( as augustine speakes ) by humane error . the high priesthood was bought and sold for money , and sometimes made annuall , and every yeare new high priests created , sicut isti praefecti quos singulis annis promutant reges , as sol : jarchi saith . that as every man would lay out more or lesse money , he should get or lose the priesthood , which may be seene in the examples of jason or menelaus . neverthelesse , so long as the jewes continued the true church of god , the priesthood was true also . the reformed churches who have seperated from the abhominations of rome , professe the first reformers among them received some ordinary calling in the romane synagogue . they that thinke the basest of rome , will acknowledge baptisme unduely administred by priests or jesuites , to be for substance the holy sacrament of christ . and if the baptisme of god may be derived from the ministery , it is no absurditie to thinke that the first seekers of reformation derived authoritie from christ to preach the word and administer the sacraments by them , as stewards used of god to set them in that office : for the seekers of reformation derived their authoritie from god , and that which is instituted by christ , is not made voyde by the corruptions of men . the third and fourth consideration we will passe over , because from what hath been spoken , it is easie to understand in what sense they may be admitted , and in what denyed , and we have no desire to trouble you with the examination of that which falleth not into question . as for the second branch of your answer , that in case the church shall without cause , or without sufficient weightie cause , rashly or wilfully set him aside whom christ hath set over them , yet he still remaines a minister of christ ( untill he accepts of a call from another people ) in whose account , notwithstanding such depositions , he hath true right of administring among that people : we know not well your meaning ; if this be your minde that a minister lawfully called and set over one congregation , is to be esteemed a minister in the usuall church , as the particular church hath unitie with , and is part of the universall or catholique : and as a partie baptized is not baptized into that particular congregation onely , but into all churches ; and that the ministery is one , cujus à singulis in solidum pars tenetur , as cyprian speakes ; and therefore though the minister be unjustly cast off by one congregation , yet he is not to be esteemed as no minister , we freely consent . but if your meaning be that he is onely by right a minister of that particular congregation , because unjustly deposed , as formerly in the execution of his office he was a minister to them onely , and to none other societie whatsoever , or in what respect soever ; your opinion is contrary to the judgement and practise of the universall church , and tendeth to destroy the unitie of the church , and that communion which the churches of god may and ought to have one with another ; for if he be not a minister in other churches , then are not the churches of god one , nor the ministers one , nor the flocke which they feed one , nor the communion one which they have each with other . and if the pastor derive all his authoritie to feede from the church , when the church hath set him aside , what right hath he to administer among that people . if they erre in their deposition , it is true they sinne against christ . but as they give right to an unworthy man to administer among them , if they call him unjustly , so they take right from the worthy if wrongsully they depose him . the minister is for his ministery the office for the execution , and so the pastor and the flocke are relatives : and therefore if their election gave him authoritie among them to seed , their casting him off hath stripped him of the same power which formerly they gave him . and his ministery ceasing , he should cease to be their minister , if he stood as minister onely to that congregation in every respect . whit. depont . q. 4. sec. 10. pa. 559. certe lex naturae & ratio clamitat cujus est instituere ejus est destruere , sive destituere , ad quem institutio pertinet ad eundem destitationem , seu destructionem pertinere . rob. aga . b. p. 214. if the congregation may chuse and elect their governours , then they may refuse and reprobate them . viii . position . that one minister cannot performe any ministeriall act in another congregation . answer . if you take ministeriall act improperly as sometimes it is taken by some , onely when the minister of one church doth exercise his gifts of praying and preaching in another church , being by themselves so desired . then we answer , in this sense a minister of one church may do a ministeriall act in another , which he doth not perform by vertue of any calling , but onely by his gifts ; and thus upon any occasion we mutually perform those acts one in anothers churches : but if you meane by ministeriall act , such an act of authoritie and power in dispensing of gods ordinance as a minister doth perform to the church , whereunto he is called to be a minister ; then we deny that he can so perform any ministeriall act to any other church but his own , because his office extends no further then his call . for that solemne charge , act. 20. 28. is not to feed all flocks , but that one flock onely , over which the holy ghost hath made them over-seers . if the question were propounded to any minister so exercising in an others church , which was once to our saviour by the chief priests and elders : by what power doest thou these things , and who gave thee this authoritie ? let that minister whosoever he be , study how to make an answer . reply . the preaching of the word , publick prayer in the congregation met together solemnly to worship god , and the administration of the sacraments , are acts properly ministeriall ( if any other ) to be performed by power and authoritie from christ , as you acknowledge , for the preaching of the word , and dispensation of the seales in your second consideration . but these acts one minister may performe in another congregation , or towards the members of another church . you know by whom your question hath been propounded touching one ministers exercising in another ministers church , and how it hath been answered ; and if you see more light and truth then formerly , we would desire you substantially to confute what answers some of you have returned to that demand . to admit ( saith mr. j. d. ) those that are known members of another church to communion in the sacraments upon fitting occasions i hold lawfull , and do professemy readinesse to practise accordingly . again , i conceive that ( besides my membership else where , and the right which those churches give to known passants of being admitted to the communion for a short time ) both himself and the whole church acknowledge me for a member with them for the time of my abode in that service , which they testified by desiring the help of my publick labours , and their cheerfull admittance of me to that ordinance during that time without the least scruple . and if a minister may pray , preach , blesse the congregation in the name of the lord , and receive the sacrament with them , being thereunto requested ; we doubt not but by consent of the pastor and the congregation he may lawfully dispense the seals amongst them also as need and occasion requires . that distinction of preaching by office , and exercising his gifts onely , when it is done by a minister , and desired of none but ministers , and that in solemne , set , constant church-assemblies , we cannot find warranted in the word of truth , and therefore we dare not receive it . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70435-e890 it is truly observed by master davenport out of ambros . offic. l 1. c. 1. et quantum libet quisque profecerit , nemo est qui doceri non indigeni dum vi●it . appoll . preface to the reader . wrence these men ( saith cann against robi ) superstitiously addicted to their new devise , that beware how to reject the unanimous judgment and practice of all learned men and true churches . stay against straying . pag. 47. i am and shall be always ready to give all due respect to those good customes of churches , which are taken upon good warrant and ground , and long continued among gods people . i. d. apol. p. 31. good customes taken up by the churches upon good grounds should not lightly be broken or laid downe , wherein i doe fully agree with the authour of that elaborate commentary upon the fourth chapter of iohn , i. d. apol. sect. 12. examina . p. 251. notes for div a70435-e1210 this argument is used by the abridgment against conformity to the ceremonies , and we do not see but it is as strong against this liturgy . whereas the publisher of this answer to the six positions , refers the reader to mr. cottons answer unto mr. ball for satisfaction in this point concerning set formes of prayer . the reader is earnestly intreated to compare master balls treatise , and mr cottons answer with seriousnesse and indifferencie , because mr ball having received that answer before the publishing of his treatise ( being much enlarged , whereof mr , cotton was ignorant ) was confident , that with addition of some marginall no●es ( which in reference thereto he added ) his treatise would sufficiently defend it selfe , against all the assaults , which that answer made against it . notes for div a70435-e2000 we may not communicate at all in that ministery , which is exercised by an unlawfull person or in an unlawful . place robinson against bern. counsell debated p 17 ibid. pag 79 esa . 56. 10. ezech 4● . 7 , 8. mic 3. 11 , 12. ier. 5. 31. esa . 9 15 , 6. ioh. 2. 16. math 5. 20 , 21. & 15. 4 , 5. & 23 1 ▪ 3. 14. math. 16 6. 12. & 15. 14. see whitak de pontif q 4. f : 10. pag. 557. phil. 1. 15. hos . 4 6 , 7. 1 sam. 2. 12 , 13 , 14 , 17 , 14. ier. 8. 8 , 9. mic 3. 11 , 12. phil 1. 15. helv conf . cap 18 § 11. & 19 §. 9 , gal. conf . art . 28 arg. conf . art. 13. saxon. conf . art. 12 zep. de sac l. 2. c. 6. art. of religion , hybera . art 70 carlton praelect de ecclesia , cap. 20. we see no warrant why for every particular act , that in a larger sence is idolatrous , adjoyned to gods true worship , we should forbeare our presence at the true worship it self . unreason . of seperation . answ to 6. argument . compare what ' master i. d. hath written in defence or excuse in resorting to the assemb . of the separatists , called brownists . apol. sect. 5. exam . p. 6● . & apol. sect. 28 exam . pag. 246. notes for div a70435-e2680 rom 16 16. 1 cor. 11 16. & 14 33. rom 16 4. gal ● 22. 1 thess 2 14. 1 cor 16 19. gal. ● 2. act 15 2. & 19 37. & 15. 25 38. eph. 4. 4 , 5. acts. 2. 38. 41. gen 1. 10. math. 28. 14 20. robins . against bern. reas . discus . pa. 77. lev 2. 13. deut. 29. 12. & 26. 17. 18. rom. 3. 2 deut. 4 6. psa . 247 19 20 neb. 9. 13. act. 7. 38. luk. 16. 29. 2 cor 5 19 & 11. 2. deut 33. 3. 10. 8. 30 robin against bern p 159. act 14 22. t it 1 5. rob : against bern. act 11 26. in the same verse the same persons are called the church disciples , and christians pag. 106 107. 211 &c. also pag. 51 ezeck . 46. 10 see lava●er on ezek math 18. 20. ier. 14. 9. ios. 24. 14 rom. 10. 14 act 2. 42 as christ is that one great pastor , so hath hee generally one fold and flock , iohn 10. 16. ezeck . 34 22 , 23 which is his church , as he saith . and ye my flock , the flock of my pasture are men , ezek 34. 31. aynsw . cant 1. 8. sure it is that hee is none of christs sheepe visibly , or in respect of men which is without christs sheepfold , for there is one sheepfold and one sheepheard . iohn 10 16. robins against bern likelihoods , p. 61. hieron . tom . 2. ep. 85. nec altera romae urbis ecclesia , alteratotius orbis existimanda est , & gallia , & britannia , & asia , &c. & omnes barbarae nationes unum christum adorant , unam observant regulam veritatis . 1 cor 12. 28. col. 1. 21. 1 cor. 12 , 13. 1 cor. 15. 9. gal. ● . 13. phil. 3. 6. 1 tim. 3. 15. 1 pet. 5. 2. pastores sunt omnes , sed grex unus qui ab apostolis omnibus unanimi consensu pascatur . cypr. de unitate ecclesiae . etsi pastores multi sumus , unum tamen gregem pascimus , cypr. l. 3. epistola 13. cum sit a christo una ecclesia per totum mundum in multa membra divisa item episcopatus unus episcoporum multorum concordi numero diffusus , &c. cypr. l. 4. ep. 7. iohn 9. 22 35. & 12. 42 & 16. 2. a●●anasius may be for an example . gen 17. 7. lev. 16. 12. apo. 1 11. 13. heb. 16. 10. rob. against bern. pa. 127. rom. 4. 12. ●8 . gen. 12. 3. gal. 26 , 7 , 3 , 15 , 16 , 17 rob. against b●r. pa. 2●2 . see mr. i. d. apol. 11. sect. exam p. 117. i. d. apol. 5. sect. exem . pag. 61 , & 18. bucer . diss . ep 3 pa 43 & ep 48. pa. 226. act. 8. 6. & 15 4. act 8. 12. 14. & 18. 12. acts 2. 41. & 4. 4. & 5 14. & 6. 1. & 6. 7 ezra . 2. 36 , 37 , 38. act. 6. 2 & 81. 15. 2 , 4 , 6 , 22 , 23 & 16. 4. & 21 18. 28. act 11. 21. act. 11 24 26 act. 13 12 et 14. 27. et 15. 30 34 , 35. acts 19 10. & 16. 9 & 29. 27. acts 19. 19. robinson against bern p. 196. euseb h●st l. ● c. 35 ●at 43. g●ae● 33. raff . 1 hit de sacra contr de bapt . qu 2 & 3 pag 237 , 238. a●●ers . of the sacr : l. 2 c 6 fol. 211. 〈◊〉 de p●es●y● . pag. 79. act. 14 ●3 col. 4. 17 1 pet 5. 2 act 20. 28 ioh. 4. 2. & 23 23. mark. 9. 15. act 17 22 23 32. & 19. 8. 9 rob. against ●ern . p 151 these keyes in d. &c. in the corporation ( the church ) there is alwayes the whole power of christ to residing , which you may call officers for the use of it selfe , to which it is sufficient that it can without officers use this power for things simply necessary ; as for receiving in of members by profession of faith and confession of sins , for edifying of them by exhortation and comforts in the ordinance of prophesying , and so for excommunication . rob. against b. pag. 224. see rob. against ber. pag. 130. 131. 132. if you call it consultation in an assembly wherein all have equall power and voyce in determining things some one going before the rest idem pag 202 robins against bern. coun. debated , p 32. ibid. p. 79. 1 cor. 11 28. 2 cor. 23. 5. beza de presbyt . & excom . pag. 32 robins against bern. pag. 252. acts 20 28 the word of god and canons of councels will have pastors so to care for their own flock , that they forbid them not to care for the whole church , especially in a time of common combustion . the answer of some brethren , pag 12. publica dei invocatio non minima pars communis in unâ fide consensionis . beza contra erastum , de presbyt pap . 13. euseb . hist 5. c. 26. graec. cham●●● panst . tom 2. l. 10. c. 8. sect. 16. the churches plea , pag 44. ap●l pag. 117 & 298. orig. in isa . hom. 6. qui vocatur ad episcopatum , vocatur ad servitutem totius ecclesiae . chrysoft . in 2 cor. hom . 18. vniversae curam gerimus . see cham panstr . tom. 2. pag. 10. cap. 12. sect. 8 , 9 , 10. &c. jun. animadv . in bellar. contro . 5. lib. 1. c. 3. not . 3. & cap. 7 not . 7. act. 13. 15. rom. 16 3. 12. phil. 2. 15 , 16. & 4. 2. ●am 5. 19 , 20. act. 4. 26. 40 & 9 38. & 10. 5. & 11. 19. 21 1 cor. 14. 23 , 24. esay 2. 3. ezr. 8. 23. 10. 1. 41. 45. & 42. 9. & 12. 20. revel . 3. 9 what example have you but grounds for the baptising of infants ? or where read you of any officer excommunicated by any rob. against ber. p. 214. we may not expect examples of any pastors in scriptures : who did thus . i. d. apol. 9. sect. exam p. 1●3 . see i. d. apol. texts . exam pa. 288. exod 1248. exod. 447. col 2. 11 , 12. erast so objects against bern. sicut a circumcisione ad baptismum argumentamur ut probemus infantes esse baptizandos , ita etiam licet ab agno paschatis ad coenam domini , &c. whereto hee truly replyeth . ego vero , non negolicere &c. at non temere & universaliter . beza contra erast . pag. 23. ●ev . 12. 23. & 22. 7 exo. 22. 30 , eph. 215. etiam si daremus nullam legi ab apostolis excommunicationem non tamen sequeretur ita esse , quum satis constet non omnium singularia apostolorum gesta perscripta fuisse . bez. de presb. p. 7. et si de melchizedeck & iobo quae huc adferuntur non sunt extra controversiam . nam foedere cum abra. inito non excluduntur ij qui ante erant in foedere sed accensentur foederi . ita autem se habuit melchizedeck , &c. omnino enim consors promissionis divine fuit ante foedus cum eo initum . gen. 17. job vero & credens fuit promissionibus foederis & de sententia veterum fuit circumcisus etiam haereditarià circumcisione a paterno maternaque sanguine . vt elegantèr scribit author libri de verà circumcisione qui hieron . ad scribitur . iun. anim adv . in bellar . contrav . 4. lib. 3. cha . 16. not . 13. 1● . d. exam 〈◊〉 tents p 309. mat. 3. 7. 10 42. act. 2 37 , 38. 41. & 8 37. & 10. 47. 48. 1. cor. 5. 12. 1. job . 2. 19. 1. cor. 11. 19. rev. 22. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. tim. 3. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & script . ethnici apud patres audiunt . 01 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . matth. 8. 11. ephes . 2. 12. rob. against ber. p. 101. * mr. 10. d. apol. sect. 40. exam p. 182. what though this inconvenience do arise sometimes through mans corruption it should be otherwise ; and we must ever consider of the nature of gods ordinances in their right use , &c. rob. against ber. pa. 213. respondit caam nullam fuisse cur 10. bapt. istos accedentes rejiceret ut qui ad ejus bapt . venirent cum peccatorum agnitione nec ipse potestatem haberet eos excommunicandi etiamsi fuissent excom . digni . beza de presb. p 23. recte sane quis illos à sacris prohibuerat , &c. etsi sit tam sceleratus quispiam quam esse exist imatur tum si tale judicium sibi quisque sumat quae mox fuerit ecclesie facies ? sed pretered tenendum est istud in hoc negotio inita cujuspiam cons . non probabillas rectam alterius consciam . id. pa. 26. id in privatorum arbitrio relinquere ut alibi diximus & periculosum nimis & toti ecclesiae valde damnosum fuisset . id. p. 80. demonstr . of disc . ca. 4. rob. against bern. likely veiwed . p. 40. john 4. 2. math. 28. 19. 1 cor. 14. 34 , 35. tit. 2. 11 , 12. rob. ag . ber. pa. 206. rob. ag . bern. pa. 239. matth 3 6 , 7. iob. 4 2. and 3. 22. matt. 28 19. 20. act. 2. 37 , 38. act. 8. 12. act. 8. 47. & 11. 16. 17. act 8 37. act. 10 47. and 11. 16. 17. act. 9. 18. act. 16 , 14. 33. 1. cor. 1. 17. matth. 28. 19. act. 2. 41. and 8. 12 , 13 , 37. helv. conf . c. 20. gallic . sect. 35. anglic. & ab eo neminem qui velit profiteri nomen christi ne infantes quidem christianorum hominum , &c. scot. conf . c. 23. belgi● . act . 34. zengerm , conf . de bapt. insant . pro. 44. argent . conf . ca. 17. saxon , confes . ca. 14. palab . conf . sect. ad usum vero ipsum , &c. rob. against ber. pa. 92. matth. 28. 19. act. 2. 41. & 8. 12 13 37. and 10. 47. and 2. 39. 1 cor. 7. 19. act. 8. 27. act. 4. 15. joh 4. 2 , 3. & 3. 27. act. 10. 48. whit. de sacra . q. 3. de bap. cap. 2. pa 260. act. 8. 12. & 9. 18. 1 cor. 1. 17. against b. pa. 88. see j. d. ap. sect. 12. pa. 152 , 153 , 154. deut. 30. 6. rom. 10. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. rom. 4. 11. gen. 17. 11 , 12 and 26. 4. act. 2. 38. gal. 3. 26. 27. tit. 3. 5. mat. 20. 23. 1 pet. 3. 21. 1 cor. 1. 30. matth. 3. 6. 7. mark 1. 4. 5. luk. 13. 3. 16. matth. 28. 19 , 20. mar. 16. 15 , 16. act. 2. 37. 47. act. 8. 12. 14. act 9. 11-17 . act. 10. 43-48 . notes for div a70435-e8780 vid. park . pol. ecclesiastica . l. 3. c. 1 , 2 &c. a fen. theol. lib. 7. park . de pol. lib. 3. c. 1. j. d. apol. 27. sect. exam . p● . 238 , 239 , 240. b rob. against ber. pa. 182. by two or three are meant the meanest communion or societie of saints , with or without officers . rob. against ber. certaine observations , p. 4. onely he that is of the true visible church and furnished with the power of christ , the keyes of the kingdome for the censure can admonish his brother in order , and those degrees which the word prescribeth mat. 28. 15. 17. id. pa 99. the power as to receive in , so to cut off any member is given to the whole body together of every christian congregation , and not to any one member apart , or to more members sequestred from the whole , using the meetest number for pronouncing the censures , id. pa. 124-126 . if the brethren have libertie in the ordinance of prophesying , they have also libertie in the other ordinance of excommunication , for they are both of the same nature ; looke to whom christ gave the one key of knowledge , to them he gave the other key of discipline , rob. against bern. pa. 238 , 239. mat. 28. 19 28. joh. 20. 21 , 22. & 21. 15 , 16. gal. 1. 1. ioh 21. 22. whit. de pont . q. 8. c. 2. 3. 1 cor. 3. 22. & 4. 1. 1 tim. 3. 15. authoritas rectorum pro dono quidem ecclesiae à christo data est , sed non pro dono absoluto , ut penes totam ecclesiam resideat cui datur , sed pro dono conditionali , ut rectoribus ipsis communicetur ad totius aedificationem , park . de polit. lib. 3. cap. 8. 1 cor. 12. 7. 1 cor. 3. 12. 1. tim. 3. 15. 1 cor. 4. 1. act. 20. 28. eph. 4. 8. 11. 1 co. 12. 28 , 29 2 co. 5. 19 , 20. tit. 1. 7. successor habet jurisdictionē ab eo a quo praedecessor , alioqui non verè succedit . but pastors and teachers are the successors of the apostles . whit. de pont . q. 8. c. 3. fr : victor rel . 2. de potest ecclesiae q. 2. alphons . de castr . li. 2. c. 24. de insta baret . whit. de pont . q. 8. c. 1. cham. panstr . tom . 2. lib. 11. c. 18. sect . 11. in the church the officers are the ministers of the people , whose service the people is to use for administration and executing their judgements , that is , pronouncing the judgement of the church ( and of god first ) against the obstinate . rob. against ber. p. 136. the officers in the church are both christs and the peoples servants and ministers . id. p. 165. ames bel. enerv . tom . 2. l. 3. c. 1. ministri ecclesiastici sunt ecclesie tanquam objecti circa quod versantur ministri sunt christi tanquam principalis causae & domini à quo pendent ministri sed nullo modo episcoporum . omnis legatus in causâ legationis suae immediatè pendet ab eo à quo mittitur , & instrumento mandatorum in corrupto est indelebili . a we denie the order of elders to be superiour to the order of saints , since it is not an order of mastership but of service . rob. against bern. pa. 201. it were a strange thing that men could have no command over their servants , as i have oft shewed the church-officers to be her servants . id. p. 214. the order of servants is inferiour to the order of them whose servants they are : but the order of church-officers is an order of servants , and they by office to serve the people , id. p. 215. 227. notes for div a70435-e9550 heb. 13. 1. pro. 12. 19. & 1 7. 23. gen 4. 4. 9. levit. 19. 17. mat. 18. 15. gal. 6. 1. rob. ag . bern. pa. 230. exod. 24. 37. deut. 2. 14. & 4. 3. 4. & 9. 7. ezek. 16. 6. 8. nū . 23. 48. 50. deut. 29. 10. 11 , 12. josh 24. 1. 14. 23 , 24 , 25. iudg. 2. 8. 11. & 3. 9. 15. & 6. 7. & 10. 10-17 . 2 chr. 15. 12 2 kin. 11. 17. & 23. 3. 2 chr. 34. 31. heb. 10 29. 30 act. 2. 38. & 8. 37. & 19. 17 , 18 , 19. act. 8. 37. notes for div a70435-e10210 whit. de pontq . 1 ca. 1. p. 14. ep. 13. li. 3. rom 15. 14. heb. 3. 13. bel. de cler. li. ● . c. 7. jun. animad . contr . 5. l. c 7. no● . 13. rom. 12. 12. theod. hist . l. 4. c. 6. aug epist . 110. & 225. socrat. hist . l 7. c. 34 , 35. 39. zozom . hist . l. 2. c. 18 , 19. nazian . in epitaphium patris evagr. l. 2. c. 5. 8. theod. hist . l. 5. c. 23. jun. animadver in bel. cont 5. l. 1. c. 7. nor . 16 , 17. cartur . reply 2d . part 1. pa. 212. illiris . catal . test . li. 2. tit . ecclesiae gubern . jos . antiq. l. 20. c. 18. c. 4. see ambros . de officijs . l. 1. c. 50. hieron . ad ocean & epist. ad nepotian . t. c. reply 1. pa. 41. a rever . cathol . orth . tract . 2. q. 8. sect. 3. cartw. reply 2. par . 1. pa. 273. notes for div a70435-e10930 to baptise is a duty of the pastors pastoriall office . ● . d. apol ser. exam . pa. 287. exam. of texts , pa. 290. apol. exam . of texts . p. 288. a true and faithful account of the four chiefest plantations of the english in america to wit, of virginia, new-england, bermudus, barbados : with the temperature of the air, the nature of the soil, the rivers, mountains, beasts, fowls, birds, fishes, trees, plants, fruits, &c. : as also, of the natives of virginia, and new-england, their religion, customs, fishing, hunting, &c. / collected by samuel clarke ... clarke, samuel, 1599-1682. 1670 approx. 374 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 64 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33345 wing c4558 estc r17743 11935895 ocm 11935895 51178 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33345) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51178) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 864:24) a true and faithful account of the four chiefest plantations of the english in america to wit, of virginia, new-england, bermudus, barbados : with the temperature of the air, the nature of the soil, the rivers, mountains, beasts, fowls, birds, fishes, trees, plants, fruits, &c. : as also, of the natives of virginia, and new-england, their religion, customs, fishing, hunting, &c. / collected by samuel clarke ... clarke, samuel, 1599-1682. 85 [i.e.91], [1], 35 p. printed for robert clavel, thomas passenger, william cadman, william whitwood, thomas sawbridge, and william birch, london : 1670. reproduction of original in william l. clements library. "examples of the wonderful works of god in the creatures": 35 p. at end. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng america -description and travel. virginia -description and travel. bermuda islands -description and travel. new england -description and travel. barbados -description and travel. 2005-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true , and faithful account of the four chiefest plantations of the english in america . to wit , of virginia . new-england . bermvdvs . barbados . with the temperature of the air : the nature of the soil : the rivers , mountains , beasts , fowls , birds , fishes , trees , plants , fruits , &c. as also , of the natives of virginia , and new-england , their religion , customs , fishing , huntings , &c. collected by samuel clarke , sometimes pastor in saint bennet-fink , london . london , printed for robert clavel , thomas passenger , william cadman , william whitwood , thomas sawbridge , and william birch . 1670. the description of virginia , and the plantation of the english . the temperature of the air ; the nature of the soile , the rivers , mountains , beasts , fowls , birds , fishes , trees , plants , fruits , &c. as also of the natives , their religion , customs , fishings , huntings , treachery , &c. anno christi , 1584. sr. walter rawleigh obtained of queen elizabeth of glorious memory , a patent for discovering , and peopling of unknown countries , not actually possessed by any christian prince , dated march 25. and in the 26th . year of her reign : in prosecution whereof april 27th . he set forth two barks under the command of mr. philip amadas , and mr. arther barlow , which arrived on that part of america , which that virgin queen named virginia : and thereof in her majesties name there took possession july 13. and having taken a view of , and liking the country ; and having had conference , and some trading with the savages , observing about fourteen sorts of sweet smelling timber trees , and many other commodities ; bringing with them two of the savages , they returned home in september following . anno christi , 1585. sr. richard greenvile was sent by sr. walter rawleigh with a fleet of seven sail , which landed in the isle of st. john de porto rico. may 12. and there fortified themselves , and built a pinace . the spaniards promised to furnish them with victuals , but did not : whereupon , they took two spanish frigots . in hispaniola they had friendly greetings , and some trade with the spaniards ; from whence they came to an anchor at wokocon , whereby the unskilfullness of the master , their admiral strook on ground and sunk : july 25. they returned for england , and by the way they took a spanish ship of three hundred tun , richly laden . in virginia they left a colony under the goverment of mr. ralph lane and others , besides an hundred men . the governour wrote from his new fort in virginia , that if they had kine , and horses in a reasonable proportion , no country in christendom was to be compared to it . they discovered from roanoack to the chesipians above one hundred and thirty miles , and to chawanock north-west , as far . in the beginning of june 1586. the natives conspired against the english , for which , the chiefest of them lost his head : and sr. francis drake coming thither after he had sacked diverse of the spanish towns , took the colony with 〈◊〉 his victorious fleet , and brought them into england . the same year sr. walter rawleigh 〈◊〉 sent a ship of an hundred tun with provisions for the colony , which arrived at hatorask presently after they were come away wherefore having sought them in vain , she returned with her provisions 〈◊〉 england : about a fortnight after her departure , sr. kichard greenvile , general of virginia , with three ships arrived there , and neither hearing of the ship , nor the colony which he had left there the year before ; after long search in vain , he left fifteen men to keep possession of the country in the isle of roanoack , furnished for two years , and so returned , by the way spoiling some towns of the azores , and taking diverse spaniards . anno christi , 1587. sr. walter rawleigh ( notwithstanding former discouragements ) sent another colony of one hundred and fifty persons under the government of mr. john white , with twelve assistants , to which he gave a charter , and incorporated them by the name of governors and assistance of the city of rawleigh in virginia . these arrived july 22. at hatorask , where they went ashore to seek the fifteen men left there the year before , intending to plant at chesopiok : but they were informed by a native called manteo , that the savages had secretly slain some of them , and the other were fled they knew not whither . this manteo was afterwards baptized , and by sr. walter rawleigh was made lieutenant of roanock . here also mrs. dare the governours daughter was delivered of a daughter , that was baptized by the name of virginia . aug. the 27. they departed and returned into england . the commodities that are in virginia . oak of an excellent grain ; straight , tall , and long , elme , beech , birch , very tall and great , of whose bark the natives make their canows ; nut-hasil , hasil , alder , cherry-tree , maple , eive , spruce , aspe , fir in great abundance and many other fruits , trees which the english knew not . from the firrs issues much turpentine , and tar , and pitch . eagles , hearn , shaws , cranes , large ducks and mallard , geese , swans , wigeon , sharks , crows , ravens , kites , sea-mews , pidgeons , turtle-doves , turkies , and many other fowles and birds unknown ; hawks of diverse kinds . deer red and follow , bears , wolves , beavers , otters , hares , conies , martens , sables , hogs , porcupins , polecats , cats wild and great , dogs , whereof some like foxes , elks , and some lyons , squirrils of three sorts , some flying squirils , hares , &c. whales , porpoises , seales , cod very large , haddocks , herring , plaise , thornback , rack-fish , lobsters , crabs , mussels , wilks , cony-fish , lump-fish , whitings , salmonds in great plenty . tobacco , vines , strawberries , rasberries , goosberries , hartleberries , corants , roses , pease , angellica , ground-nuts . the wood that is most common is oak , and walnut , many of their oak are so tall and strait , that they will bear thirty inches square of good timber for twenty yards long : there are two or three several kinds of them : there are , also two or three kinds of walnuts , there are cyprus trees , some of which are neer three fathom about the root , very strait and fifty , sixty , yea eighty foot without a branch . there are also some mulberry trees , and chesnut trees , whose fruit equalizeth the best in france , or italy ; they have plums of three sorts , cherries , vines , gassafras trees . virginia lies in the latitude of 43. degrees and 20. minutes , north. anno christ , 1606. king james ( of happy memory ) granted a pattent to sundry persons to plant along the coast of virginia , where they pleased between 34. degrees and 45. of northerly latitude , in the main land , and the islands thereunto adjoyning within a hundred miles of the coast thereof . in pursuance whereof , there were some ships sent the same year to begin a plantation in the more southerly part of virginia . virginia is a country in america that lies between the degrees of 34. and 44. of north latitude . on the east it s bounded with the grear ocean . on the south with florida . on the north with nova francia . but for the west the limits are unknown . the plantation which was begun in the year 1606. was under the degree of 37. 38. and 39. where the tempreture of the air , after they were well seasoned , agreed well with the constitutions of the english. they sound the summer as hot as in spain : the winter as cold as in france or england : the heat of summer is in june , july , and august , but commonly a cool briefs asswages the vehemency of the heat : the chiefest winter is in half december , january , february , and half march. the winds are variable , which yet purifie the air , as doth the thunder and lightning , which sometimes is very terrible . sometimes there are great droughts , and othersometimes great raines , yet the european fruits planted there prospered well . there is but one entrance by sea into the country , and that is at the mouth of a very goodly bay , which is about eighteen or twenty miles wide . the cape of the south side is called cape henry : the land there is white sand , and along the shore are great plenty of pines , and firrs the north cape is called cape-charles : the isles before it are called smiths isles . the country is full of large and pleasant navigable rivers . in it are mountains , hills , plains , valleys , rivers , and brooks ; this bay lieth north and south , in which the water flowes near two hundred miles , and hath a channel for one hundred and forty miles , of depth between seven and fifteen fathom : the breadth makes ten or fourteen miles . northward from the bay the land is mountanous , from which fall some brooks , which after make five navigable rivers : the entrance of these rivers into the bay being within twenty or fifteen miles one of another . the mountains are of divers natures , some of stone for millstones , some of marble , &c. and many pieces of chrystal are brought down from them by the raines . the soil generally is lusty and rich , being generally of a black sandy mould : in some places a fat slimy clay : in other places gravel . the countrey generally hath such pleasant plain hills , and fertile valleys , one prettily crossing another , and watered so conveniently with sweet brooks , and chrystal streams as if artists had devised them . by the rivers are many marshes , some of 20 , 30 , 100. yea 200 acres , some more , some less . on the west side of the bay , and neerest to its mouth , is the river called powhatan , according to the name of a principal countrey that lies upon it : the mouth of it is near three miles in breadth : it s navigable one hundred and fifty miles as the channel goes : in the farthest place which the english discovered , are falls , rocks , and shoales which hinder any farther navigation . in a peninsula on the north side of this river , the english first planted , in a place which they called james town . as our men passed up one of their rivers , there came to them some called sasquesahanocks with skins , bows , arrows , targets , beads , swords , and tobacco-pipes for presents . they were great and well proportioned men , so to the english they seemed like giants ; with much ado they were restrained from adoring their discoverers . their language well seeming their proportion , sounding from them as it were a great voice in a vault : their attire was the skins of bears , and wolves . one had a wolves-head hanging in a chain for a jewel : his tobacco-pipe was three quarters of a yard long , prettily carved with a bird , a bear , a dear , being at the great end sufficient to beat out a mans brains : their bows , arrows , and clubs are suitable to their proportions . one of the biggest of them had the calf of his legg measured , which was three quarters of a yard about , and all the rest of his limbs answerable thereto . his arrows were five quarters long , headed with flints , formed like a heart , an inch broad , and an inch and an half long , which he wore in a wolves skin at his back : in one hand a bow , and in the other a club. the natives of virgina have generally black hair , but few of them have beards . the men have half their heads shaven , the hair of the other half long : the women are their barbers , who with two shells grate away the hair of what fashion they please . the womens hair is cut in many fashions according to their eyes , but ever some part of it is long . they are very strong , of able bodies and nimble : they can lie in the woods under a tree by the fire in the coldest weather , and amongst the grass and weeds in summer : they are inconstant , crafty , timerous , quick of apprehension , and very ingenious . they are very covetous of copper , beads , and such trash . they are soon angry , and so malicious , that they seldom forget an injury . they seldom steal one from another , lest their connivers should reveal it . their women are careful to avoid suspition of dishonesty without the leave of their husbands . each house-keeper knows his own lands , and gardens , and most live of their own labour . they are sometimes covered with the skins of wild beasts , which in winter are dressed with the hair inward , but in summer without . the better sort use large mantles of dear-skins , some embroidered with white beads , some with copper , and others are painted . but the common sort have scarce wherewith to cover their nakedness , but with grass or leaves . some have mantles made of turkey feathers , so handsomly wrought , and woven with thred , that nothing could be discerned but feathers . these were exceeding neat and warm . the women are covered about their middles with a skin , and much ashamed to be seen bare . they adorn themselves with copper and painting ; they have , their leggs , hands , breasts , and faces cunningly wrought with divers works , as beasts , serpents , &c. artificially wrought in their flesh with spots . in each ear commonly they have three holes , whereat they hang chains , bracelets , or copper . some of their men wear in those holes a small green , and yellow coloured snake , near half a yard long , which crawling and wrapping her self about his neck , oftentimes familiarly kisses his lips : others wear a dead rat tied by the tail . some on their heads wear the wing of a bird , or some large feathers with the tail of a rattle-snake . many have the skin of a hawk , or some strange fowl , stuffed with the wings stretched abroad . others a piece of copper ; and some the hand of an enemy dried . their heads and shoulders are painted red , with a certain powder mixed with oyl , which they hold in summer to preserve them from heat , and in winter from cold . he is most gallant that is most monstrous to behold . their habitations are mostly by the rivers , or not far from some fresh spring . their houses are built like our arbours , of small sprigs bowed and tied together , and so close covered with mats , or the bark of trees , that notwithstanding wind , rain , or weather , they are as warm as stoves , but smoky , though they leave a hole on the top right over the fire . their lodging is by the fire side on little hurdles made of reeds , and covered with a mat. on these round about the house they lie , heads and points , one by another , covered with mats or skins , and some stark naked : of these they are from six to twenty in an house . their houses are in the mid'd of their fields or gardens , which are plots of ground : from twenty to one hundred , or two hundred of these houses stand something near together . men , women , and children have their several names according to the phansie of their parents . their women are easily delivered of child , yet they love their children very dearly ; and to make them hardy , in the coldest mornings they wash them in the rivers , and by painting and ointments they so tan their skins , that after a year or two no weather will hurt them . the men spend their time in fishing , hunting , wars , and such manly exercises , scorning to be seen about any womanly exercise , which makes the women very painful , and the men oft very idle ; the women and children do all the work ; they make mats , baskets , pots , morters ; they pound their corn , make their bread , prepare their victuals , plant and gather their corn , bear all kinds of burdens , &c. their fire they kindle by chafing a dry pointed stick in a hole of little square piece of wood , which taking fire , will kindle moss , leaves , and such dry things . in march and april is their fishing time , wherein they live on fish , turkies , and squerrils . in may and june they plant their fields , and then they live most upon acrons , walnuts and fish : some upon crabs , oisters , land tortoises , strawberries , mulberries , &c. in june , july , and august , they feed upon the roots of tocknough , berries , fish , and green wheat ; and their bodies alter with their diet , as those of deer , and wild beasts do : and accordingly they are fat or lean , strong or weak . they use much their bows and arrows in fishing , hunting , and the wars . they bring their bows to the form of ours , by scraping them with a shell : their arrows are made of strait young sprigs , which they head with bone , two or three inches long : with these they shoot at squirils . other arrows they have made of reeds , pieced with wood , and headed with christals or flint , &c. for knives they have the splinters of a reed , wherewith they cut the feathers of their arrows into form : with these knives they will joynt a deer , or any other beast , shape their shooes , buskings , mantles , &c. to make the notch of their arrows , they have the tooth of a bever set in a stick , with which they grate it by degrees . their arrow heads they quickly make with a little bone , which they ever wear at their bracer , of a splint of stone or glass , in form of a heart which they glew to their arrows ; their glew they make of the sinews of deer , and the tops of deer horns which will not dissolve in cold water . in their wars they use round targets made of the bark of trees , and swords of wood , or the horn of a deer put through a piece of wood , in the form of a pickax . their fishing is much in boats , which they make of one tree , by burning , and scraping with stones and shels till they have made it in the form of a trough . some of them are a ell deep , and fourty and fifty foot long , and will bear from ten to fourty men , according to their bigness : for oars they use paddles and sticks , with which they will row faster than our barges . the women use to spin the bark of trees , deer sinews , or a kind of grass called pemmenaud , of which they make a very good thred , which serves for many uses about their houses , apparel , fishing-nets , lines for angles : their hooks are either a bone grated in the form of a hooked pin , or of the splinter of a bone tied to the cleft of a little stick , and with the end of the line they tie on the bait . they also use long arrows tied to a line , with which they shoot at fishes in the river , or darts which they throw at them . they take extream pains in their huntings and fishings , whereunto they are enured from their child-hood : and by their continual rangings about , they know all the places and advantages most frequented with deer , beasts , fishes , fowls , rooks , bemes . at their huntings they leave their habitations , and in several companies go to the most desert places with their families towards the mountains , or heads of rivers where there is plenty of game . it 's a marvel how they can pass these deserts of three or four dayes journey over , without missing their way . the women bear their hunting houses after them with corn , acrons , mortars , and bagg and baggage which they use . when they come to the place of exercise , every man endeavours to shew his best dexterity ; for hereby they get their wives . they will shoot level about fourty yards , near the mark , and one hundred and twenty is their best at random . when they have found the deer , they environ them with fires , and betwixt the fires they place themselves ; and some take their stand in the mid'st . the deer being frighted with the fires , and their voices they chase them so long within that circle , that oftimes they kill six , eight , ten , or fifteen at a hunting . sometimes also when they find them in a point of land , they force them into a river , where with their boats they kill them . when they have shot a dear by land , they follow him like blood-hounds , by the blood and stain , and oftimes so take him . hares , partridges , turkies , or eggs , fat or lean , young or old , they devour all they can come by . when they intend wars , the werowances corks , consult with their priests and connivers , and ancient alleys , and friend : they have captains over every nation , which are lusty young men . they rarely make wars for lands or goods , but for women and children , before the battel they paint and disguise themselves in the fiercest manner they can devise : either army hath his general , they take their stands a musquet shot one from another : rank themselves fifteen a breast , and so place themselves , that the rear can shoot as well as the front. then from either part a messenger is sent with these conditions , that whosoever is vanquished , upon their submission within two dayes after , shall live ; but their wives and children shall be prize for the conquerors ; upon the return of the messengers , they approach in their order . on each flank is a serjeant , and in the reer a lieutenant , all duly keeping their places ; yet leaping and singing as they go . upon the first flight of their arrows they give an horrible shout ; and when their arrows are spent , they joyn together , charging and retiring , each rank seconding the former : as they get advantage , they catch their enemy by the hair of his head , and then down he goes , and with his wooden sword he beats out his brains , &c. their musick is a thick cane on which they pipe as on a recorder . for their wars they have a great deep platter of wood , which they cover with a skin , upon which they beat as upon a drum ; of these they have base , tenor , countertenor , mean , and trebble . if any great person come to the habitation of a werowanee , they spread a mat for him to sit upon , setting themselves just opposite to him ; then all the company with a tunable voice of shouting , bid him welcome . then some of the chiefest make an oration to him , which they do with such vehemency that they sweat till they drop again . such victuals as they have they spend freely upon him ; and where his lodging is prepared , they set a woman finely painted with red to be his bedfellow . their trading with the english is for copper , beads , &c. for which they give skins , fowl , fish , flesh , mais , &c. they have a religion amongst them : all things that were able to hurt them beyond their prevention , they adore with divine worship : as fire , water , thunder , lightning ; the great guns of the english , muskets , horses , &c. but their chief god is the devil whom they call oke , and serve him more for fear than love . in their temples they have his image in an ilfavoured shape , and adorned with chains , copper , and beads , and covered with a skin . by him is commonly the sepulchres of their kings : their bodies are first bowelled , then dried upon hurdles ; about their neck , and most of their joynts they hang bracelets , chains of copper , pearl , and then they wrap them up in white skins , and roule them in mats for their winding-sheets , laying them orderly in their tombs , which are arches made of mats : the rest of their wealth they set at their feet in baskets . for their ordinary burials they dig a deep hole in the earth , and the corps being wrapped in skins , and mats , with their jewels , they lay them upon sticks in the ground ; and then covet them with earth . the burial being ended , the women having their faces painted with black , sit twenty four hours in their houses mourning and lamenting by turns , with such yellings and howlings as may express their great sorrow . in the woods they have some great houses filled with the images of their kings and devils , and tombs of their predecessors , which they count so holy , that none but their priests , and kings dare come into them . they have a chief priest , differenced from the inferiour by the ornaments of his head , which are twelve , sixteen , or more snake-skins stuffed with moss , the skins of weesels and other vermin ; all which they tye by the tails , so as the tails meet on the top of their head like a tassel , about which a crown of feathers ; the skins hang down about him , and almost cover his face . the priests faces are painted as ugly as they can devise , and they carry rattles in their hands . their devotion is most in songs , which the chief priests begins , and the rest follow . their solemn meetings are upon great distress of want , fear of enemies , times of triumph , and of gathering their fruits ; at which time all both men , women and children meet together . the people are very barbarous , yet have they government amongst them , and their governours are well obeyed by their subjects . the form of their government is monarchical . one of their chief rulers is called powhatan from the place of his habitation : some part of the countrey came to him by inheritance , the rest by conquest . in several parts of his dominion he hath houses built like arbors , some thirty or fourty yards long ; and in each house provision for his entertainment according to the times . about the kings person is ordinarily attending a guard of fourty or fifty of his tallest men : every night upon the four quarters of his house stand four sentinels , and every half hour , one from the corps dugard doth hollow , unto which each of the sentinels doth answer ; if any fail , he is extreamly beaten . one house he hath wherein he keepeth his treasure of skins , copper , pearl , and beads , which he stores up against his burial ; none comes to this house but the priest. at the four corners stand as sentinels four images of a dragon , a bear , a leopard , and giant-like man , all ilfavouredly made according to their best workmanship . their king hath as many women as he will , whereof , when he lies on his bed , one sitteth at his head , and another at his feet : but when he sits , one sits on his right hand , another on his left. when he is weary of any of them he bestows them upon those that deserves best at his hands . when he dines or sups , one of his women , before and after meat , brings him water in a wooden platter to wash his hands . another waits with a bunch of feathers to wipe upon instead of a towel , and the feathers were dried again . his kingdom descends not to his sons , but first to his brethren , and after their decease to his sisters , and to the heirs of his eldest sister . they have no letters whereby to write or read ; the only law whereby he rules is custome ; or else his will is his law which must be obeyed . his inferiour kings whom they call werowances , are tied to rule by customes , yet have they power of life and death : they all know their several lands , and habitations , and limit , to fish , fowl , and hunt in : but they hold all of their great king , to whom they pay tribute of skins , beads , copper , pearl , deer , turkies , wild beasts , and corn ; with great fear and adoration they all obey him . at his feet they present whatsoever he commands ; at his frown their greatest spirit will tremble : offenders he causeth to be broyled to death ; or their brains to be beaten out ; their ordinary correction is to beat them with cudgels , for which yet they will never cry nor complain . anno christi 1611. the l. de la ware upon his return from virginia , gave this account of it . that the number of men which he left there was above two hundred , the most in health , and provided of ten moneths victuals in the store house , besides other quantities of corn , and shew much friendship . for the securing of the colony he built three fronts : two of them being seated near point comfort , had adjoyning to them a large circuit of ground , open , and fit for corn. the third fort was at the falls , upon an island environed with corn ground . the country is wonderful fertile and rich : the english cattel were much encreased , and did thrive excellent well . the kine in a hard winter when the ground was covered with snow , lived ( with one anothers help ) upon the grass which they found , and prospered well ; the swine encreased much . that year captain argoll went with his ship up pembroke river , where he met with the king of pastancy , and procured of him and his subjects eleven hundred bushes of corn , besides three hundred for his own company , with which he returned to james's town , and delivered it into the store . then did he return and discover pembroke river to the head of it , which was about sixty five leagues within land , and navigable for any ship : then marching into the country , he found great store of beasts as big as kine , of which , they killed two , and found them to be good and wholesom meat , and yet easie to be killed being but heavy , and slow creatures . he found also a mine and a strange kind of earth , which the indian used for physick , and it cures the pain of the belly : he found also a water issuing out of the earth which tasted like allom water ; it was good and wholsom : he found an earth like a gum , white and clear ; and another red , like terra sigillata : an other white , and so light , that being cast into water , it swims . their dear have usually three or four fawns at a time , none under two : and our english goates in virginia oft times bring forth three ; and mostly two young ones , so fruitful is the country : they have beavers , otters , foxes , racoons , ( as good meat as a lamb ) hares , wild catts with rich furrs ; musk-rats , &c. wild pidgeons in winter numberless , the flocks of them will be three or four hours together flying over , so thick that they obscure the very light ; turkies far bigger than ours that will run as fast as a gray-hound , buzzards , snites , partridges , owles , swans , geese , brants , droeis , shell-drakes , teal , widgeon , curlews , puits , black-birds , hedg-sparrows , oxeies , wood-peckers , and in winter flocks of parakitoes . their rivers are plentifully stored with fish : as sturgeon , porpass , base , carp , shad , herring , eele , cat-fish , pearch , trout , flat-fish , sheeps-head , drummers , jarsishes , craifishes , crabs , oisters , &c. at one hale they have caught as much sturgeon , base , and other great fish as hath loaded a frigot . they have without art , grapes , mulberries , maricocks like a lemmon , whose blossome may admit comparison with our most pleasant and beautiful flowers , and the fruit is exceeding delightful to the tast . many goodly groves of chincomen-trees , that have husks like a chesnut , and are good meat either raw or boiled . chesnuts great store , and walnuts plenty of three sorts ; filberts , crabs smaller but sowrer than ours . anno christi , 1613. mr. alex. whitaker , who was minister to the colony , writing to a friend in london , gives this account of the natives . they acknowledg ( saith he ) that there is a great good god , but know him not , having the eyes of their understandings yet blinded ; wherefore they serve the devil for fear , after a most base manner , sacrificing somtime their own children to him : his image they paint upon one side of a toad-stool , much like to a deformed monster : their priests are no other , but such as our english witches are . they live naked in body , as if the shame of their sin deserved no covering : they esteem it a virtue to lie , deceive , and steal , as their master the devil teacheth them . the natives are not so simple as some have conceited : for they are of body strong , lusty , and very nimble ; they are a very understanding generation , quick of apprehension , sudden in their dispatches , subtile in their dealings , exquisite in their inventions , and industrious in their labour . the world hath no better marks-men with their bows , and arrows than they be : they will kill birds flying , fishes swimming , and beasts running : they shoot with marvellous strength , for they shot one of our english , being unarmed , quite through the body , and nailed both his armes to his body with one arrow . their service to their god is answerable to their lives , being performed with great fear and attention , and many strange dumb shews are used in it , stretching forth their limbs , and straining their bodies exceedingly . they stand in great awe of their priests which are a generation of vipers , even of satans own brood . the manner of their life is much like that of the popish hermites : for they live alone in the woods , in houses sequestred from the common course of men ; neither is any man suffered to come into their house for to speak with them but when the priest calls them . he takes no care for his victuals , for all necessaries of bread , water , &c. are brought to a place near to his house , and are there left which he fetches at his pleasure . if they would have rain , or have lost any thing , they have recourse to him , who conjures for them , and many times he prevaileth . if they be sick , he is their physitian : if they be wounded , he sucks them . at his command they make war and peace neither do they any thing of moment without him . they have an evil government amongst them , a rude kind of common-wealth , and rough government , wherein they both honour , and obey their kings , parents , and governours : they observe the limits of their own possessions . murther is rarely heard off : adultery , and other gross offences are severely punished . the whole continent of virginia situated within the degrees of 34. and 47. is a place beautified by god with all the ornaments of nature , and enriched with his earthly treasures . that part of it which the english chiefly possess , begins at the bay of chesapheac , and stretching it self in northerly latitude to the degrees of 39. 40. and is interlined with seven most goodly rivers , the least wherof is equal to our thames : and all these rivers are so nearly joyned , as that there is not very much distance of ground between either of them , and those several pieces of land betwixt them are every where watered with many veins , and creeks , which sundry wayes do cross the land , and make it almost navigable from one river to another , the commodity whereof is very great to the planters , in respect of the speedy and easie transportation of goods from one river to another . the river powhatan ebbs and flowes one hundred and forty miles into the main ; at the mouth whereof are the two forts of henry and charles . forty two miles upward is the first and mother town of the english seated , called james town : and seventy miles beyond that upward , is the town of henerico built . ten mile beyond this is a place called the falls , because the river hath there a great descent , falling down between many mineral rocks which be there . twelve miles beyond these falls is a chrystal rock with which the indians use to head most of their arrows . the higher ground in virginia is much like to the mould of france , being clay and sand mixed together at the top , but digging any depth , its red clay full of glistering spangles . as for iron , steel , antimony , and terra sigillata , they are very frequent . the air of the country , especially about henerico , and upwards , is very temperate , and agrees well with our english bodies . the extremity of summer is not hot as in spain , nor the cold in winter so sharp as ours in england . the spring and harvest are the two longest seasons , and very pleasant . the summer and winter are both but short . the winter for the most part is dry and fair ; but the summer ofttimes watered with great and sudden showers of rain , whereby the cold of winter is warmed , and the heat of summer is cooled . amongst the beasts in virginia , there are two kinds most strange . one of them is the female possowne , which hath a bag under her belly , out of which she will let forth her young ones , and take them in again at her pleasure . the other is the flying squerril , which , by the help of certain broad flaps of skin , growing on each side of her fore-legs , will fly from one tree to another at twenty or thirty paces distance , and more if she have the benefit of a little puff of wind. the english kine , goats , hoggs , &c. prosper very well . they have hawkes of several sorts , and amongst them auspreis , fishing hawkes , and cormorants . in the winter they have great store of cranes , herons , pidgeons , patridges , and black-birds . the rivers and creeks are over-spread with swans , geese , brants , divers , and those other named before . the woods have many kinds of rare and delightful birds . the rivers abound with fish , both small and great , as pike , carp , eele , perches of six several sorts , &c. the sea-fish come into their rivers in march , and continue till the end of september . frst come in great skuls of herrings : then big shads , and rock-fish follow them . then trouts , base , flounders , and other dainty fishes come in before the other be gone . then come in multitudes of great sturgeons , and divers others . some five miles about henerico by land , but by water fourteen miles . sr. tho. dale , anno christi 1611. began to build a city , called the new bermoodas , situated very commodiously , whereunto he laid out , and annexed to be belonging to that corporation for ever : many miles of wood-lands , and champion , which he divided into several hundreds . as the upper and the nether hundreds roch-dale hundreds , wests-sherley hundred , and diggs his hundred . anno christi 1614. pacahuntas , the beloved daughter of the great king powhatan , having been carefully instructed in the christian religion , by the care of sr. tho. dale , and having made some good progress therein , renounced publickly her countrey idolatry , and openly confessed her christian faith , and desiring it , was baptized by the name of rebecca , and was afterwards married to one mr. rolph an english gentleman of good repute , her father and friends giving their approbation to it , and her vncle gave her to him in the church . anno christi 1616. sr. tho. dale returning into england , there came over with him mr. rolfe , with rebecca , his convert and consort , and tomocomo , one of powhatans counsellors ; mr. rolfs wife rebecca , though she carried her self very civilly and lovingly to her husband , yet did she behave her self as the daughter of a king , and was accordingly respected by divers persons of honour here in england , in their hopeful zeal by her means to advance christianity in these countries . as she was with her husband returning into virginia , at gravesend she fell sick , and came to her end and grave , having given great demonstration of her christian faith and hope . the english in virginia anno christi 1620. were divided into several burroughs , each man having his share of land duly set out for him , to hold and enjoy to him and his heirs for ever . the publick lands also for the company were set out by themselves ; the governours share by it self ; the colledges by it self , and for each particular burrough ; the ministers gleab also was set out and bounded , their being 200. l. per annum allowed to each minister for each town . they are all governed according to the laudable form of justice used in england . the governour is so restrained by a counsel joyned with him , that he cannot wrong any man , who may not have any speedy remedy . in the years 1619. and 1620. there were 9. or ten ships sent to virginia , wherein were 1261. persons ; most of them being for publick uses , as to plant the governours land , 80. persons ; tenants for the companies land 130. tenants for the colledge land , 100. tenants for the ministers gleab-lands 50. young maids to make wives for so many of the planters 90. boyes for apprentices 100. servants for the publick , 50. some were imployed to bring up thirty of the infidels children in true religion and civility . the commodities which the planters were directed to apply themselves to , were iron ; for the making whereof , 130 men were sent over to set up iron work ; proof having been made of the excellency of that iron . cordage : for which ( beside hemp ) order was given for the planting of silk-grass ( naturally growing in those parts ) in great abundance , which makes the best cordage , and linnen in the world. of this every housholder was bound to set 100. plants ; and the governour himself set five thousand . pot-ashes , and soap-ashes ; pitch and tar. for the making whereof , divers polanders were sent over . timber of all sorts , with masts , planks , and boords for provision of shipping , &c. there being not so good timber for all uses in any countrey whatsoever ; and for the help in these works , provision was sent of men and materials for the setting up of sundry saw-mills . silk : for which the countrey is exceeding proper , having an innumerable of the best mulberry-trees , and some silk-worms naturally found upon them , producing excellent silk , and to further this work , many seeds of the best silk-worms were sent over . vines ; whereof the countrey naturally yields great store , and of sundry sorts ▪ which by good culture might be brought to excellent perfection : for effecting whereof divers skilful vegneroons were sent , with store also from hence of vine plants of the best sort . salt : which work were ordered to be set up in great plenty , not only to serve the colony , but to promote the great fishings upon those coasts . divers persons of publick spirits gave much to the furtherance of this plantation . two unknown persons gave plate and other necessaries for the furnishing of two communion tables . mis. mary robinson gave 200. l. towards the building of a church in virginia . an unknown person sent the treasurer 550. l. in gold for the bringing up of some of the infidels children in the knowledge of god , and true religion , and in fit trades whereby they might live honestly in the world. mr. nicholas ferrar by will gave 300. l. to the colledge in virginia , to be paid when there should be ten of the infidels children placed in it . and in the mean time 24. l. per annum to be distributed unto three discreet and godly men in the colony , which should bring up three of the infidels children in the christian religion , and in some good course to live by . an other unknown person gave 10. l. to advance the plantation . anno christi 1620. the right honourable henry e. of southampton was made treasurer ; from which time to the year 1624. there were 24. ships sent to virginia : and there were divers persons set for the making of beads , wherewith to trade with the natives , and for making of glass of all sorts : and 55. young maids were sent to make wives for the planters . also a magazine of all necessaries was sent for the colony , to the value of 2000. l. besides goods , sent by private persons great store . twenty five persons were sent to build boats , pinnaces , and ships for the use of the colony in the fishing trade , and for further discovery . the plants of cotten wool trees prosper well , and so did indigo seeds , oranges , lemons , sugar canes , cassary , pines , plantanes , potatoes , and sundry other indian fruits . some of the english east-india company gave seventy pound , eight shillings sixpence , towards the building of a free schoole in virginia , to be called the east-india school . another unknown person added to it the sum of thirty pound . and another sent in gold twenty five pound . another unknown person gave thirty pound ; for which there was to be allowed fourty shillings a year for ever , for a sermon preached before the virginia company . another gave a rich bible , and a great church bible , and other books to be sent to virginia , and an exact map of america . the books were valued at ten pound . mr. tho. bargrave , a minister in virginia , when he died , left for the use of the colledge his library worth one hundred marks . 〈◊〉 anno christi 1621. the treacherous natives , notwithstanding all the courtesies and kind usage by the english to them , most perfidiously , and treacherously murthered above three hundred of them , and would have done the like to all the rest , but that god ( through his infinite goodness and mercy ) moved the heart of one of them , who was converted to christianity , to discover the same a few hours before it was put in execution , the like massacres have been since . a description of the bermudas , or sommers islands : the first discovery , and plantation of it by the english . the temperature of the aier ; the nature of the soil , trees , plants , fruits , hearbs , fishes , fowls , and other commodities thereof . these islands were first discovered by one bermudas , from whence they received that name ; and afterwards from sr. george sommers an english-man , they were called sommers islands . they lie in the western ocean , and in that part of the world commonly called america , and vulgarly the west-indies . their latitude , or elevation is 32. degrees , 25. minutes , which is almost the same with the madaeraes . they are environed round about with rocks , which north-ward , and westward , and southward extend far , by reason whereof they are very strong , there being only three places whereby ships can come into them , which places also are well fortified . but within there is room to entertain a great fleet : in most places the rocks appear at a low water , and are not much covered at an high water , for it ebbs and flows there not above five foot. the shoar for the most part is a rock , so hardned by the sun , wind , and sea , that it s not apt to be worn by the waves , whose violence also is broken by the rocks before they come at the shoar . the mould is of diverse colours , neither clay nor sand but betwixt both : the red which resembleth clay is worst : the white resembing sand , and blackish is good : the brown betwixt them both is best . under the mould two or three foot deep , is a kind of white substance which they call rock : the trees usually fasten their roots in it , and draw their nourishment from it ; neither indeed is it rock or stone , nor so hard , though for the most part harder than chalk ; not so white , but like a pumice , and spongy , easily receiving and retaining much water ; and in some places clay is found under it : the hardest kind of it ( which is commonly under the red ground ) is not so spongy , nor retains much water , but lies in the ground like quarries , as it were thick slates , one upon another . most of their fresh water ( whereof they have good store ) comes out of the sea , drayning through the sand , or thorow the aforesaid substance which they call the rock , and leaving its saltness behind it , in the passage becometh fresh . somtimes they dig wells of fresh water within four or five paces of the sea-side : and usually they ebb and flow as the sea doth . the air is most commonly clear , very temperate , moist , with a moderate heat , very healthful , and apt for the generation , and nourishing of all things : so that there is scarce any thing that is transported from england thither , but it yields a far greater encrease : and if it be any living thing , it becomes fatter and better liking then in england : by which means the countrey was so replenished with hens and turkeys , within the space of three or four years not being looked after , many of them forsook the houses , and became wild and so encreased abundantly . the like encrease there was of hogs and other cattle according to their kinds . there seems to be a continual spring , which is the cause that some few things come not to that maturity and perfection as were requisite . and though the trees do shed their leaves , yet are they always full of green . their corn is the same which is used in most parts of the west-indies : to wit , maiz which , to such as are used to it , is more hearty and nourishing than our english wheat , and yields a far greater encrease , as sometimes a pound of one or two graines : of this corn , and divers other things without either plowing or diging the ground , they have two harvests every year : for they set about march which they gather in july : and again in august which is ripe in december . and little slips of fig-trees , and vines do usually bear fruit within a year after they are planted , sometimes in half a year : the like fertility they have in other things . there is scarce at any time to be perceived either frost or snow , nor any extream heat , for there is alwayes some wind stirring which clears and cools the air : their summers and winters observe the same times with ours , but their longest dayes and nights are shorter than ours in england by almost two hours and an half : as also their shortest dayes and nights are as much longer then ours : for their longest dayes are about fourteen hours , and their shortest ten . when its noon with us , its morning with them , and when it s about five a clock in the evening with us , its noon with them ; so that while the sun declines with us it rises with them , as also it doth in virginia , its apt to thunder and lighten all the year long , and oft times more terrible than in england , yet never any are hurt by it . there is no venemous creature in this country : the yellow spider which is there making her webb as it were of silk , and bringing forth her young of eggs , like little drops of quick-silver , neither is it perceived to be venemous , yet there is a plant that climbs trees like our ivy , the leafe like that of a vine , that is somewhat venomous , but of no great force . there is great store and variety of fish , and so good as these parts of the world afford not the like , which being mostly unknown to the english , they gave them such names as best liked them : as rock-fish , groops , porgie-fish , hog-fish , angle-fish , cavallies , yellow-tailes , spanish-makerels , mullets , bream , cony-fish , morrayes , sting-rays , flying-fish , &c. the like they did by the fowl , as cohoos , sandbirds , hearns , duck , teal , pemblicoes , castle-boobies , hawks , &c. at the first plantation of this country by the english it was all over grown with woods , and plants of several kinds ; and to such as were unknown to them they gave such names as best pleased themselves : such as were known retained their old names ; as cedars , palmitoes , black-wood , white-wood , yellow-wood , mulberry-trees , stopper , trees , lawrel , olive-trees , mangrowes , pepper-trees , yellow-berry-weed , red-weed , &c. these and many others they found of natures planting : but since they have inhabited it , there have been brought , as well from the indies as from other parts of the world , sundry other plants , as vines of several kinds , sugar-canes , fig-trees , apple-trees , oranges , lemons , pomgranates , plantanes , pines , parsnips , raddishes , artichocks , pottatoes , cassavie , indico , &c. in so much that it s now become like a spacious garden , or orchyard of many pleasant , and profitable things . there are many tortoises , which they call turtles : they are in the shape of their bodies like crab-fishes , and have four fins , they are as big as three or four men can carry , the upper part of them in covered with a great shell , weighing about half a hundred weight , the flesh that cleaves to the inside of it being roasted against the fire , is almost like the marrow of beef , excellent good ; but the shell of it self harder than horn : she hath also a shell on her belly , but not so hard as the other , for when it s boiled it becomes soft like the gristles of beef , and is good meat : these live in the sea , spending the spring , and summer time about these islands , but where they spend the rest of the year is not known ; they are like to fowl in respect of the smallness and shape of their heads , and necks , which are wrinkled like a turkey , but white , and not so sharp bil'd ; they breed their young of eggs which they lay , in their flesh they resemble beasts , for it eats like veal , but more hard and sollid : they alwayes feed upon grass growing at the bottom of the water , neither can they abide any longer under the water then they hold their breath , which the old ones will do long , but the young ones being chased to and fro cannot continue two minutes without coming up to breath . shortly after their coming to those islands the male and female couple , which they call cooting , this they continue about three dayes together , during which time they will scarce separate though a boat come to them , nor hardly when , they are smitten . not long after , the she turtle comes up by night upon some sandy bay , and further up than the water uses to flow , where she digs a hole with her fin upon the sand about two foot deep , and coming up several nights there layes her eggs , about half a bushel ( which are about the bigness of a hens egge , but as round as a ball ) and each time covers them with sand very curiously , so that a man can hardly find the place : these eggs in time are hatched by the heat of the sun , and so creep out of the earth , the dam coming no more at them . they are no bigger than a mans hand at first , which some fish will devour : they grow slowly and seem to live long ; they will sleep on the top of the water , and used to sleep on the land till the countrey was inhabited . they will live also out of the water about three weeks , and that without meat , but then they mourn , and pine away . being turned upon their backs when they are on the land , they cannot without help , or some disadvantage recover themselves ; by which means , when they come a shore to lay their eggs , they are easily taken ; as also they are when they are cooting . otherwise they are taken mostly by night , by making a great light in a boat to which they will resort , so that a man standing ready , with a staff in his hand wherein is a sharp iron , four square with a line fastned to it , this iron he strikes into the upper shell of the turtle where it sticks fast , and after she hath tired her self a while with swimming about , she is easily taken : the head being cut off they will live twenty four hours , so that if you cut the flesh with a knife , or touch it , it will tremble , and shrink away ; there is no meat that will keep longer , either fresh or salt . there is a fruit called a prickled pear , growing in such places as are scarce fit for any thing else , namely , upon rocks and cliffs , and commonly by the sea-side , as if the salt water did something help to the generating and nourishing of them : the tree grows certain years before it bears fruit , and then it continues bearing very many years , having almost all the year long fruit upon it . though it be called a tree it hath scarce any body or branches , but consisteth in a manner wholly of leaves and fruit soft and brittle ; many of these pears grow upon and about a leaf without any stalk at all , and having some prickles about the top ; being opened the juyce is of a crimson colour , and they are full of seeds within . there are gray and white hearns , gray and green plovers , wild ducks and mallards , coots , redshanks , sea-widgeons , gray-bitterns , cormorants ; many smal birds like sparrows and robbins , wood-peckers , crows , falcons , jerfalcons , hobbies , &c. the cohow , is so called from his voice , a night bird , being all day hid in the rocks . the egge-bird which comes constantly in the beginning of may , when they begin to lay eggs almost as big as hens , and continue laying till midsummer , and are very tame , their young are excellent meat , their eggs are white , and the cohows , speckled like a turkeys egg , as big as hens . the tropick bird hath his name from the place where he is most seen . the pemblico is seldom seen by day , and by her crying foretells tempests . for plants . the poison weed , in shape like our ivy , with the touch of it causeth redness , and itching , but after a while pass away of themselves , without farther hurt . the red weed is a tall plant , whose stalk is covered with red rind . the root steeped , or a little of the juice drank alone , is a strong vomit , and effectual against distempers of the stomach . there is a kind of woodbind near the sea , that runs up about trees likk a vine : the fruit is somewhat like a bean , but flatter , which eaten , purges strongly , yet without harm : there is another small tree that causeth costiveness . there is also a plant like a bramble , that bears a long yellow fruit with a hard snell , and within is a hard berry which purges gently . red pepper is a fruit like our barberries , which bruised with the teeth sets all the mouth on a heat , for the time violent , but swallowed whole have the same operation with pepper . the sea-feather is a plant growing on the rock in the bottom of the sea , in form of a vine-leaf , but far larger , with veines of a palish red , interlaced , and weaved each into the other . there are also store of indian pompeons , the water melon , and the musk-mellon , the most delicate pineapple , papawes , &c. ambergriece is many times found upon the shoar . the most troublesome things in these islands are the winds , especially in the spring and autumn . the hurricanes have sometimes done much hurt : muskito's are very troublesome : there is a certain bugg which creeping into chests , by their illsented dung defile all , besides their eating . there are pismires or ants in the summer times so troublesome that they are forced to dry their figgs upon high frames , anointing their feet with tar which stops their passage . worms in the earth are destructive to their corn , and tobacco , causing them much labour every morning to destroy them , which else would derstoy all . there have bee● large lizards which are now destroyed by cats . spiders are large by of beautiful colours , as if adorned with silver , gold , and pearl . their webs in summer woven from tree to tree are perfect raw silk , both in substance and colour , and so strong , that birds bigger than blackbirds are snared in their nets . of these bermudus islands there are many , some say five hundred , if we call all them islands that lye by themselves compassed with the sea , of which some are larger and others less , they lye all in the figure of a crescent , within the circuit of six or seven leagues at most ; the greatest of them is about sixteen miles in length from the east north-east , to the west south-west , standing in thirty two degrees and twenty minutes . about these islands are seen many whales , attended with the sword-fish and the thresher . the sword-fish with his sharp and needle-like fin pricking him into the belly when he would dive and sink into the sea , and when he starts up from his wounds , the thresher with his club fins beats him down again . here is also a kind of web-footed fowl , of the bigness of our green plovers , which all summer are not seen , but in the darkest nights of november and december ( for in the night only they feed ) would come abroad , making a strange hollow and harsh howling ; their colour is inclining to russet , with white bellies , and the long feathers of their wings are russet and white , they breed in those of the islands that are farthest in the sea , and there in the ground they have their burrows , like conies . of these , the english at their first coming , with a lighted bough have taken three hundred in an hour . afterwards they found out this devise to take them , by standing on the rocks or sand by the sea-side , they would hollow , laugh , and make the strangest noise that possibly they could , with which noise these birds would come flocking to the place , and settle upon the very armes and head of him that so cryed , still creeping nearer and answering that noise themselves , by which means our men would weigh them in their hands , and those that weighed heaviest and were best they took , the other they let go , and thus they have taken twenty dozen of the best of them in two hours space ; they are fat and plump like a partridge , and very well relished . in january they gat great store of their eggs which are as big and as well relished as our hen eggs ; these they call sea-owles , because of their hooting , they have crooked bills and will bite shrewdly . not long after the english had planted in this island , which was about the year 1620. it pleased god to send a great plague upon them by reason of a few rats that came in a meal ship , which though at first few in number , yet within the space of two years they multiplyed so exceedingly , that they did not only fill those places where they first landed , but swimming from place to place they spread themselves all over the country , insomuch , as there was no island though severed by the sea from all others , and many miles distant from the place where they first began , but was pestred with them ; they had their nests almost in every tree , and in all places had their burrows in the ground , like conies to harbour in : they spared not the fruits of either plants or trees , nay , nor the plants themselves , but eat all up . when the planters had set their corn , they would come by troops the night following , or as soon as it spict , dig it up again and eat it . if by diligent watching any of it escaped till it came to easing , it would very hardly scape them : yea , it was a difficult matter when they had it in their houses to save it from them , for they became noysom even to the persons of men. they used all diligence for the destroying of them , nourishing many catts , wild and tame ; they used ratsbane , and many set the woods on fire , so that the fire ran half a mile or more before it was extinguished . every man in the country was enjoyned to set twelve traps , and some voluntarily set neer an hundred , which they visited twice or thrice in a night . yea , they trained up their dogs to hunt them , wherein they grew so expert , that a good dog in two or three hours space would kill ●●rty or fifty rats . other means they also used , yet nothing would prevail , finding them still to encrease upon them . this was a cause of great distress to the planters ; for by this means they were kept destitute of bread for a year or two , so as when they had it afterwards again , they were so weaned from it , that they would easily forget or neglect to eat it with their meat . by this means they were so destitute of food that many died , and the rest became very feeble and weak , whereof some being so , would not , and others could not stir abroad to seek relief , but dyed in their houses . and such as did go abroad were subject through weakness to be suddenly surprized with a disease called the feages , wherein they had neither pain , nor sensible sickness , but as it were the highest degree of weakness , depriving them of power and ability to execute any bodily exercise , as working , walking , &c. being thus taken , if any body was present that could minister to them any relief , they would strait wayes recover , otherwise they died there . about this time there came to these islands a company of ravens which continued with them all the time of this mortality and then departed from them . never any being seen there before or since : but it pleased god at length , that the extremity of their distress began to abate , partly by supplies sent them out of england , and partly by some rest and ease that they got thereby . yet the rats continued for some time after , notwithstanding all the devises and industry that they used to destroy them . but suddenly it pleased god , ( by what means was not known ) so to take them away , that the wild catts and dogs that lived upon them were famished , and many of them leaving the woods came down to the houses , and to such places where they used to garbish their fish , and so became tame . here are many wild palm-trees growing , in fashion , leaves and branches resembling the true palme : the tree is high and strait , sappy , and spungious , having no branches but in the uppermost part of it , and in the top grow leaves about the head of it : ( the most inmost part whereof they call the palmeto , and it is the heart and pith of the tree , so white and thin as that it will pill off pleats , as smooth and delicate as white sattin , into twenty folds in which a man may write , as in paper ) where they spread and fall downwards about the tree like an over-blown rose : the leaves are as broad as an italian vmbrello , under one of which a man may well shelter his whole body from rain , for being stiff and smooth , the rain easily slides off . the palmito , or soft top roasted , tastes like a fried melon , and being sod , it eates like a cabbage , but is far less offensive to the stomach . from under the broken rocks they take forth cray-fishes oft times greater than any of our english lobsters . they have also aboundance of crabs , oisters , and wilks ; at one draught they have taken small and great about a thousand fishes , as pilchards , breams , mullets , rock-fish , &c. every cave and creek being furnished with aboundance of them , which lie there sucking in the water which falls from the high hills mingled with the juyce of the palms and cedars , and such other sweet woods , whereby they become both fat and wholsome . there are sparrows fat and plenty ; robbins of diverse colours green and yellow , &c. many of the turtles before mentioned , be of a mighty bigness , insomuch as one of them will suffice seventy , or eighty men at a meal , especially , if she be a she turtle , which will have five hundred eggs in her , being as many as fifty or sixty men can eat at a meal , they are very good and wholesome meat . there are mulberry trees , olive trees , cedars of colour red , and very sweet , which bear a kind of berry that is very pleasant to eat . the top of the palmito tree is in season , and good all the year , if you take but an hatchet and cut it , or an augur and bore it , it yields a very pleasant liquor , much like to our sweet wines : it bears likewise a berry in the bigness of a prune , and in taste much like it . anno christi 1609. sr. thomas gates , and sr. george sommers , as they were going to virginia suffered shipwrack at these islands , where they continued till may , 1610. in which time they built there a ship and a pinace of cedar , in which they departed to virginia , leaving only two men behind them : and shortly after some of them came back to the sommer islands , where sr. george sommers dying , his men ( contrary to his last charge given unto them ) went for england , leaving behind them three men who stayed voluntarily , who shortly after found in sommerset island a very great treasure of ambergreece valued at nine or ten thousand pounds sterling . the discovery of these islands being made known in england to the virginia company by these men that returned , they sold it to one hundred and twenty persons of the same company , who obtained a charter from his majesty : and in april 1612. sent thither a ship called the plough , with about eighty men and women in it , who arrived there in safety in july , where they found the three men that had voluntarily stayed there before as you heard . these men had planted corn , great store of wheat , beans , tobacco , and melons , with many other good things for the use of man : besides they had wrought upon timber , in squaring and sawing cedar trees &c. they were no sooner come within a league of the land but a company of fish met them , and never left them till they came to an anchor within the haven , of which with hooks and lines they took more than their whole company was able to eat . two dayes after they went out with their net and boat , and if they would have loaded two boates they might have done it , which also they might have daily , there was such plenty of them . the day after they went to the bird islands , where with their hands they took up as many birds as they pleased , they were so tame . they took up three for every boy and girl , and four for every man. then sent they out some for wild hogs , who brought home some , that did eat as well as our english mutton . anno christi , 1612. mr. r. moor was sent over thither governour for three years , who spent the greatest part of his time in fortifying the country , and training the people to martial exercises . he built nine or ten forts , and planted ordnances upon them . to him succeeded captain tucker , anno christi 1616. who spent his three years in husbanding the country , planting , and nourishing all such things as were fit either for trade , or for the sustentation , and use of the inhabitants . he also added to the fortifications , and made some inclosures . the the country also was then divided , wherein every adventurer had his share allotted to him , whereupon the planters built them substantial houses , cleared their ground , and planted all things necessary , so that in a short time the country began to approach near unto that happiness wherein it now floweth . nevv-england described , and the plantation thereof by the english of the beasts , fowles , birds , fishes , trees , plants , fruits , &c. of the natives , of their religion , customs , fishings , huntings , &c. the place whereon the english have setled their colonies is judged either to be an island surrounded on the north with the great river canada , and on the south with hudsons river , or a peninsula , these two rivers over lapping one another , having their rise from two great lakes which are not far distant each from other . massechusets bay lyeth under the degree of 42. and 43. bearing south-west from the lands-end of old england ; at the bottom of which bay are scituated most of the english plantations . the bay is both safe , spacious , and deep ; free from such cockling seas as run upon the coasts of ireland , and in the channels of england : without stiff running currents , rocks , shelves , bars , or quicksands . when you have sailed two or three leagues towards the bottom , you may see the two capes bidding you welcome . these capes thrust themselves out into the sea in form of a crescent , or half moon , the surrounding shoar being high , and shewing many white cliffs , with diverse intermixtures of low-sand , out of which , diverse rivers empty themselves into the sea , with many openings , wherein is good harbouring for ships of any burthen : the harbours are new-plimouth , cape anu , salem , and marvil-head , all which afford good ground for anchorage , being land-lockt from wind , and seas . the chief and usual harbour is the still bay of massechusets , which is also aboard the plantations : it s a safe and pleasant harbour within , having but one secure entrance , and that no broader than for three ships to enter abreast , but within there is anchorage for five hundred ships . this harbour is made by many islands , whose high clifts shoulder out the boisterous seas , yet may easily deceive the unskilful pilot , presenting many fair openings , and broad sownds , whose waters are too shallow for ships , though navigable for boats , and small pinnases . the entrance into the great haven is called nant●scot , which is two leagues from boston . from hence they may sail to the river of wessaguscus , naponset , charles river , and mistick river , on all which are seated many towns . here also they may have fresh supplies of wood and water from the adjacent islands , with good timber to repair their weather-beaten ships : as also masts , or yards , there being store of such trees as are useful for the purpose . the places which are inhabited by the english , are the best ground , and sweetest climate in all those parts , bearing the name of new england , the air agreeing well with our english bodies , being high land and a sharp air , and though they border upon the sea-coast , yet are they seldom obscured with mists , or unwholesome foggs , or cold weather from the sea , which lies east , and south from the land. and in the extremity of winter , the north-east , and south-winds comming from the sea , produce warm weather , and bringing in the seas , loosen the frozen bayes , carrying away the ice with their tides : melting the snow , and thawing the ground : only the north-west winds coming over the land , cause extream cold weather , accompanied with deep snows , and bitter frosts , so that in two or three dayes the rivers will bear man or horse . but these winds seldom blow above three dayes together , after which the weather is more tollerable . and though the cold be sometimes great , yet is there good store of wood for housing and fires , which makes the winter less tedious : and this very cold weather lasts but eight or ten weeks , beginning with december , and ending about the tenth of february . neither doth the piercing colds of winter produce so many ill effects , as the raw winters here with us in england . but these hard winters are commonly the forerunners of a pleasant spring , and fertile summer , being judged also to make much for the health of our english bodies . the summers are hotter than here with us , because of their more southerly latitude , yet are they tollerable , being oft cooled with fresh winds . the summers are commonly hot and dry , there being seldom any rain , yet are the harvests good , the indian corn requiring more heat than wet to ripen it : and for the english corn , the nightly dews refresh it , till it grows up to shade its roots with its own substance from the parching sun. the times of most rain are in april , and about michaelmas . the early spring and long summers make the autumns and winters to be but short . in the springs when the grass begins to put forth , it grows apace , so that , whereas it was black by reason of winters blasts , in a fortnights space there will be grass a foot high . new england being nearer the aequinoctial than old england ; the days and nights be more equally divided . in summer the dayes be two hours shorter , and in winter two hours longer than with us . virginia having no winter to speak of , but extream hot summers , hath dried up much english blood ; and by the pestiferous diseases , hath swept away many lusty persons , changing their complexions , not into swarthiness , but into paleness ; which comes not from any want of food , the soil being fertile , and pleasant , and they having plenty of corn , and cattel , but rather from the climate , which indeed is found to be too hot for our english constitutions , which new england is not . in new england men and women keep their natural complexions , in so much as seamen wonder when they arive in those parts , to see their countrey men look so fresh and ruddy ; neither are they much troubled with inflammations , or such diseases as are increased by too much heat . the two chief messengers of death , are feavours , and callentures ; but they are easily cured if taken in time , and as easily prevented , if men take care of their bodies . as for our common diseases they be strangers in new england . few ever have the small pox , measels , green-sickness , headach , stone , consumption , &c. yea many that have carried coughs and consumptions thither , have been perfectly cured of them . there are as sweet , lusty children born there , as in any other nation , and more double births than with us here : the women likewise recover more speedily , and gather strength after child-birth sooner than in old england . the soil for the general is a warm kind of earth , there being little cold spewing land , no moorish fens , nor quagmires : the lowest grounds be the marshes , which are ovrflown by the spring-tides : they are rich ground , and yield plenty of hay , which feeds their cattel as well as the best upland hay with us : and yet they have plenty of upland hay also , which grows commonly between the marshes and the woods : and in many places where the trees grow thin , they get good hay also . and near the plantations there are many meddows never overflowed , and free from all wood , where they have as much grass as can be turned over with a sithe , and as high as a mans middle , and some higher , so that a good workman will mow three loads in a day . indeed this grass is courser than with us , yet is it not sower , but the cattel eat , and thrive very well with it : and are generally larger , and give more milk than with us , and bring forth young as well , and are freer from diseases than the cattel here . there is so much hay ground in the country , that none need fear want , though their cattel should encrease to thousands , there being some thousands of acres that were yet never medled with ; and the more their grass is mowed , the thicker it grows ; and where cattel use to graze , in the woods , the ground is much improved , growing more grassy , and less full of weeds ; and there is such plenty of grass in the woods , that the beasts need not fodder till december ; at which time men begin to house their milch beasts and calves . in the upland grounds the soil varies , in some places clay , in others gravel , and some are of a red sand , all which are covered with a black mould , usually a foot or little less deep . the english manure their ground with fish , whereof they have such plenty , that they know not how otherwise to dispose of them , yet the indians being too lazy to catch fish , plant corn eight or ten years in one place , without any such help , where they have yet a good crop. such is the rankness of the ground , that it must be planted the first year with indian corn , before it will be fit for english seed . the ground in some places is of a soft mould , in others so tough and hard , that five yoke of oxen can scarce plow it , but after the first breaking up , it is so easie , that one yoak of oxen and an horse may plow it . our english corn prospers well , especially rye , oats , and barly . the ground affords very good kitchin gardens , for turnips , parsnips , carrots , radishes , pumpions , muskmellons , squashes , cucumbers , onions , and all other english roots and hearbs prospers as well there as with us , and usually are larger and fairer . there are store of herbs both for meat and medicine , not only in gardens , but in woods , as sweet marjoram , purslane , sorrel , penniroyal , saxifrage , bayes , &c. also strawberries in abundance , very large , some being two inches about . there be also goosberries , bilberries , rasberries , treackleberries , hurtleberries , currants , which being dried in the sun , are not much inferiour to those we have from zant. there is also hemp and flax , some that grows naturally , and some that is planted by the english , and rape-seed . there is iron , stone , and plenty of other stones both rough and smooth , plenty of slate to cover houses , and clay whereof they make tiles and bricks , and probably other minerals . the country is excellently watered , and there are store of springs which yield sweet water that is fatter than ours , and of a more jetty colour and they that drink it , are as healthy , and lusty as those that drink beer . none hitherto have been constrained to digg deep for this water , or to fetch it far , or to fetch it from several places ; the same water serving for washing , brewing , and all other uses . there be also several spacious ponds in many places , out of which run many pleasant and sweet streams both winter and summer , at which the cattel quench their thirst , and upon which may be built water-mills for necessary uses . there is also great store of wood , not only for fewel , but for the building of ships , houses , and mills . the timber grows strait and tall , some trees being twenty , and others thirty foot high before they spread forth their branches . they are not very thick , yet many of them are are sufficient to make mill-posts ; some being three foot and a half in the diameter . neither do they grow so close , but that in many places a man man may ride a hunting amongst them . there is no underwood but in swamps , and wet low grounds , in which are osiers , hazels , and such like . of these swamps , some are ten , some twenty , some thirty miles . for the indians use to burn the under-wood in other places in november , when the grass and leaves are withered and dry , which otherwise would marr their beloved sport of hunting : but where the indians died of the plague , not many years ago , there is much underwood between wessaguscus , and plimouth , because it hath not thus been burned . the several sorts of timber are thus expressed . trees both on hills and plains in plenty be , the long-liv ' oake , and mournful cypress tree , sky-towring pines , and chesnuts coated rough , the lasting cedar , with the walnut tough ; the rosin-dropping fir for masts in use , the boatmen seek for oars , light , neat grown spruse ; the brittle ash , the ever trembling aspes , the broad spread elme , whose concave harbours wasps ; the watry spungy alder good for nought , small elder by th' indian fletchers sought , the knotty maple , pallid birch , haw thorns , the horn-bound tree that to be cloven scorns ; which from the tender vine oft takes his spouse , who twines imbracing arms abut his boughs ; within this indian orchard fruitr be some , the ruddy cherry and the jetty plumb , snake murthering hasel with sweet saxafrage , whose spouts in beer allayes hot feavers rage , the diars shumack , with more trees there be , that are both good for use , and and rare to see . the chief and common timber for ordinary use is oake , and walnut . of oakes there be three kinds , red , white , and black , whereof one kind is fittest for clap-board , others for sawn-board , others for shipping , and others for houses . they yield also much mast for hoggs , especially every third year , the acron being bigger than our english : the walnut-trees are tougher than ours , and last time out of mind : the hut is smaller than ours , but not inferiour in sweetness and goodness , having no bitter pill . in some places there is a tree that bears a nut as bigg as a small pear . the cedars are not very big , not being above eighteen inches in diameter , neither is it very high , and its fitter for ornament than substance , being of colour white and red like yew , & smells like juniper , they use it commonly for sieling of houses , for making of chests , boxes , and staves . the fir , and pine-trees grow in many places , shooting up exceeding high , especially the pine : they afford good masts , boards , rozin , and turpentine , they grow in some places for ten miles together , close by the rivers sides , where by ships they may easily be transported to any desired ports . their ash is blittle , and therefore good for little , so that the walnut is used for it . the horn-bound tree is exceeding tough , which makes it very difficult to be cleft , yet it s very good for bowls and dishes , not being subject to crack : it grows with broad-spread arms , the vines winding their curling branches about them , which afford great store of grapes , very bigg , both grapes and clusters , sweet and good . they are of two sorts , red and white : there is also a smaller grape growing in the islands , which is sooner ripe , and more delicious ; doubtless as good wine might be made of them as at burdeaux in france , it lying under the same degree : the cherry trees yield great store of cherries , which grow on clusters like grapes ; they are smaller than ours and not so good , if not very ripe : the plumbs are somewhat better , being black and yellow , as big as damasens , and indifferently well tasted . the white thorn yields hawes as big as our cherries , which are pleasant to the tast , better than their cherries . the beasts be as followeth . the kingly lion , and the strong-arm'd bear , the large-limb'd moosis , with the tripping ●ear ; quil-darting porcupines , and rackcames be , castled in the hollow of an aged tree : the skipping squirrel , cony , purblind hare , immured in the self same castle are , lest red-eyed ferrets , wildly foxes should them undermine , if rampir'd but with mould , the grim-fac't ounce , and ravenous howling woolf , whose meager pauch , sucks like a swallowing gulph , black-grittering otters , and rich coated bever , the civet-sented muscat smelling ever . lions there be some , but seen very rarely . bears are common , which be most fierce in strawberry time , when they have young ones ; they will go upright iike a man , climb trees , and swim to the islands : at which time if an indian see him , he will swim after him , and overtaking him , they go to water-cuffs for bloody noses , and scratched sides ; at last the man prevails , gets on his back , and so rides him on those watry plains , till the bear can bear him no longer . in the winter they retire to cliffs of rocks , and thick swamps to shelter them from the cold , where they live by sleeping and sucking their paws , and with that will be as fat as they are in sommer : yet the woolves will devour them : a kennel of them setting upon a single bear , will tear him in pieces . they are good meat , and seldom prey upon the english cattel , or offer to assault any man , except they be vexed with a shot . the moose is somewhat like our red deer as big as an ox , slow of foot , headed like a buck , some being two yards wide in the head ; his flesh is as good as beef , his hide is good for clothing ; they bring forth three young ones at a time ; fourty miles to the north-east of massechusets bay , there be great store of them ; they are oft devoured by the woolves . the fallow dear are much bigger than ours , of a brighter colour , more inclining to red , with spotted bellies ; they keep near to the sea , that that they may swim to the islands when they are chased by the woolves they have commonly three young ones at a time , which they hide a mile from each other , giving them suck by turns , and this they do , that if the woolf should find one , they may save the other ; their horns grow strait , over-hanging their heads , so that they cannot feed on things that grow low , till they have mused their heads . the porcupine is small , not much unlike to an hedghog , only somewhat bigger : he stands upon his guard against man or beast , darting his quills into their leggs or hides , if they approach too near him . the rackoon is a deep furred beast , not much unlike a badger , having a tail like a fox , and is as good meat as a lamb. in the day time they sleep in hollow trees , in the light nights they feed on clams by the sea side , where they are taken with doggs . the squirrels be of three sorts , the great gray squirrel , almost as big as our conies . another almost like our english squirrels ; the third is a flying squirrel , which is not very big , with a great deal of loose skin , which she spreads square when she flies , which with the help of the wind , wafts her batlike body from place to place . the conies are much like ours in england . the hares are some of them white , and a yard long ; both these creatures harbour themselves from the foxes in hollow trees , having a hole at the entrance no bigger than they can creep into . the hurtful creatures are squncks , ferrets , foxes , whereof some be black , and their furrs of great esteem . the ounce , or wild cat is as big as a mungrel . it s by nature fierce and dangerous , fearing neither dogg nor man : he kills deer , which he effects thus : knowing the deers tracts , he lies lurking in long weeds , and the deer passing by , he suddenly leaps upon his back , from thence he gets to his neck , and scratches out his throat . he kills geese also ; for being much of the same colour , he places himself close by the water , holding up his bob tail , which is like a gooses neck , which the geese approaching nigh to visit , with a sudden jerk he apprehends his desired prey . the english kill many of them , and account them good meat . their skins have a deep fur , spotted white and black on the belly . the woolves differ something from those in other countries ; they never yet set upon any man or woman , neither do they hurt horses or cows ; but swine , goats , and red calves ( which they take for deer ) are oft killed by them . in autumn and the spring they most frequent our english plantations , following the deer which at those times come down to those parts : they are made like a mongrel , big-boned , thin paunched , deep breasted , having a thick neck and head , prick ears , and a long snout , with dangerous teeth , long stairing hair , and a great bush tail . many good mastiffs have been spoiled by them . once a fair grayhound , ran at them , and was torn in pieces before he could be rescued ; they have no joynts from the head to the tail. some of them are black , and one of their skins is worth five or six pound . of beasts living in the water . their otters are most of them black , and their skins are almost as good as bevers ; their oyl is of rare use for many things . martins also have a good fur for their bigness . musquashes are almost like beavers , but not so big , the males stones smells as sweet as musk , and being killed in winter or the spring they never loose their sweetness : they are no bigger than cony-skins , and yet are sold for five shillings a piece . one good skin will perfume a whole house full of clothes . the bevers wisdom and understanding makes him come nigh to a reasonable creature . his body is thick and short , with short leggs , feet like a mole before , and behind like a goose , a broad tail like a shoo-sole , very tough and strong : his head is something like an otters , saving that his fore-teeth be like conies , two above and two beneath , sharp and broad , with which he cuts down trees as big as a mans thigh , or bigger , which afterwards he divides into lengths according to the uses they are appointed for . if one beaver be too weak to carry the log , than another helps him : if two be too weak , three or four will assist , being placed three to three , which set their teeth in one anothers tough tails , and laying the load on the hindermost , they draw the logg to the desired place , they tow it in the water , the youngest getting under it , bearing it up that it may swim the lighter . they build their houses of wood and clay , close by a ponds side , and knowing their seasons , they build their houses answerably , three stories high , that when the land floods come they may shift higher , and when the waters fall , they remove lower . these houses are so strong that no creature , save an industrious man with his penetrating tools can pierce them , their ingress and egress being under water . they make very good ponds ; for knowing where a stream runs from between two rising hills , they will pitch down piles of wood placing smaller rubbish before it , with clay and sods , not leaving till by their art and industry they have made a firm and curious dam-head , which may cause admiration in wise men . they keep themselves to their own families , never parting so long as they are able to keep house together . their wisdom secures them from the english , who seldom kill any of them , wanting time and patience to lay a long siege , or to be often deceived by their cunning evasions . so that all our beavers come from the indians , whose time and experience fits them for that imployment . of the birds , and fowls both of land and water . they are expressed in these verses . the princely eagle , and the soaring hawks , within their unknown wayes ther 's none can chawk : the hum-bird for some queens rich cage more fit than in the vacant wilderness to sit . the swift-wing'd swallow sweeping to and fro , as swift as arrow from tartarian bow . when as aurora's infant day new springs , there th' morning mounting lark her sweet layes sings . the harmonious thrush , swift pigeon , turtle dove who to her mate doth ever constant prove . the turkey , pheasant , heathcock , partridge rare , the carrion-tearing crow , and hurtful stare ; the long-liv'd raven , th' ominous screach-owl , who tell ( as old wives say ) disasters foul . the drowsie madge that leaves her day-lov'd nest to fly abroad when day-birds are at rest : the eele murthering hern , and greedy cormorant , that neer the creeks in moorish marshes haunt . the bellowing bittern , with the long legg'd crane . presaging winters hard , and dearth of graine . the silver-swan that tunes her mournful breath to sing the dirg of her approaching death : the tatling oldwives , and the cackling geese , the fearful gull that shuns the murdering piece : the strong wing'd mallard , with the nimble teal , and ill-shap't loon , who his harsh notes doth sweal ; there widgins , shildrakes , and humilitee , snites , dropps , sea-larks in whole millions flee . the eagles be of two sorts , one like ours in england , the other somewhat bigger , with a great white head , and white tail , commonly called gripes , they prey upon ducks , and geese , and such fish as are cast upon the sea-shore ; yet is there a certain black hawk that will beat this eagle , so that he is constrained to soar so high , that his enemy cannot reach him : the hawk is much prized by the indians , who account him a sagamores ransom . there are diverse kinds of hens , partridges , heathcocks , and ducks . the hum-bird is no bigger than an hornet , having spider-like legs , small claws , a very small bill ; in colour she represents the glorious rainbow : as she flies she makes a noise like a humble-bee . the pidgeons are more like turtles than ours , and of the same colour , and have long tailes like a mag pie , their feathers are fewer , but their bodies as big as our house-doves , they come into the country to go home-ward in the beginning of their spring : at which time ( saith my author ) i have seen innumerable ; so that i could neither discern beginning nor ending , the length nor breadth of these millions of millions : neither could the shouting of people , the report of guns , nor the pelting of hail-shot turn them out of their course , but thus they have continued for four or five hours together : and at michaelmas they return southward : yet some there are all the year long , which are often killed . they build some thirty miles northward ; from the english plantation in pine-trees , joyning nest to nest , and tree to tree by their nests , so that the sun never sees the ground in that place , from whence the indians fetch whole loads of them . the turkey is a long fowl , of a black colour , yet is his flesh white , he is much bigger than our english turkey ; he hath long leggs wherewith he can run as fast as a dog , and can fly as fast as a goose : of these are forty , fifty , sixty , and sometimes an hundred in a flock : they feed on acorns , haws , and berries , and some will frequent the english corn. when the ground is covered with snow , they go to the sea-side and feed on shrimps , and fishes : if you watch them where they pearch at night , about ten or eleven a clock at night you may shoot as oft as you will , for they stir not except they be wounded : they continue all the year long , and weigh forty pounds and more apeice . pheasants are rare ; but heath-cocks , and partridges are common , whereof our english kill many . ravens and crows , are much like those in other countries . there are no magpies , jayes , cockcooes , jackdaws , sparrows , &c. the stares are bigger than ours , and are as black as crows , which do much hurt among the young corn , and they are so bold that they fear not guns . owles are of two sorts , the one is small speckled like a partridg with eares : the other is almost as big as an eagle and is very good meat . cormorants are as common as other fowles , they devour much fish. a tame cormorant , and two or three good dogs in the water make excellent sport : cranes are as tall as a man , their bodies not much unlike the turkies , they are rarely fat . also many swans frequent the rivers and ponds , which are very good meat . there be three sorts of geese ; the brant goose like one of our wild geese . a white goose about the bigness of ours : of these there will be sometimes two or three thousand in a flock . the third is a grey goose with a black neck , and a black and white head much bigger than our english : they are killed both flying and sitting . the ducks are very large , and in great abundance ; and so is their teale . their old-wives never leave tatling day nor night , they are somewhat bigger than a duck. the loon is ill-shaped like a cormorant , but he can neither go nor fly ; he makes a noise somestime like a sowgelders horn. the humilites , or simplicites rather , be of two sorts ; the one as big as green plover , the other is less ; they are so simple that one may drive them on heaps , and then shoot at them , and the living will settle themselves on the same place again where the dead are , while you shoot again , so that sometimes above twelve score have been killed at two shoots . of fish . there are great store , and much variety of fishes thus enumerated . the king of the waters , the sea-shouldering whale ; the snuffing grampus , with the oylie seal , the storm-presaging porpus , herring-hogg , line-shearing shark , the cat-fish and the sea-dogg ; the scale-fenc'd sturgeon , wry-mouth'd hollibut ; the flouncing salmon , codfish , greedigut ; cole , haddock , haike , the thornback and scate , whose slimy outside makes him seld in date ; the stately bass , old neptunes fleeting post , that tides it out and in from sea to coast ; consorting herrings , and the bony shad. big-bellied alewives , macrils richly clad with rain-bow colours , the frost-fish and the smelt , as good as ever lady gustus felt . the spotted lamprons , eeles , the lamperies , that seek fresh water-brooks with argu's-eyes . these watry villages , with thousands more do pass and repass neer the verdant shore . shell-fish of all sorts . the luscious lobster with the crabfish raw , the brittish oyster , muscle , periwig and the tortoise sought by the indian squaw ; which to the flats dance many a winters jigg : to dive for cockles , and to dig for clams , whereby her lazy husbands guts she crams . the seal , called also the sea-calf , whose skin is good for divers uses , and his body between fish and flesh , neither delectable to the pallat , nor well agreeing with the stomack . his oyl is used in lamps . the shark is as big as a man , some as big as a horse , with three rows of teeth in his mouth , with which he snaps in two the fishers lines ; he will bite off a mans armor legg at a bit , they are oft taken , and serve for nothing but to manure the ground . there are many sturgious , but the most are caught at cape cod , and in the river of meramack , whence they are brought to england , they are twelve , fourteen , and some eighteen foot long . the salmon is as good as ours , and in great plenty in some places : the hollibut is like our plaice or turbut , some being two yards long , and one broad , and a food thick . thornback and scate is given to the doggs , being so common in many places . the bass is one of the best fishes , being a delicate and fat fish : he hath a bone in his head that contain a saucerful of marrow sweet and good , pleasant and wholesome ; they are three or four foot long , they take them with a hook and line , and in three hours a man may catch a dozen or twenty of them . the herrings are much like ours . alewives are much like herrings , which in the end of april come into the fresh rivers to spawn , in such multitudes as is incredible , pressing up in such shallow waters where they can scarce swim , and they are so eager , that no beating with poles can keep them back till they have spawned . their shads are far bigger than ours : the makarels be of two sorts ; in the beginning of the year the great ones are upon the coast , some 18. inches long : in sommer come the smaller kind , they are taken with hooks and lines baited with a piece of red cloth. there be many eels in the salt water , especially where grass grows , they are caught in weels baited with pieces of lobsters : sometimes a man thus takes a busnel in a night , they are wholesome and pleasant meat . lamprons and lampries are little esteemed . lobsters are in plenty in most places , very large , and some being twenty pound weight , they are taken at low water amongst the rocks ; the smaller are the better ; but because of their plenty they are little esteemed . the oysters be great , in form of a shoo-horn , some of a foot long , they breed in certain banks , which are bare after every spring-tide ; each makes two good mouthfuls . the periwig lies in the oase like a head of hair , which being touched , draws back it self leaving nothing to be seen but a small round hole , muscles are in such plenty that they give them their hoggs . clams are not much unlike to cockles , lying under the sand , every six or seven of them having a round hole at which they take in air and water , they are in great plenty , and help much to feed their swine both winter and sommer ; for the swine being used to them , will constantly repair every ebb to the places , where they root them up and eat them . some are as big as a penny loaf , which the indians count great dainties . a description of the plantations in new-england as they were anno christi , 1633. the outmost plantation to the southward , which by the indians is called wichaguscusset , is but a small village , yet pleasant and healthful , having good ground , store of good timber , and of meddow ground ; there is a spacious harbor for shipping before the town ; they have store of fish of all sorts , and of swine , which they feed with acrons and clams , and an alewife river . three miles to the north is mount wolleston , a fertile soil , very convenient for farmers houses , there being great store of plain ground without trees . near this place are maschusets fields , where the greatest sagamore in the country lived before the plague cleared all : their greatest inconvenience is that there are not so many springs as in other places ; nor can boats come in at low water , nor ships ride near the shore . six miles further to the north lieth dorchester , the greatest town in new-england , well wooded and watered with good arrable and hay ground , fair comfortable fields and pleasant gardens : here are many cattel , as kine , goats , and swine . it hath a good harbor for ships ; there is begun the fishing in the bay , which proved so profitable , that many since have followed them there . a mile from thence lies roxberry , a fair and handsome country town ; the inhabitants are rich : it lies in the mains , and yet is well wooded and watered , having a clear brook running through the town , where are great store of smelts , whence it s called smelt-river . a quarter of a mile on the north of it is another river , called stony river , upon which is built a water mill. here is good store of corn and meddow ground . westward from the town it s somewhat rocky , whence it s called roxberry ; the inhabitants have fair houses , , store of cattel , come-fields paled in , and fruitful gardens . their goods are brought in boats from boston , which is the nearest harbor . boston is two miles north-east from roxberry . it s situation is very pleasant , being a peninsula hemmed on the south with the bay of roxberry . on the north with charles river , the marshes on the back side being not half a quarter of a mile over , so that a little fencing secures their cattel from the wolves . their greatest want is of wood and meddow ground , which they supply from the adjacent islands , both for timber , fire-wood , and hay ; they are not troubled with wolves , rattlesnakes nor musketoes , being bare of wood to shelter them . it s the chief place for shipping and merchandize . this neck of land is about four miles in compass , almost square : having on the south at one corner a great broad hill , whereon is built a fort , which commands all ships in any harbour in the hill bay. on the north side is another hill of the same bigness , whereon stands a windmil . to the north-west is an high mountain , with three little hills on the top , whence it is called tremount . from hence you may see all the islands that lie before the bay , and such ships as are upon the sea coast. here are rich corn fields , and fruitful gardens : the inhabitants grow rich ; they have sweet and pleasant springs ; and for their enlargement , they have taken to themselves farm-houses in a place called muddy river , two miles off , where is good timber , ground , marsh-land , and meddows , and there they keep their swine or other cattel in the summer , and bring them to boston in the winter . on the north side of charles river is charles town , which is another neck of land , on whose northern side runs mistick river . this town may well be paralled with boston , being upon a bare neck , and therefore forced to borrow conveniencies from the main , and to get farmes in the country . here is a ferry-boat to carry passengers over charles river , which is a deep channel , and a quarter of a mile over . here may ride fourty ships at a time . up higher is a broad bay that is two miles over , into which run stony river , and muddy river . in the middle of this bay is an oyster bank . medfod village is scituated towards the north-west of this bay , in a creek : a very fertile and pleasant place : it s a mile and a half from charles town . at the bottom of this bay the river is very narrow . by the side of this river stands new-town , three miles from charles town . it s a neat and well compacted town , having many fair buildings , and at first was intended for a city ; the inhabitants are mostly rich , and have many cattel of all sorts , and many hundred acres of ground paled in . on the other side of the river lies their meddow and marsh ground for hay half a mile thence is water town , nothing inferiour for land , wood , meddows and water : within half a mile of it is a great pond , which is divided between those two towns ; and a mile and a half from this town is a fall of fresh waters , which through charles river fall into the ocean : a little below this fall they have made weires , where they catch great store of shads , and alewives , an hundred thousand of them in two tides . mastick is three miles from charles town ; seated pleasantly by the waters side . at the head of this river are very spacious ponds to which the alewives press to cast their spawn , where multitudes are taken . on the west side of this river the governour hath a farm where he keeps most of his cattel . on the east side is mr. craddocks plantation , who impailed in a park for deer , and some ships have been built there . winnisimet is a very pleasant place for situation , and stands commodiously . it s but a mile from charles town , the river only parting them . it s the lasts town in the bay. the chief islands that secure the harbor from winds and waves , are first deere island , within a flight shot from bullin point . it s so called , because the deer often swim thither to escape the woolves , where sixteen of them have been killed in a day . the next is long island , so called from its length . other islands are nodless isle , round isle ; the governours garden , having in it an orchard , garden , and other conveniencies : also slate island , glass island , bird island , &c. they all abound with wood , water , and meddows : in these they put their cattel for safety , whil'st their corn is on the ground . the towns without the bay are nearer the main , and reap a greater benefit from the sea , in regard of the plenty of fish and fowl , and so live more plentifully than those that are more remoat from the sea in the island plantations . six miles north-east from winnisimet is sagus , is pleasant for situation , seated at the bottom of a bay , which is made on the one side with a surrounding shore , and on the other side with a long sandy beach : it s in the circumference six miles , well woodded with oakes , pines , and cedars ; it s also well watered with fresh springs , and a great pond in the middle , before which is a spacious marsh. one black william an indian duke , out of his generosity , gave this place to the plantation of sagus , so that none else can claim it ; when a storm hath been , or is like to be , there will be a roaring like thunder which may be heard six miles off . on the north side of this bay are two great marshes , divided by a pleasant river that runs between them . the marsh is crossed with divers creeks where are store of geese and ducks , and convenient ponds wherein to make decoys . there are also fruitful meddows , and four great ponds like little lakes wherein is store of fresh fish ; out of which , within a mile of the town runs a curious fresh brook which is rarely frozen by reason of its warmness : and upon it is built a water mill. for wood there is store , as oake , walnut , cedar , elme , and aspe : here was sown much english corn. here the bass continues from the midst of april till michaelmas , and not above half that time in the bay. there is also much rock-cod , and macharil , so that shoals of bass have driven shoals of macharil to the end of the sandy bank , which the inhabitants have gathered up in wheel barrows . here are many muscle banks , and clam-banks , and lobsters amongst the rocks , and grassy holes . four miles from saugus stands salem , on the middle of a neck of land very pleasantly , between two rivers on the north and south . the place is but barren sandy land , yet for seven years together it brought forth excellent corn , being manured with fish every third year : yet there is good ground , and good timber by the sea side , and divers fresh springs . beyond the river is a very good soil , where they have farms . here also they have store of fish , as basses , eels , lobsters , clams , &c. they cross the river in canows made of whole pine trees , two foot and an half wide , and twenty foot long , in which also they go a fowling , sometimes two leagues into the sea. it hath two good harbours , which lie within derbins fort. marvil head lies four miles south from salem , a very good place for a plantation , especially for such as will set up a trade of fishing : there are good harbours for boats , and good riding for ships . agowomen is nine miles to the north from salem near the sea , and another good place for a plantation . it abounds with fish and flesh , of fowls , and beasts , hath great meddows and marshes , and arable grounds , many good rivers and harbours , and no rattle snakes . merrimack lies eight miles beyond that , where is a river navigable for twenty miles , and all along the side of it fresh marshes , in some places three miles broad . in the river is sturgion , salmon , bass , and divers other kinds of fish. three miles beyond this river is the out side of massecusets patent ; wherein these are the towns that were begun in the year , 1633. of the evils , and hurtful things in the plantation . those that bring the greatest prejudice to the planters , are the ravenous woolves , which destroy the weaker cattel , of which we heard before . then the rattle snake which is usually a yard and a half long , as thick in the middle as the small of a mans legg , with a yellow belly : her back is spotted with black , russet , and green , placed like scales . at her taile is a rattle with which she makes a noise when she is molested , or when any come near to her : her neck seems no bigger than a mans thumb , yet can she swallow a squirrel , having a wide mouth with teeth as sharp as needles , wherein her poyson lies , for she hath no sting : when a man is bitten by her , the poyson spreads so suddenly through the veins to the heart that in an hour it causes death , unless he hath the antidote to expel the poyson , which is a root called snake-weed , which must be champed , the spittle swallowed , and the root applyed to the sore ; this is a certain cure . this weed is rank poyson if it be taken by any man that is not bitten , unless it be phisically compounded with other things . he that is bitten by these snakes , his fresh becomes as spotted as a lepers , till he be perfectly cured . she is naturally the most sleepy and unnimble creature that is , never offering to leap at , or bite any man , if he tread not upon her : in hot weather they desire to lie in paths in the sun , where they sleep soundly ; a small switch will easily kill them . if a beast be bitten , they cut his flesh in divers places , and thrust in this weed , which is a sure cure. in many places of the country there be none of them ; as at plimouth , new-town , &c. in some places they live on one side the river , and if they swim over , as soon as they come into the woods , they turn up their yellow bellies and die . other snakes there be , which yet never hurt eitheir man or beast . there be also store of froggs , which in the spring time chirp , and whistle like birds , and in the end of sommer croake like other frogs . there are also toads that will creep to the top of trees , and sit croaking there to the wonderment of strangers . there be also pismires , and spiders , but neither fleshworms , nor moles . there be wild bees or wasps that guard the grapes , making her cobweb nest amongst the leaves : also a great fly , like to our horse flies , which bite and fetch blood from man or beast , and are most troublesome where most cattel be . there is also a gurnipper , which is a fly as small as a flea , and where it bites it causes much itching , and scratching . also the muskito like to our gnats : such as are bitten by them fall a scratching , which makes their hands and faces swell ; but this is only the first year , for they never swell the second year . here also are flies called cantharides , so much used by chirurgions ; and divers sorts of butterflies . of the natives inhabiting those parts of new-england . the country is divided ( as it were ) into shires , every several shire under a several king. on the east , and north-east are the churchers , and tarenteens . in the southern parts are the pequants , and naragansets . on the west are the connectacuts , and mowhacks . those on the north of them are called aberginians , who before the sweeping plague scorned the confrontments of such as now count themselves but the scum of the country , and that would soon root them out , were it not for the english. the churchers are a cruel bloody people , which were wont to come down upon their poor neighbours , bruitishly spoyling their corn , burning their houses , slaying their men , ravishing the women , yea sometimes eating a man , one part after another before his face whil'st he was alive : but they say , they dare not meddle with a white faced man , accompanied with his hotmouthed weapon . they are tall of stature , have long grim visages , slender wasted , and exceeding great arms and thighs , wherein their strength lies ; with a fillip of their finger they will kill a dogg : they live upon fruits , herbs , and roots , but that which they most desire is mans flesh . if they catch a stranger they keep him in as good plight as they can , giving him their best fare , and daily pipe to him , paint him , and dance about him , till at last they begin to eat him piece-meal : they are desperate in wars , securing their bodies with sea-horse skins , and barks of trees made impenitrable , wearing head-pieces of the same : their weapons are tamahauks , which are staves of two foot and a half long , and a knob at the end as big as a foot-ball ; these they carry in their right hand , and in their left a javelin , or short spear headed with a sharp sea-horse tooth ; they are both deadly weapons . the tarenteens are little less savage , only they eat not mans flesh : they are enemies to the indians amongst the english , and kill as many of them as they can meet with . they are the more insolent because they have guns , which they trade for with the french , who will sell his eyes , they say , for beaver . so soon as a boat comes to an anchor , they enquire for sack and strong liquors , which they much affect ever since the english traded it with them , so that they will scarce exchange their beaver for any thing else . these are wise , high spirited , constant in friendship one to another , true in their promises , and more industrious than most others . the pequants are a stately warlike people , just in their dealings ; requiters of courtesies , and affable to the english. the narragansetz are the most numerous people in those parts , the richest and most industrious : they are also the most curious minters of their wampamprag and mowhacks , which they make of the most inmost wreaths of perriwinckles shells ; the northern , eastern , and western indies fetch all their coin from them : as also they make curious pendants and blacelets , and stone pipes which hold a quarter of an ounce of tobacco ; these they make with steel drills , and other instruments , and so ingenuous they are , that they will imitate the english mold so exactly that were it not for matter and colour you , could not distinguish them ; they make these pipes of green or black stone ; they made also pots , wherein they dressed their victuals before they knew the use of our brass : they seek rather to grow rich by industry , than famous by deeds of chivalry . the aberginians are mostly between five and six foot high , straight bodied , strong lim'd , smooth skin'd , merry countenanced , of complexion something more swarthy than a spaniard ; black haired , high foreheaded , black eyed , out-nosed , having broad shoulders , brawny arms , long and slender hands , out-breasts , small wasts , lank bellies , handsome legs , thighs , flat knees , and small feet . it s beyond belief to conceive how such lusty bodies should be supported by such slender foot : their houses are mean , their lodging as homely , their commons scant , their drink water , and nature their best cloathing : you shall never see any monstrous person amongst them , or one whom sickness hath deformed , or casualty made decrepit ; most are fifty years old before a wrinkled brow , or gray hairs bewrayes their age : their smooth skins proceeds from the oft anointing their bodies with oyl of fishes , and fat of eagles , and rackoones , which secures them also against muskitoes : their black hair is natural , but made more jetty by oyling , dying , and daily dressing : sometimes they wear long hair like women , sometimes they tie it up short like a horse tail : their boyes must not wear their hair long , till they be sixteen year old , and then also but by degrees , some leave a foretop , others a long lock on the crown , or one on each side the head , as best pleases their fancy : they will not endure any hair on their chins , but scrub it up by the roots : and if they see one with the appearance of a beard , they say he is an english mans bastard . their cloathing is a piece of cloth of a yard and a half long put between their groyns tied with snake-skins about their middle , with a flap before , and hanging like a tail behind . the more aged in the winter wear leather drawers like irish trowzes ; their shooes are of their own making , cut out of a mooses hide ; have and some skins which they cast about them like irish mantles , being either bear , mooses , or beaver-skins sewed together , &c. and in the winter deep fur'd catskins , which they wear upon that arm that is most exposed to the weather . when they are disposed to trade , they choose a good course blanket , or piece of broad cloth , which they make a coat of by day , and a covering by night : they love not to be imprisoned in cloaths after our mode . though they be poor , yet are they proud , which discovers it self by their affecting ornaments , as pendants in their ears , forms of birds , beasts , and fishes carved out of bones , shels , and stones , with long bracelets of their curiously wrought wampompeag , and mowhacks , which they wear about their loins . many of their better sort bear upon their cheeks the pourtaictures of beasts , and fowls , which they make by rasing of their skin with a small sharp instrument , under which they convey a kind of black unchageable ink which makes them apparent and permanent : others have impressions down the out side of their arms and breasts like stars , which they imprint by searing irons . a sagamore with a hum-bird in his ear for a pendant , a black hawke on his head for a plume , mawhack instead of a gold chain , store of wampompeag about his loins , his bow in his hand , his quiver at his back , and six naked indians for his guard , thinks himself nothing inferiour to the great cham , and will say that he is all one with king charles . of their diet , cookery , meal-times and hospitality . in the winter time they have all sorts of fowls , beasts , and pond-fish , with some roots , indian beans , and clams . in the sommer they have all manner of sea fish , with all sorts of berries . these they roast or boil in great kettles , which they gat by trading with the french , and now of the english : before , they had good earthen pots of their own making ; their spits are cloven sticks sharpned at one end and thrust into the ground , a dozen of them with flesh and fish about a fire , turning them as they see occasion . this they present to their guests , dishing it in a rude manner , and set on the ground , without linnen , trenchers , or knives ; to this they presently fall aboard without bread , salt , or beer , lolling after the turkish fashion , not ceasing till their full bellies leave empty platters . their indian corn they seeth whole , like beans , eating three or four corns with a mouthful of fish or flesh , filling up thinks with their broth. in sommer when their corn is spent isquoterquashes is their best bread , like our young pumpions . when our english invite them to meat , they eat very moderately , though at home without measure . they all meet friends at a kettle , save their wives , who attend at their backs for their bony fragments . they keep no set meals , but when their store is spent , they bite on the bit , till they meet with fresh supplies , their wives trudging to the clam-banks when other provision fails . it s the greatest discourtesie you can shew them , not to eat of their delicates , of which they are as free as emperors , and not to sup of their broth made thick with fish , fowl and beasts , all boiled together . of their dispositions , good qualities , as friendship , constancy , truth , and affability . these indians are of an affable , courteous , and well-disposed nature , ready to communicate the best of their wealth to the mutual good one of another , and the less abundance they have , the more conspicuous is their love , in that they are as willing to part with their mite in poverty , as their treasure in plenty . he that kills a deer sends for his friends and eats it merrily . he that receives but a piece of bread from an english hand , gives part of it to his comrades , and they eat it together lovingly . yea , a friend can command a friends house , and whatsoever is his ( saving his wife ) and have it freely : and nothing sooner disjoyns them than ingratitude , accounting an ungrateful person , a double robber , not only of a mans curtesie , but of his thanks , which he might have from another for the same profered and received kindness . they so love each other , that they cannot endure to see one of their countrymen wronged , but will defend them stiffly , plead for them strongly , and justifie their integrity in any warrantableaction . they are true , and faithful to the english , and have been the disclosers of all such treacheries as have been designed by other indians against them . if any roaving ship be upon the coast , and chance to harbour in any unusual port , they will give the english notice of it , which hath been no small advantage . when the english have travelled far into the couutry , they readily entertain them into their houses , quarter them in their rooms , and provide for them the best victuals they can , and give them kind entertainment , if it be for two or three weeks together . they are also ready to guide them through the unbeaten wildernesses , and if any loose their way , they will not leave them till they have brought them to their desired place . they are very careful to keep good correspondence with our english magistrates , being ready to execute any service which they require of them . if any malefactor withdraw himself from condigne punishment , they will hunt him out , and not rest till they have delivered him up to justice . they are kind and affable , very wary with whom they enter into friendship ; nothing is more hateful to them than a churlish disposition , or dissimulation : they speak seldom , and then utter not many words , and those they do , they deliver very gravely . they never fall out amongst themselves , nor abuse each other in language . yea , though in gaming they lose all their little all , yet is the loser as merry as the winner , and they part good friends . of their hardness . their hardness is to be admired , no ordinary pains causing them so much to alter their countenance : beat them , whip them , pinch them , punch them , if they resolve otherwise , they will not winch for it : and though naturally they fear death , yet the unexpected approach of a mortal wound by sword , bullet , &c. strike no more terrour , causes no more exclamation , no more complaint , than if it were a shot into the trunk of a tree . some have been shot in at the mouth , and out under the ear , others into the breast ; others run through the flanks with darts , others received desperate wounds , and yet , either by their rare skill in simples , or by charms have been cured in a short time . in the night they dare not stir out of their houses , for fear of their abamaco [ the devil ] they will rather lie by an english fire all night , than go a quarter of mile in the dark to their own houses . of their wondering at their first sight of any new invention . they being strangers to arts , are ravished at the first view of any new invention : they took the first ship they saw for a mourning island , the masts to be trees , the sails , white clouds , and the discharging of great guns , to be thunder and lightning : but this moving island being stopped by its anchor , they manned out their canows to go and pick strabones in it ; but by the way , being saluted with a broad side , they cryed out , with much hoggery , so big walk , and so big speak , and by and by kill ; this made them to turn back , and approach no more till they were sent for . they wondred much at the first wind mill which the english erected , for its strange whirking motion , and the sharp teeth , biting the corn so small , and its long arms , neither durst they stay in so tottering a tabernacle . the first plowman they saw was accounted a jugler , the plow tearing up more ground in a day , then their clamshels could scrape up in a moneth . yet are they so ingenious , and dexterous in using the ax or hatchet , that probably they would soon learn any trade , were they not so much wedded to idleness ; so that they had rather starve than work . in brief , they be wise in their carriage , subtile in their trading , true in their promise , just in paying their debts : though their poverty may make them slow , yet are they sure : some having died in the english debt , have by will left beaver for their satisfaction : they be constant in friendship , merrily conceited in discourse , not luxurious , in youth , nor froward in old age. of their kings government , and subjects obedience . their kings inherit , the son alwayes succeeding his father . if there be no son , the queen rules , if no queen , the next of the blood royal ; if any other intrude , he is counted a usurper ; and if his fair carriage win not their love , they will soon unking him . the kings have not many laws to rule by , nor have they any yearly revenews , yet are they so feared , or beloved , that half their subjects estates are at their service , and their persons at his command . though he hath no kingly rules to make him glorious , no guard to secure him , no courtlike attendance , nor sumptuous pallaces , yet they account him their soveraign , and yield chearful subjection to him , going and coming at his beck without questioning a reason , though the matter thwart their wills . such as commit treason , or lay violent hands on their lawful soveraign , die without mercy . once a year he takes his progress , attended with a dozen of his best subjects , to view his countrey , to recreate himself , and to establish good order . when he comes into any house , without any other complements , they desire him to sit down on the ground ( having neither stools nor cushions ) and after a while all that are present sit down by him , one of his seniors making an oration gratulatory to his majesty for his love , and the many good things they enjoy under his government . a king of large dominions hath his vice-royes under him to mannage his state affairs , and to keep his subjects in good decorum . for their laws , as their evil manners come short of other nations , so they need not so many laws , yet some they have , which they inflict upon notorious malefactors , as traytors , murtherers , &c. he that deserves death , being apprehended , is brought before the king ; and some of his wisest men , and if upon trial he be found guilty , the executioner comes in , blindfolds him , and sets him in the publick , and brains him with a club ; they have no other punishment save admonitions , or reproofs for smaller offences . of their marriages . the kings and great pawwoos , or connirers may have two or three wives , yet seldom use it ; others have but one . when a man desires to marry , he first gets the good will of the maid or widdow , then the consent of her friends , then , if the king like , the match is made , her dowry of wamponpeag paid , and so the king joyns their hands never to part till death , unless she prove a whore , for which they may put them away . of their worship , invocations , and conjurations . as its natural to all mortals to worship something , so do these . they acknowledge specially two , ketar , who is their god , to whom they sacrifice when they have a good crop. him they invocate for fair weather , for rain , for recovery of their sick , &c. but if they prevail not , their powwows betake themselves to their conjurations , and charmes , by which they effect very strange things , and many times work great cures . but since the english came amongst them , they are much reformed , and most of them have left these diabolical practices . of their wars . for places of retreat in times of danger they make forts of fourty or fifty foot square , of young timber trees ten or twelve foot high rammed into the ground , the earth being cast up within for their shelter , and with loop holes through which they shoot their arrows . in war their only weapons are bows and arrows , only their captains have long spears , on which , if they return conquerors , they carry the chiefest of their enemies heads ; for they use to cut off their heads , hands , and feet to carry home to their wives and children as trophies of their renowned victories : they also at such times paint their faces with diversities of colours to make them the more terrible to their foes ; they put on also their rich jewels , pendants , wampompeag , &c. to mind them that they fight , not only for their lives , wives and children , but for their goods , lands , and liberties ; they fight without all order , and when they have spent their arrows , they run away . they are trained up to their bows from their childhood , and are excellent marks-men : they run swiftly , and swim almost naturally . of their huntings . they have neither beagles , hounds , nor grayhounds , but supply all themselves : in the season of the year they have hunting houses in the places to which the deer resort , in which they keep their rendesvouze , with their snares , and all the accoutrements for that imployment . when they see a deer moose , or bear , they labour to get the wind of him , and coming neer they shoot him quite through , if the bones hinder not . they hunt also wolves , wild cats , rackoones , otters , beavers , and musquashes , trading both their skins and flesh to the english : they have also other devises wherewith to kill their game . of their fishings . they are very expert in fishing , knowing all kinds of baits fit for each several sorts of fish , and for all seasons of the year . they know also when to fish in the rivers , when at the rocks , when in the bayes , and when at the seas : before the english furnished them with hooks and lines , they made lines of their own hemp , curiously wrought , stronger than ours , and used bone-hooks ; they make also strong nets , wherewith they , catch sturgion ; and in the night they go forth in their canooes with a blazing torch , which they wave up and down , with which the sturgion being delighted , playes about it , turning up her white belly , into which they thrust a bearded dart , her back being impenetrable , and so hale her to the shoar . they look out also for sleeping seals , whose oyl they much esteem , using it for divers things . of their arts and manufactures . they dress all manner of skins , by scraping and rubbing , and curiously paint them with unchangable colours , and sometimes take off the hair , especially if they be not in season . they make handsome bows , which they string with mooses sinews : their arrows they make of young eldern , which they feather with eagles feathers , and head them with brass in shape of a triangle . their cordage is so even , smooth , and soft , that its liker silk than hemp. their canows are either made of pine-trees , which , before they had english tools , they burned hollow scraping them smooth with the shels of clams , and oysters , cutting their out-sides with hatchets of stone : others they make of birch rinds , which are so light that a man may carry one of them on his back . in these tottering boats they will go to sea , scudding over the waves , rowing with a paddle : if a wave turn her over , by swimming they turn her up , and get into her again . of their death , burials , and mournings . though these indians have lusty and healthful bodies , not knowing many diseases incident to others countries , as feavers , plurisies , callentures , agues , obstructions , consumptions , convulsions , apoplexies , dropsies , gout , stone , toothach , pox , meazles , &c. so that some of them live to sixty , seventy , eighty , yea , one hundred years before death summons them hence ; yet when death approaches , and all hope of recovery is past , then to see and hear their heavy sobbs , and deep fetched sighs , their grieved hearts , and brinish tears , and doleful cryes , would fetch tears from an heart of stone . their grief being asswaged , they commit the bodies of their friends to the earth , over whose grave for a long time they weep , groan , and howl , continuing annual mournings , with a stiff black paint on their faces : they mourn without hope , and yet hold the immortality of the soul , that it shall pass to the south-west elysium , a kind of paradise , wherein they shall for ever abide , solacing themselves in odoriferous gardens , fruitful corn-fields , green meddows , bathing in cool streams of pleasant rivers , and shelter themselves from heat and cold in state-pallaces framed by dame nature ; at the portal of this elisium they say there lies a great dogg , whose currish snarlings excludes unworthy intruders : wherefore they bury them with bows and arrows , and store of wampompeag , and mouhak● , either to affright the affronting cerberus , or to purchase greater prerogatives in that in paradise . but evil livers they go to the infernal dwellings of abamacho , there to be tormented . of their women , their dispositions , imployments , vsage by their husbands , their apparel , and modesty . these indians scorn the tutorings of their wives , or to admit them as their equals , though their qualities , and industry may justly claim the preheminence , and command better usage , and more conjugal esteem , their persons and features being every way correspondent , their qualifications more excellent , being more loving , pitiful , and modest , mild , provident , and laborious than their lazy husbands . their imployments are many , for they build their houses in fashion like our garden arbors , but rounder , very strong and handsome , covered with close wrought mats of their own weaving , which deny entrance to a drop of rain , though it be fierce and long , neither can the north winds find a crany whereat to enter ; they be warmer then ours : at the top is a square hole for the smoake to pass out , which is close covered in rainy weather : yet when they have a good fire , they are so smoky , that they are fain to lie down under the smoake . their sommer houses when families are dispersed upon divers occasions , are less : their winter houses are fifty or sixty foot long ; fourty or fifty men lodging in one of them ; and when their husbands require it , the wives are fain to carry their houses on their backs to fishing and hunting places ; or to a planting place , where it abides the longest . the wives also plant their corn , which they keep so clear from weeds , with their clam-shell hooes , as if it were a garden rather than a corn-field ; neither suffering weeds nor worms to hurt it . their corn being ripe , they dry it in the sun , and convey it into their barns , which be great holes digged in the ground like brass pots , lining them with rinds of trees , into which they put their corn , covering it from their gurmundizing husbands , who else would eat up all their allowed portion , and reserved seed if they knew where to find it . but our english hoggs having found a way to open their barn-doors , and to rob their garners ; they are fain to make use of their husbands help to rowl the bodies of trees over them , to secure them against these swine , whose thievery they hate as much as they do to eat their flesh . another of their imployments is , in their sommer processions to get lobsters for their husbands , wherewith they bait their hooks when they go a fishing for bass & codfish . this is their every days walk be the weather cold or hot , the waters rough or calm , they must dive sometimes over head and ears for a lobster , which often shakes them by the hands , with a churlish nip , and so bids them adieu . the tide being spent they trudg home two or three miles with an hundred weight of lobsters on their backs , but if they meet with none , they have a hundred scouls from their churlish hsbands , and an hungry belly for two dayes after . when their husbands have caught any fish they bring it in their canows as far as they can by water , and there they leave it , sending their wives to fetch it home , or they must fast , which done , they must dress it , cook it , dish it , and present it , and see it eaten before their faces , and their loggerships having filled their paunches , their poor wives must scramble for their scraps . in the sommer when lobsters be in their plenty and prime , these indian women dry them to keep for winter , erecting scaffolds in the hot sun , and making fires underneath them , by the smoake whereof the flies are driven away , till the fish remain hard & dry : thus also they dry bass , and other fishes without salt , cutting them very thin that they may dry the sooner before the flies spoil them , or the rain wet them , having a great care to hang them in their smoaky houses in the night , and dankish weather . in sommer also they gather flags , of which they make mats for houses ; also hemp and rushes with dying stuff , of which they make curious baskets with intermingled colours , and pourtraictures of antique imagery . these baskets are of all sizes , from a quart to a quarter , in which they carry their luggage . in winter they are their husbands caterers , trugging to the clam-banks for their belly-timber : they are also their porters to lug home their venison , which their laziness exposeth to the wolves , till their wives impose it upon their shoulders . they also sew thir husbands shooes , and weave turkey feathers for them , besides all their housholds drudgery which daily goes through their hands , and a big belly hinders no business , nor doth their childbirth hinder much time , but the young child being greased and sooted , wrapped up in a beavers skin , bound to his good behaviour , with his feet up to his bum , upon a board two foot long , and one foot broad , his face being exposed to the most nipping weather , this little pappouse travels about with his barefooted mother , to paddle in the icy clamb-banks , being not above three or four dayes old . the womens carriage is very civil , smiles being the greatest grace of their mirth . their musick is lullabies to quiet their children , who yet are generally as quiet as if they had neither spleen nor lungs . to hear one of these indian women unseen , a good ear might easily mistake their untaught voice for the warbling of a well tuned instrument . their modesty suggest them to wear more cloathes than their husbands , having alwayes a short coat of cloth , or skin wrapped like a blanket about their loins reaching to their hams , which they never put off in company . if a husband sels his wives beaver petticote , as sometimes he doth , she will not put it off , till she hath another to put on . their mild carriage and obedience to their husbands is very commendable ; notwithstanding all their churlishness , and salvage inhumanity towards them , yet will they not frown , nor offer to word it with their lords , nor presume to proclaim their superiority to the usurping of the least tittle of their husbands charter , but are contentedly quiet with their helpless condition , esteeming it to be the womans portion . since the arrival of the english comparison hath made their yoake more miserable : for seeing the kind usage of the english men towards their wives , they cannot but as much condemn their own husbands unkindness , as they commend the english mens love . but in the mean time , their husbands commend themselves for their wit in keeping their wives in subjection , and to labour as much as they condemn the english husbands for their indulgence and folly in spoiling such good working creatures . these indian women do oft resort to the houses of the english wherewith those of their own sex , they do somewhat ease their misery by complaining of their thraldom , and seldom part without some relief ; and if their husbands come to seek for their spaws ( for so they call all women ) and do begin to bluster for their idleness , the english woman betakes her to her arms , which are the warlike ladle , and the scalding liquor , threatning blistering to the naked runaway , who is soon driven back by such hot comminations . in a word , the love of these women to the english , deserves no small esteem , whom they are ever presenting with something that is rare or desired , as strawberries , hurtleberries , rasberries , gooseberries , cherries , plums , fish , and such other gifts as their poor treasury affords . new englands prospect . of their religion . the natives of new-england conceive of many divine powers : but one whom they call keihtan ( they say ) is the principal , and maker of all the rest , and himself is made by none . he created the heavens , earth , sea , and all creatures contained therein . he also made one man and one woman , of whom oll mankind came . but how they came to be so far dispersed , they know not . at first ( they say ) there was no sachem or king , but keihtan , who dwells above the heavens , whither all good men go when they die to see their friends , and have their fill of all thins . thither bad men go also , and knock at his door , but he bids them walk abroad , for there is no piace for such , so that they wander in restless want , and penury . never man saw this kiehtan ; only old men tell them of him , and bid them tell their children ; yea , to charge them to tell it to their posterities , and to lay the like charge upon them . this power they acknowledge to be good ; and when they would obtain any great matter , they meet together , and cry unto him ; and when they have plenty and victory , &c. they sing , dance , give thanks , and hang up garlands in memory thereof . another power they worship called hobbamock , which is the devil ; him they call upon to cure their wounds , and diseases . and when they are curable , he perswades them that he sends the same for some conceived anger against them ; but upon their calling upon him , he can , and doth help them . but when they are mortal and incurable , he tells them that kiehtan is angry , and sends them , whom none can cure , which makes them doubt whether he be simply good , and therefore in sickness they never call upon him . this hobbamock appears in sundry forms unto them ; as in the shape of a man , a deer , a fawn , an eagle , &c. but most ordinarily like a snake . he appears not to all , but to the chiefest , and most judicious amongst them , though all of them strive to attain that hellish honor . he chiefly appears to three sorts of persons : of the first rank they are few , and they are highly esteemed of , and they think that no weapon can kill them : the second sort are called powahs : and the third priests . the powahs chief office is to call upon the devil , and to cure the sick and wounded . the common people joyn with him in his invocations , by saying amen to what he saith . the powah is eager and free in speech , fierce in countenance , and joyneth many antick and laborious gestures with the same over the party diseased . if the party be wounded , they suck his wounds ; but if they be curable , the snake or eagle sits on his shoulders and licks the same . him none sees but the powah . if the party be otherwise diseased , its sufficient if in any shape he but comes into the house , and it is an undoubted sign of recovery . the powahs in their speech promise to sacrifice many skins of beasts , kettles , hatchets , beads , knives , and the best things they have to the fiend , if he help the diseased party . when women are in desperate and extraordinary hard travel in in child-birth , they send for the powahs to help them . many sacrifices they use , and sometimes kill their children . the nanohiggansets exceed in their blind devotion , and have great spacious houses , into which their priests only come . thither at certain times most of the people resort and sacrifice almost all their riches to their gods , as kettles , skins , hatchets , beads , knives , &c. all which the priest casts into a great fire made in the midst of that house , where they are consumed . to this offering every man brings freely , and he that brings most , is best esteemed . the priests are men of great courage and wisdom , and to these the devil also appears more familiarly than to others , and covenants with them to preserve them from death by wounds of arrows , knives , hatchets , &c. one of these will chase almost an hundred of their enemies : they are highly esteemed of all , and are of the sachems councel , without whom he will neither make war , nor undertake any great matter . in war the sachems for their more safety , go in the midst of them . they are usually men of the greatest stature and strength , and such as will endure most hardness , and yet are discreet , and courteous in their carriages , scorning theft , lying , and base dealing , and stand as much upon their reputation as any men . and to encrease the number of these , they train up the likeliest boyes from their childhood unto great hardness , and cause them to abstain from dainty meat , and to observe divers other rules , to the end that the devil may appear to them when they are of age . they also cause them to drink the juice of centuary , and other bitter herbs , till they vomit it into a platter , which they must drink again , till at length , through extraordinary pressing of nature , it looke like blood : and this the boyes will do at first eagerly , and so continue , till by reason of faintness they can scarce stand on their leggs , and then they must go forth into the cold . also they beat their shins with sticks , and cause them to run through bushes , stumps , and brambles to make them hardy and acceptable to the devil , that so in time he may appear unto them . their sachems are not all kings , but only some few of them , to whom the rest resort for protection , and pay them homage : neither may they make war without their knowledge and approbation . every sachim takes care for the widdows , fatherless , aged , or maimed , if their friends be dead , or not able to provide for them . a sachim will not marry any but such as are equal in birth to him , lest his seed prove ignoble ; and though they have many other wives , yet are they but concubines , or servants , and yield obedience to the queen , who orders the family , and them in it . the other subjects do the same , and will adhere to the first during their lives , but put away the other at their pleasure . their government is successive , not elective . if the sachims child be young when his father dies , he is committed to the protection , and tuition of some one amongst them , who rules for him till he be of age . every sachem knows the bounds and limits of his kingdom , out of which , if any of his men desire land wherein to set their corn , he gives them as much as they can use . in these limits , he that hunts and kills any venison , gives the sachim his fee ; if it be killed on the land , he hath part of the flesh ; if in the water , then the skin only : the great sachems or kings know not their bounds so well . all travellers or strangers usually lie at the sachims house , and when they come , they tell them how long they will stay , and whither they are going ; during which time they are entertained according to their quality . once a year the priests provoke the people to bestow much corn on the sachim , and accordingly at a certain time and place , the people bring many baskets of corn , and make a great stack thereof near to the sachems house . there the priests stands ready to return them thanks in the name of the sachim , who fetches the same , and is no less thankful , bestowing many gifts upon them . when any are visited with sickness , their friends resort to them to comfort them , and oft continue with them till death or recovery ; if they dye they stay to mourn for them , which they perform night and morning for many dayes after their burial : but if they recover , because their sickness was chargeable , they send them corn and other gifts , whereupon they feast , and dance . when they bury their dead , they sew the corps up in a mat , and so bury it . if a sachim dyes , they cover him with many curious mats , and bury all his riches with him , and inclose the grave with a pale . if it be a child , the father will put all his own special jewels , and ornaments into the grave with it : yea , he will cut his hair , and disfigure himself , in token of his great sorrow . if it be the master or dame of the family , they will pull down the mats , and leave the frame of the house standing , and bury them in , or near the same , and either remove their dwelling , or give over house-keeping . the younger sort reverence the elder , and do all mean offices for them when they are together , though they be strangers . boyes and girls may not wear their hair like men and women , but are distinguished thereby . one is not accounted a man , till he doth some notable act , and shews his courage and resolution answerable to his place : the men take much tobacco , but it s counted very odious in a boy so to do . all their names are significant and variable . for when they come to be men and women , they alter them according to their deeds , or dispositions . when a maid is given in marriage , she first cuts her hair , and then wears a covering on her head till her hair is grown again . of their women some are so modest , that they will scarce talk together whilst men are by , and are very chast : others are light , lascivious , and wanton . if a woman hath a bad husband , or affect him not ; if there be war between that and any other people , she will run away from him to the contrary party , where she never wants welcome ; for where there be most women , there is most plenty . when a woman hath her courses , she retires her self from all other company , and lives in a house apart ; after which she washes her self , and all that she hath touched or used , after which she is received into her husbands bed or family . the husband will beat his wife , or put her away for adultery . yet some common strumpets there are , but they are such as either were never married , or are widdows , or that have been put away for adultery : for no man will take such an one to wife . in matters of injustice or dishonest dealing , the sachim examines and punisheth the same . in cases of theft ; for the first offence he is disgracefully rebuked : for the second , he is beaten by the sachim with a cudgle on the naked back : for the third , he is beaten with many stripes , and hath his nose slit , that all men may both know and shun him . if one kill another , he certainly dies for it . the sachim not only sentenceth the malefactor , but executeth the same with his own hands , if the party be present , otherwise he sends his own knife , if he be sentenced to dye by the hands of another that executes the same . but if the offender be to receive any other punishment , he will not receive it but from the sachim himself , before whom being naked , he kneels , and will not offer to run away , though he beat him never so much , it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry when he is corrected , than was his offence and punishment . they are a very witty and ingenious people : they keep account of the time by the moon , or by sommers or winters ; they know divers of the stars by name : they have also many names for the winds : they will guess shrewdly at the wind and weather before hand , by observations in the heavens . their language is very copious and large , and hard to be learned ; and though in an hundred miles distance their languages differ , yet not so much , but they can understand each other . instead of records and chonicles , where any remarkable act is done , in memory of it , either in the very place , or by some path neer adjoyning , they make a round hole in the ground a foot deep , and as much over , which , when others passing by , behold , they enquire the cause and occasion of it , which being once known , they carefully acquaint others with it . and lest such holes should be filled , as men pass by , they will oft renew them . so that if a man travels , and can understand his guide , his journey will be less tedious , by the many historical discourses that will be related to him . you have heard before of the state of new-england in the year 1633. when she was but in her childhood , but being now grown up to more maturity ; take this account of it , which was written by a reverend minister , in january 1668 / 9 , who had lived there 40. years , and therefore hath great reason , and good opportunities to be acquainted with the condition of it . when we came first to new-england in the year 169. there was then but one town in the country , viz. that of new-plimmouth , which had stood alone for nine years . from that time to this year now beginning 1669. is just fourty years ; in which time there has been an increase of fourty churches in this colony ( but many more in the rest . ) and towns in all new-england , 120. which for the most part lie along the sea coast for somewhat more than two hundred miles ; only upon connecticut river , there are thirteen towns lying neer together ; and about the massacusets bay , here are above thirty towns within two , three , four , or five miles asunder . and from the sea , which hath rendred boston a very considerable place , and the metropolis of new-england , all the other towns on the sea coast , and those in the country depending upon it . i have lately heard some merchants that knew old boston , say that this is far bigger , and hath ten times more trade than that , having many ships and catches , and they say no less than an hundred catches went from the country this winter to trade in virginia ; besides many others to the west indies , and to several parts of europe . it was doubted for some years , whether there would be a staple commodity in new-england ; but god and time have shewed many , as furs , fish , masts , pipestaves , and deal-board , and such plenty of corn and cattel , that abundance of provision has been yearly transported for the supply of english plantations , the west-indies , and other parts ; in so much as though many gentlemen of great estates in the first year spent their estates , and some of them that were very brave men of publick spirits , were brought very low , both they and theirs : yet in the latter years , many that have risen out of the dust , by a way of trading and merchandising , have grown unto great estates ; some to ten , others to twenty , yea thirty or fourty thousand pound estate . in the year 1643. began the combination of the united colonies of new-england , which have much encrersed since then ; every one of them having their distinct pattents , except new-haven , which for want of a pattent , was since the coming in of our king , taken into the colony of connecticut ; and though very many of the first commers are now dead and gone , yet there is grown up such a numerous posterity here , that it 's thought there are twenty times more english people now in the country , then ever came into it . and it 's believed by many observing men , that there are many above ten hundred thousand souls . most of the first magistrates are dead , and not above two left in the massacusets ; but one in plymouth , one at connecticut , and not one at new-haven . there came over from england at several times , chiefly before the year 1640. ninety fore ministers , of which twenty seven returned to england again , and there are now dead in the country thirty six ; and as yet living in the country thirty one . the ministers bred up in new-england , are one hundred thirty two , of which two are dead in the country , fourty one have removed to england , most of them from our colledges , besides other schollars that have in england turned to other professions , and eighty one that are now living in the country , employed in the ministery in several places . there have been several synods in new-england ; the first at cambridge , in the year 1637. wherein the antinomian ▪ and familistical errors were confuted and condemned by the word of god. the second at cambridge in the year 1646. wherein the magistrates power and duty in matters of religion , and the nature and power of synods was cleared . the third , in the year 1648. where it was declared , that in point of doctrine , these churches consented to the confession of faith , put forth by the assembly at westminster ; and in point of discipline , the platform of the discipline of these churches , was then published . the fourth was at boston in the year 1662. concerning the subject of baptism , and consociation of churches . it hath pleased the lord to give such a blessing to the gospel among the indians , that in divers places there are not only many civilized , but divers that are truly godly , and shame the english , and are much hated by others of their own country men , though that work has met with many obstructions and remoraes ; chiefly by the death of some of the choicest instruments , and many of the best of the indians ; yet it may be well believed , that there is such a seed of the gospel scattered among them , which will grow unto a further harvest in god's time . the description of the island of barbados : with an account of the trees , plants , herbs , roots , fowls , birds , beasts , fishes , insects , &c. as also of their sugar-canes , ingenio's and manner of making their sugars . the first discovery made of this island was by a ship of sir william curte'us , which returning from pernambock in brasile , being driven by foul weather upon this coast , chanced to fall upon this island , which is not far out of the way , being one of the most windwardly islands of all the carribies ; and anchoring before it , they stayed some time to inform themselves of the nature of of the place , which by tryals in several places , they found to be so over grown with wood , as that there could be no champion ground discovered wheron to plant ; nor found they any beasts , or cattel there , save hoggs , whereof there were abundance . the portugals having long before put some on shore for breed , in case they should at any time by foul weather be driven to , or cast upon on this island , that so they might there find fresh meat to serve them upon such an exigence . and the fruits and roots that grew there , afforeded them so great plenty of food , that now they were multiplied abundantly . in so much as the indians of the leeward islands that were within sight , coming thither in their canoos , and finding such game to hunt as these hoggs were , whose flesh was so sweet , and excellent in tast , they came often thither a hunting , staying sometimes a moneth together before they returned home , leaving behind them certain tokens of their being there , which were pots of several sizes made of clay , so finely tempered , and turned with such art , as the like to them for fineness of mettle , and curiosity of turning , are not made in england , in which they boiled their meat . this discovery being made , and advice thereof sent to their friends in england ; other ships were sent with men , provisions , and working tools , to cut down the woods , and clear the ground wherein to plant provisions for their sustentation , till then , finding food but straglingly in the woods . but when they had cleared some quantity of land , they planted potato's , plantines , and maies , or indian wheat , with some other fruits , which together with the hoggs , which they found there , served only to keep life and soul together . and their supplies from england coming so slow , and so uncertainly , they were oft driven to great extremities : and the tobacco that grew there , was so earthy and worthless , as that it gave them little or no return from england , or other places ; so that for a while they lingered in a doubtful condition . for the woods were so thick , and most of the trees so large and massy , as that they were not to be faln by so few hands : and when they were laid along , the boughs were so thick and and unweldy , as required more help of strong and active men to lop , and remove them off the ground ; which continued so for many years , in somuch as they planted potato's , maies , and bonavists between the boughs as the trees lay on the ground . yet not long after they planted indigo , and ordered it so well , as that it sold in london at very good rates : and their cotten woll , and fustick wood , proved very good and staple commodities : so that having these four sorts of commodities , to traffique with all ; some ships were invited in hope of gain by that trade , to come and visit them , bringing for exchange , such commodities as they wanted , to wit , working-tools , iron , steel , clothes , shirts , drawers , hose and shooes , hats , and more hands . so that beginning to find good by this trade , they set themselves hard to work , and lived in much better condition . but when their sugar-canes had been planted three or four years , they found that to be the principal plant whereby to raise the value of the whole island ; and therefore bent all their endeavours to improve their knowledge and skill in planting them , and making sugar . which knowledg , though they studied hard , was long in learning . this island which we call barbado's lies in thirteen degrees and about thirty minutes of northern latitude : the usual bay into which ships put , is carlile bay , which without exception is the best in the island , and is somewhat more than a league over , and from the points of the land to the bottom of the bay , is twice as much . upon the innermost part of this bay stands a town called the bridge ; for that a long bridge was at first made over a little nook of the sea , which yet indeed is rather a bogg than a sea. this town is ill scituated ; the planters looking more after conveniencie than health . but one house being erected , another was set up by it for neighbourhood , and than a third , and a fourth , till at last it became a town : divers storehouses were also built there wherein , to stow their goods , being so neer and convenient for the harbour . but their great oversight was to build a town in so unhealthfull a place . for the ground being somewhat lower within the land than the sea banks are , the spring-tides flow over , and so remain there , making much of that flat a kind of bog , or marish , which sends out so loathsome a savour , as cannot but breed ill blood , and probably is the occasion of much sickness to those that live there . the ground on either side this bay ( but chiefly that to the eastward ) is much firmer , and lies higher , and therefore with some charge , may be made as convenient as the bridge , and much more healthfnl . three more bayes there be of note in this island . one to the eastward of this , which they call austins bay : the other are to the west of carlile-bay . the first whereof is called mackfields bay ; the other spikes bay ; but neither of these three are environed with land , as carlile bay is ; but being to the leeward of the island , and of good anchorage , they seldome are in danger , unless in the time of the turnado , when the winds turn about to the south ; and then if they be not well moved , the ships are subject to fall foul one upon another , and sometimes are driven a ground . for the leeward part of the island , being rather shelvy than rocky , they are seldom or never cast away . the leng the hot island is twenty eight miles , and the breadth in some places seventeen miles , in others twelve ; so that they make about three hundred nitety two square miles in the whole island . it rises highest in the middle , so that when you come within sight of this happy island , the nearer you come , the more beautiful it appears to the eye . for being in it self exceeding beautiful , it 's best discerned , and best judged of when your eyes become full mistris of the object . there you may see the high , large , and lofty trees with their spreading branches , and flourishing tops , which seem to be beholding to the earth and roots that gave them such plenty of sap for their nourishment , which makes them grow to that perfection of beauty and largeness : whil'st they by way of gratitude return their cool shade to secure and shelter the earth from the suns heat , which otherwise would scorch and dry it up . so that bounty and goodness in the one , and gratefulness in the other , serve to make up this beauty , which alwayes would lie empty and waste . by the commodity of the scituation of this island , which is highest in the midst , the inhabitants within have these advantages . first , a free prospect into the sea ; then a reception of a opure and refreshing air , and breezes that come from thence : the plantations overlooking one another , so as the more in most parts are not debarred , nor restrained of their liberties of the view to the sea by those that dwell between them and it . whil'st the sun is in the aequinoctial , or within ten degrees of either side , there is little change in the length of the dayes , for at six and six the sun rises and sets : but when it s nearer the tropick of capricorn , and in thirty seven degrees from them , then the dayes are something shorter , and this shortning begins about the end of october . eight moneths in the year the weather is very hot , yet not scalding , but that servants , both christians and slaves labour and travel ten hours in a day . for as the sun rises , there rises with it a cool brees of wind ; and the higher , and hotter the sun rises , the stronger and cooler the breeses are , and blow alwaeis from the north-east and by east , except in the time of the turnado : for then it sometimes chops about into the south for an hour or two , and so returns about again to the point where it was . the other four moneths it is not so hot , but is near the temper of the air in england in the midst of may. and though in the hot season the planters sweat much , yet do they not find that faintness which we find in england in the end of july , or in the beginning of august . but with this heat , there is such a moisture as must of necessity cause the air to be unwholsome . the planters there are s●eldom thirsty , unless they over heat their bodies with extraordinary labour , or with drinking strong drink , as our english spririts , or french brandy , or the drink of the island , which is made of the scummings of the coppers that boil the sugar , which they call kill-devil . for though some of these be needful in such hot countries when they are used temperately , yet the immoderate use of them over-heats the bodie , which causeth costiveness , and gripings in the bowels ; which is a disease that is very frequent there , and hardly cured , and of which many die . their blood also is thinner and paler than ours in england : nor is their meat so well relished as it is with us , but flat and insipid ; the hogs-flesh only excepted , which is as good as any in the world. their horses and cattel seldom drink , and when they do , it s but in a little quantity , except they be over heated with working . the moisture of the air causes all their knives , tweeses , keys , needles , swords , &c. to rust , and that in an instant . for if you grind your rusty knife upon a grind-stone , wipe it dry , and put it into your sheath , and pocket , in a little time after draw it again , and you shall find it beginning to rust all over ; which in longer time will eat into the steel and spoil the blade . locks also which are not often used , will rust in the wards and become useless . and clocks and watches will seldom or never go true , and all this is occasioned by the moistness of the air. this great heat and moisture together is certainly the cause that trees and plants , grow to such a vast height , and largeness as they do there . there is nothing so much wanting in this island as springs and rivers of waters ; there being but very few , and those small and inconsiderable . there is but one river , which may yet be termed rather a lake than a river . the springs that run into it are never able to fill it : and out-let to the sea it hath none ; but at spring-tides the sea comes in and fills it , and at neep-tide it cannot run out again , the sea-banks being higher than it . yet some of it issues out through the sand , and leaves a mixture of fresh and salt water behind it . sometimes these spring-tides bring some fishes into it , which will remain there , being more willing to live in this mixt water , then in the salt . sometimes there have been taken in it fishes as big as salmons , which have been over-grown with fat and very sweet and firm . but fish is not often taken in this place , by reason that the whole lake is filled with trees and roots , so that no net can be drawn , nor hook laid , without danger of breaking and losing . the river or lake reaches not within land above twelve score yards , and there is no part of it so broad , but that you may cast a coit over it . the spring-tides about this island seldom rise above four or five foot upright . into these rivolets there come from the sea little lobsters , but wanting the great claws before , they are the sweetest , and fullest of fish that can be eaten . but the water which the people in this island most relie upon , is rain-water , which they keep in ponds , and have descents to them , so that what falls upon other grounds about , may run into them ; the bottom of these ponds are clay . for if the water find any leak to the rocky part , it gets into the clifts and sinks in an instant . about the end of december these ponds are filled , and with the help they have by weekly showers , they mostly continue so , yet sometimes they find a want . this water they use upon all occasions , and to all purposes , as to boil their meat , to make their drink , to wash their linnen , &c. in these ponds are neither fish nor fry , nor any living or moving things , except some flies that fall into them ; but the water is clear and well tasted ; here their cattel drink also . they also save rain water from the houses , by gutters at the eves which carries it down into cisterns . if any tumult or disturbance be in the island , the next neighbour to it discharges a musquet , which gives an allarum to the whole island . for upon the report of that , the next shoots , and so the next , and the next , ill it go through all , and upon hearing of this all make ready . of their bread. bread which is the staff and stay of mans life , is not so good here as in england ; yet do they account it both nourishing and strengthening . it 's made of the root of a small tree or shrub , which is called cussary . this root is large and round , like the body of a small still , and as they gather it , they cut sticks or blanches that grow neerest to it of the same tree , which they put into the ground , and they grow : so that as they gather one , they plant another . this root when its first gathered is an absolute poison , and yet by good ordering it becomes wholesome and nourishing . first , they wash it clean , and lean it against a wheel , whose sole is about a foot broad , covered with latine made rough like a greater . this wheel is turned about with the foot , as cutlers use to turn theirs , and as it grates the root , it falls down into a large trough which is appointed to receive it . this they put into a strong piece of double canvas , or sack-cloth , and press it so hard , that all the juice is squeezed out , and then drying it in the sun , its fit to make bread , which they do after this manner . they have a plate of iron round , about twenty inches in the diameter , a little hollowed in the mid'st , with three feet like a pot , above six inches high , that they may keep fire under . they heat this pone ( as they call it ) so hot as that it may bake but not burn . then the indians ( who are best acquainted with the making of it ) cast the meal upon the pone the whole breadth of it , and put it down with their hands , and it will presently stick together , and when they think that that side is enough , they turn it with a thing like a battle-dore ; and so turn and re-turn it till it be enough , which is presently done . then laying it upon a flat boord , they make others , till they have made enough for the whole family . they make it as thin as a wafer , and yet purely white and crisp . salt they never use in it , though probably it would give it a better relish . they can hardly make py-crust of it ; for as they knead , or roul it , it will crack or chop , so that it will not hold any liquor , neither with , nor without butter or eggs. there is another sort of bread which is mixed , being made of the flower of maise , and cussary : for the maise of its self will make no bread , it is so extream heavy : but these two being mixed , they make it into large cakes two inches thick , which tastes most like to our english bread. yet the negroes use the maise another way . for they tost the ears of it at the fire , and so eat it warm off the fire . the christian servants are fed with this maise , who pound it in a large morter , and boil it in water to the thickness of frumentry , and then put it into a tray and so eat it ; they give it them cold , and scarce afford them salt to it ; this they call lob-lolly . the third sort of bread which they use , is only potatoes , which are the dryest , and largest which they can choose , and this is the most common sort of bread used at the planters tables . of their drink . their drink is of sundry sorts . the first , and that which is most used in the island is mobby ; a drink made of potatoes ; thus , they put the potatoes into a tub of water , and with a broom wash them clean ; then taking them out , they put them into a large brass or iron pot , and put to them so much water as will only cover a third part of them , then covering the pot close with a thick double cloth , that no steam can get out , they stew them over a gentle fire , and when they are enough , take them out , and with their hands squeeze and break them very small in fair water , letting them stand till the water hath drawn all the spirits out of the roots , which will be done in an hour or two . then they put the liquor and roots into a large linnen bag , and let it run through that into a jar , and within two hours it will begin to work : and the next day it's fit to be drunk ; and as they will have it stronger or weaker , they put in a greater or a less quantity of roots . this drink being temperately made , doth not at all fly up into the head , but is sprightly , thirst-cooling drink . if it be put up into runlets , it will last four or five dayes , and drink the quicker . it is much like renish wine on the must. there are two several layers wherein these roots grow ; the one makes the skins of the potatoes white , the other red , and the red roots make the drink red like claret wine , the other white . this is the most general drink used in the island , but it breeds hydropick humours . another drink they have which is much wholsomer , though not altogether so pleasant , which they call perino , much used by the indians , which is made of the cussavy root . this they cause their old toothless women to chaw in their mouthes , and so spit into water , which in three or four hours will work and purge it self of the poisonous quality . this drink will keep a moneth or two , and drink somewhat like our english beer . grippo is a third sort of drink , but few make it well , and it 's rarely used . punch is a fourth sort , which is made of water and sugar mixt together , which in ten dayes standing will be very strong , and fit for labourers . a fifth is made of wild plumbs which they have in great abundance upon very large trees . these they press and strain , and they have a very sharp and fine flavour : but this being troublesome in making is seldom used . but the drink made of the plantane is far beyond all these . these they gather when they are full ripe , and in the heighth of their sweetness , and peeling off the skin , they wash them in water well boiled ; and after they have stood a night , they strain it , and bottle it up , and at a weeks end drink it . it s a very strong and pleasant drink , as strong as sack , and will fly up into the head , and therefore must be used moderately . the seventh sort of drink they make of the skimmings of their sugar , which is exceeding strong , but not very pleasant : this is commonly , and indeed too much used , many being made drunk by it . this they call kill-devil . the eighth sort of drink they call beveridge , made of spring-water , white-sugar , and juice of oringes . and this is not only pleasant , but wholesome . the last and best sort of drink which the world affords , is the incomparable wine of pines . and this is made of the pure juice of the fruit it self without mixture of water , or any thing else , having in it self a natural compound of all the most excellent tasts that the world can yield . i'ts too pure to keep long . it will be fine within three or four dayes . they make it by pressing the fruit , and straining the liquor , and keep it in bottles . three sorts of meat . they have several sorts of meat there , whereof the hoggs-flesh is the most general , and indeed the best which the island affords . for the swine feeding daily upon fruit , the nuts of locust , pompianes , the bodies of the plantanes , bonanas , sugar-canes , and maise , make their flesh to be exceeding sweet . at the first coming of the english thither , they found hoggs of four hundred pound weight , the intrals taken out , and their heads cut off . beef they seldome have any that feeds upon that island , except it die of it self : only such a planter as was sir james drax ( who lived there like a prince ) may now and then kill one . turkies they have large , fat and full of gravy . also our english pullen , and muscovy ducks , which being larded with the fat of their pork , and seasoned with pepper and salt , is an excellent bak'd meat . turtle doves they have of two sorts , and very good meat . there are also pidgeons which come from the lee-ward islands in september , and stay till christmas to feed upon fruits . many of these they kill upon the trees , and they are exceeding fat , and tast excellently . tame rabbets they have , but they tast faintly , more like chickens then rabbets . they have also divers sorts of birds , but none that they use for food . of their fish. now for fish , the island want not plenty about it , yet the planters look so much after their profit on the land , that they will not spare time to catch it , nor to send to the bridge to buy that which is caught to their hands . but when any have a mind to feast themselves with fish , they go to the taverns at the bridge where they have plenty , and well drest . butter they seldom have that will beat thick ; but instead thereof they use vineger , spice , and fry much of their fish in oyl , and eat it hot ; yet some they pickle , and eat it cold . yet collonel humphrey walrond having his plantation near the sea , hath a saine to catch fish withall , which his own servants and slaves put to sea twice or thrice a week , and bring home store of small and great fishes , as snappers red and gray , cavallos , macarel , mullets , cony-fish , and divers other sorts of firm and sweet fish ; and some bigger then salmons , of the rarest colours that can be imagined , being from the back fin which is the middle of the fish , to the end of the tail , of a most pure grass green , as shining as satin : the fins and tail dappled with a most rare hair-colour ; and from the back fin to the head , a pure hair-colour dappled with green . the scales as big as an half crown piece . it is an exccent sweet fish ; only there is one kind of fish here wanting , which are very rife in the adjacent islands , which is the green turtle , which the best meat that the sea affords . in other places they take an infinite number of them by turning them upon their backs with staves , where they lie till they are fetcht away . a large turtle will have in her body half a bushel of eggs. when they are to kill one of them , they lay it on his back upon a table , and when he sees them come with a knife to kill him , he vapours out the most grievous sighs that ever you heard creature make , and sheds as large tears as a stag. he hath a joynt or crevis about an inch within the utmost edge of his shell , into which they put the knife and rip up his belly , which they call his calipee , and take out his bowels , and heart , which had three distinct points , and this being laid in a dish will stir and pant ten hours after the fish is dead : it 's of a delicate taste and very nourishing . of the quelquechoses . the quelquechoses with which they furnish out their tables at a feast are , eggs potcht , and laid upon sippets soaked in butter , and juice of limes and sugar , with plumpt currans strewed upon them , and cloves , mace , cinamon strewed upon that , with a little salt. eggs boiled , rosted , and fried with collops . buttered eggs , and amulet of eggs , with the juice of limes and sugar , a fraize , and a tansie , custards and cheese cakes , puffs , cream boiled to a heighth with yolks of eggs , and seasoned with sugar and spice , jelly which they make of a young pig , caves-feet , and a cock ; cream alone , and some several wayes with the help of limes , lemmons , and oranges ; and into some they put plantanes , gnavers , and bonanoes stew'd , or preserved with sugar , and the same fruit also preserved without cream , and to draw down a cup of wine , they have dried neats tongues , westfalia-bacon , caviare , pickled-herring , botargo , all which are brought to them . from old and new england , virginia , and holland they have beef , and pork ; as al ling , haberdine , cod , poor john , makarels , and herrings pickled , and sturgeon . pickled turtles they have from the lee-ward islands . of these things they have had in these latter years such store , that the negroes are allowed for each man two makarels a week , and every woman one , which are given them saturday-nights , after which they have their allowance of plantanes , which is every one a large bunch or two two little ones to serve them for a weeks provision . and if any cattel die by chance , or by any disease , the christian servants eat the bodies , and the negroes the skins , head , and intrals , which is divided to them by the overseers . if a horse dies , the negroes have the whole bodies , and this they think a high feast , with which poor souls were never better contented : and the drink which the servants have to this diet , is nothing but mobby , and sometimes a little beveridge ; but the negroes have nothing but water . when the chief planters make a feast for their friends , it s either made by such as live within land , or neer the sea side . for this inland plantation , my author instanceth in sir james draxe , at whose table he hath seen these several sorts of meat well dressed : and this feast was alwayes made when he killed a beef , which he fed very fat , by allowing it a dozen acres of bonavist to feed in . first , he mentions beef as the greatest rarity in that island of which he had these dishes ; a rump boiled , a chine rosted , a large piece of the breast rosted , a cheek baked , the tongue and part of the tripes in minced-pies , feasoned with sweet herbs finely minced , suet , spice and corrans . the leggs , pallats , and other ingredients for an oleo podigro , and maribones . the guests having eaten well hereof , the dishes were taken away , and then came in a potato-pudding , a dish of scotch collips , of a legg of pork , fricacy of the same , a dish of boiled chickens , a shoulder of a young goat ; a kid with a pudding in his belly , a young pigg exceeding fat and sweet ; a shoulder of mutton which is there a rare dish : a pastry made of the side of a young goat , and a side of a young porket upon it , well seasoned with pepper , salt , and some nutmegs : a loin of veal , to which they have plenty of oringes , lemons , and limes ; three young turkies in a dish , two capons very large and fat , two hens with eggs in a dish ; four ducklings , eight turtle doves , and three rabbets ; and for cold baked meats , two muscovy ducks larded and seasoned with pepper and salt : and when these are taken from the table , another course is set on , of westphalia bacon , dried neats tongues , botargo , pickled oysters , caviare , anchoves , olives , and mixt amongst these , custards , cream , some alone , some with preserved plantanes , bonanoes , gnavers , and these fruits preserved by themselves ; cheesecakes , puffs , sometimes tansies , fraises , or amulets : and for raw fruit , plantaxes , bonanoes . gnavers , milions , prickled pears , anchove pears , prickled apples , custard apples , water milions , and pines , better then all the rest . and to this they had for drink , mobby , beveridge , brandy , kill-devil , drink of the plantanes , claret , white , and rhenish wine , sherry , canary , red sack , wine of fiall , besides several sorts of spirits that come from england . now for a plantation neer the sea , he instances in collonel walronds , who though he wants sheep , goats , and beef , yet he makes a plentiful supply in sundry sorts of fish , which the other wants . for all other sorts of meat which were at sir james draxe his table , he found at collonel walronds , as also mullets , maquerels , parrat-fish , snappers , red and grey , carallos , terbums , crabs , lobsters , long fish , with divers others for which they have no names . besides he dwelling so neer the haven , hath of all the rarities that are brought into the island from other parts ; as wine of all kinds , oyl , olives , capers , sturgeon , neats-tongues , anchoves , caviare , botago , with all sorts of salt meats , both flesh and fish ; as beef , pork , pease , ling , habberdine , cod , poor john , &c. above one hundred sail of ships come yearly to this island that bring servants and slaves , men and women , horses , beasts , asinegoes , and cammels ; utensils for boiling of sugar ; and all manner of tools for tradesmen , iron , steel , lead , brass , pewter : cloth of all sorts both linen and woollen , stuffs , hats , stockings , shooes , gloves , swords , knives , locks , &c. and many other things . and they carry back indigo , cotten-wool , tobacco , sugar , ginger , and fustick wood . of their several sorts of timber . timber for building they have great choice and plenty : as the locust trees which are so long and big as may serve for beams in a very large room , their bodies are strait , above fifty foot long , the diameter of the body about three foot and a half : the timber hereof is hard , heavy , and firm , not apt to bend , and lasting . the mastick trees not altogether so large as the former , but tougher . the bully tree is somewhat less , but in other qualities goes beyond the former . it 's strong , lasting , yet not heavy , nor so hard for the tools to work upon . the red wood , and yellow prickled wood are good timber , and higher then the locusts . the cedar is the best of all , it works smooth , and looks beautifully ; of it they make wainscot , tables , and stools . they have iron wood , and another sort that will endure wet and dry : of these they make shingles , wherewith they cover their houses , because it will neither warp nor crack . of their stone . they have two sorts of stone for building : the one lies in quarries ; but these are small rough , and somewhat porous : being burnt they make excellent lime , white , and firm , by the help whereof they bind their stones and make them to endure the weather . the other sort of stone they find in rocks , and massy pieces in the ground which are soft , and therefore they saw them to what dimensions they please , and the longer it lies above ground the harder it grows . hangings they use not in their houses , because they would be spoiled by the ants , eaten by the cockroaches , and rats . of their servants and slaves . in the island are three sorts of men , master , servants , and slaves . the slaves and their posterity being subject to their masters for ever , they take more care of them then of their servants , which are theirs but for five years by the law of the island . so that for the time the servants have the worser lives : for they are put to hard labour , ill lodging , and slighted diet . formerly the servants had no bone-meat at all , except a beast died , and then they were feasted as long as that lasted . till they had planted good store of plantans the negroes were fed with bonavisto , and lob-lolly , and some ears of maise tosted ; but now they are well pleased with their plantans , wherein they much delight , and thus they dress it . it 's gathered for them before it's full ripe , by the keeper off the plantan groves , who is an able negro , and laid upon heaps till they fetch them away , which they do every saturday night about five a clock ; for then they give over work sooner then ordinary , partly for this work , and partly because the fire in the furnace is to be put out , and the ingenio to be made clear ; besides they are to wash , shave , and trim themselves against the sabbath . it is a fine sight to see an hundred of these negroes , men and women , every one with a grass-green bunch of plantans on their heads , every bunch twice so big as their heads , all marchin gone after another . having brought it home , they pill off the skin of so much as they will use , and boil it , making it into balls , and so eat it . one bunch a week is a negroes allowance , which they have no bread , nor drink but water , their lodging at night is a boord , with nothing under , nor any thing above upon them . the usage of the christian servants is much as the master is , whether merciful , or cruel . such as are merciful , use their servants well , both in meat , drink , and lodging . but the lives of such servants as have cruel masters , is most miserable . when any ships bring servants thither , the planters buy such of them as they like , and with a guide send them to their plantations , where they must presently build them a cabin , or else lie upon the ground . these cabins are made with sticks , wit hs , and plantane leaves , under some little shade that may keep off the rain . the food is a few potatoes for meat , and water or mobby for drink . at six of the clock in the morning they are rung out to work with a bell , with a rigid overseer to command them , till the bell ring again at eleven of the clock , and then they go to dinner , either with a mess of lob-lolly bonavist , or potatoes . at one of the clock they are rung out again , where they work till six , and then home to a supper of the same . but now their lives are much better ; for most servants lie in hamocks , in warm rooms , and when they come home wet from work , they have shifts of shirts and drawers , which is all the clothes they wear , and are fed with bone-meat twice or thrice in a week . of their great fires . sometimes through carelesness of servants , whole fields of sugar canes , and houses have been burnt down : for if the canes take fire , there is no quenching of them , they burn so furiously , and make a terrible noise ; for each knot of every cane , gives as great a report as a pistol . there is no way to stop it but by cutting down , and removing all the canes before it for the breadth of twenty or thirty foot down the wind ; and there the negroes stand and beat it out as it creeps along ; and some of them are so earnest to stop it , as with their naked feet to tread , and to roll their naked bodies upon it , so little do they regard their own smart in regard of their masters benefit . when negroes are brought to be sold , the planters go to the ship to buy them , where they find them stark naked , and therefore cannot be deceived in any outward infirmity . the strongest , youngest , and most beautiful yield the best prizes ; thirty pound is the price for the best , and about twenty five pound for a woman negro ; children are much cheaper . they are very chast people . for when at sometimes they are altogether naked , they will not so much as cast their eyes upon those parts which ought to be covered . jealous they are of their wives , and , and take it hainously if any make the least courtship to them . and if any woman hath two children at a birth , her husband provides a cord to hang her , concluding that she hath been false to his bed : and if by the authority of his master , he be overawed , yet he never loves her after . the planters allow some of them two or three wives , but no women above one husband . when a wife is brought to bed , the husband removes into another room , leaving his wife upon a boord on which she lies , and calls a neighbour to her , who makes her a little fire near her feet , and that serves for possets , broths , and candles . in a fortnight she is at her work again with her pickaninny ( so they call their children ) at her back , as merry as any other . they have times of suckling their children , and refreshing themselves in the fields ; and good reason , for they carry a burden on their backs , and work too . some of them when their children are three years old , as they stoop in their weeding-work , will set their pickaninnies a stride on their backs , where he will spur his mother with his heels , and crow on her back , clapping his hands as if he meant to fly , which the mother is so well pleased with , that she will continue her painful stooping work longer then she would do , rather then discompose her jovial pickaninny , so glad she is to see him merry . the sabbath dayes they have wholly to their pleasures : in the afternoons they have kettle-drums to make them musick , and they all go to dancing , the men by themselves , and the women by themselves , and sometimes the men wrestle amongst themselves . when any of them die , they make a grave , and bury him in the evening , clapping their hands , and making a doleful sound with their voices . they are cowardly , and therefore bloody , when they have advantages . if you threaten before you punish them , they will hang themselves to avoid the punishment . if they have bruises or strains , they anoint themselves with a kind of oyl that comes out of barbary that cures them . when they are sick , or inwardly distempered , a little kill-devil revives , and comforts them . the young maids have usually large breasts that stand strutting out , hard and firm , but when they are old , and have had children , their breasts hang down below their navels . they are excellent swimmers and divers , both men and women . some indians they have from the neighbouring islands , or from the continent , whose women are better versed in ordering the cussavy , and making bread then the negroes ; as also for making mobby . the men they use for foot-men , and killing of fish. one of them will go out with his bows and arrows , and in a dayes time will kill more fish then will serve a family of a dozen persons whil'st it is good . they are very active and learn any thing sooner then the negroes : their women have small breasts , long black hair : clothes they scorn to wear , especially if they be well shaped , only they wear something before their privities . one of these women being got with child by a christian servant , when the time of her travel came , being loth to be delivered amongst the men , went alone to a wood , where was a pond of water , by which she was delivered , and washing her child in the water , within three hours came home again with her child in her arms , which was a lusty boy . some of the planters feed daily two hundred mouthes , and keep them in such good order , as there is no mutinies amongst them , though they be of several nations . their first work is weeding , which if it be neglected but a little time , all is in danger of being spoiled . after weeding comes planting , especially in may , and november : but canes may be planted at all times , that so one field may be ready after another . commonly one field contains about twelve acres . of their beasts and cattel . some camels they have which are brought to them , and they are very useful for carrying down sugar to the bridge , or bringing from thence hogsheads of wine , beer , or vineger , which horses cannot do , neither can carts pass , the wayes are so rocky and uneven . one of these will carry one thousand six hundred pound weight , and therefore the surest of any beast . some horses they have which are brought from several countries , and they use them either for the ingenio , or for the saddle . some bulls and cows they have from the isle of may , and bonavista . the bulls and oxen they use for labour in the ingenio's , and the cows for the pail . a calf here will bring a calf in fourteen moneths . asinegoes they have which are of excellent use for carrying sugar to the bridge : for they will go where horses cannot , by reason of the gullies , and deep wayes : one of them will carry one hundred and fifty pound weight , and some two hundred . hogs they have in abundance which they keep ininclosures ; and they use to sell them alive for 4 d. a pound , and sometime for 6 d. if they be dear . sheep they have but few , neither do they thrive in that pasture . yet the ews have constantly two lambs , but their flesh doth not eat well . some sheep they have from guinny , and binny , that have hair instead of wooll , and their flesh is more like to mutton then the other . goats they have in great plenty , and they prosper well , and tast like our goats : they live in the woods , and are always inclosed . of their birds and fowls . birds they have , but two sorts worth the mentioning . the biggest is a buzzard , somewhat less then ours , and swifter of wing ; the only good they do , is , that they sometimes kill rats . the other is the larger turtle dove , of which there is great store . it 's handsomer both in shape and colour then ours in england , and is very good meat . there is also a lesser turtle , a far finer bird then she . it 's of the shape of a partridge , her colour grey , and a red brown under the wings . there is also a bird like a thrush , of a melancholly look , and her feathers stand alwayes ruffling ; she hath loud and very sweet notes . another there is much like a ren , but as big as a trush , she alwayes looks very merry and jolly . there are great flocks of blackbirds with white eyes , they have a harsh note like our jayes in england : they are great devourers of corn , and blossoms of trees . they have a kind of stares which walk , but hop not as other birds do . they have other like feldefares with big heads , and therefore they call them councellers , they have a strange tune , consisting of quarter notes , composed of five tones , and every one a quarter note higher then the other . they have sparrows , haysocks , finches , yellow-hammers , titoies , and divers others , for which they have no names : and the humming bird , not much bigger then a humble bee , wheerof i have one . sometimes teals come to their ponds , which they kill with their guns . the like they do with fowls called oxen and kine . there is another that they call a man of war , much bigger then a heron , and flies out to sea to see what ships are coming , and when he returns , they know that ships are neer . there are bats that come abroad in the evening and feed on flies . of snakes and insects . there are some snakes of a yard long ; the harm they do is in dove-houses , into which if they can get , they devour the young ones ; and they will skim the milk-pans when they can get to them . there is no venomous beast in the island . there are scorpions some as big as rats , smooth , and coloured like a snake , their bellies inclining to yellow , very nimble and quick , they hurt none ; the snakes and they will fight long , and in the end the snake prevails , and devours the other . frogs and toads they have none . there would be lizzards but that the cats kill them ; they love much to be where men are , and will gaze in their faces , and hearken to their discourse ; their bodies are about four inches long , and their tails neer as much , headed like a snake in their colour , when they please , a pure grass-green on the back , blewish towards the sides , and yellowish towards the belly , and four nimble legs , and as cold as froggs . they have cock-roaches of the bigness and shape of a beetle , of a pure hair-colour ; they appear in the evening , and they will fly to your bed , and if you be sleeping , he will bite till he fetches blood , and presently begon , that you seldom find them . the muskitoes bites and string worse then gnats . next to these are merriwings , and of so evial a substance , that you can hardly discern them but by the noise of their wings ; when they sting , there arises a little knob which will continue so a whole day . caterpillers sometimes they have in great abundance , which do much harm , devouring the potato-plants to the very roots . flies they have of so many kinds , from two inches long with great horns to the least atome , so that it 's too tedious to speak of them all . they have ants and pismires of a small size , but of a great industry ; they are every where , in hollow ground amongst the root of trees , upon the bodie , branches , leaves , and fruit of all trees ; without houses , within their houses , upon their sides , walls , windows , roofs , tables , cupboords , stools , beds , floors , all within and without are covered with them . when they find a dead cockroch , though he be bigger then a hundred of them , yet they will take hold of him and lift him up , and away they carry him , some going by to assist those that are weary ; some ( like officers ) lead the way to shew the hole into which he must pass , and if his body do lie a cross that it cannot go into the hole , they give notice to the carriers , that presently turn his body endwise before it come to the hole , and that without any stop , and they never pull contrary wayes . the planters which are so curious to prevent their coming upon their tables , cupboards , and beds , have little troughs filled with water for the feet of these to stand in ; yet all will not prevail , for they will get in the scieling , and so fall down upon them . to keep them from the shelves on which their meat stands , they are forced to hang them to the roof with ropes , and to tar those ropes and the roofs over them . when a carpet upon a table is covered over with them , if you kill many , and let them alone but a while , they will carry away all the dead ones . if you set sugar upon a table which you have first freed from them , some in the room will presently smell it , and make towards it as fast as they can , and having found it , return again without medling with it , and gives notice of this booty , and then they come in thousands and ten thousands , and in an instant fetch it all away ; so that there is no place safe from these over-busie creatures . another sort of ants there are far larger , that make their nests as big as bee-hives , of clay against a wall or tree , and sometimes within houses , they make them of several little cels . these the cockrocha , and lizards make their prey upon ; wherefore for their own security , they make several galleries , some of five or six yards long of clay also , through which they pass undiscovered : their avenues go out amongst laaves or moss , that they may not be perceived : by often breaking down their nests , they are now most of them driven into the woods . spiders they have , most beautiful and large , and very curious in their webs , and not venomous . another harmful creature they call chegoes , in shape not much unlike a lowse , no bigger then a mite that breeds in cheese , their colour is blewish ; they get through your stockings into a place of you skin , most commonly under the nailes of your toes , and they lay their off-spring as big as a small tare , which will make you go very lamely , and put you to much smarting pain . the indian women will put in a small needle at the hole , and winding the point about the bag , loosen him from the flesh , and so take him out , but the place will fester and rankle a fortnight after they are gone . some little animals there are in the woods no bigger then crickets , that lie all day in holes , but after sun setting they begin their tunes , having exceeding shrill voices like a pack of small beagles . this musick hath no intermission till morning , and then all is hush't . there are many small crabs that live upon the land , of a reddish colour , they are coming from the sea all the year long ( excepting march ) and hide themselves in holes , and hollow trees , and come into their houses and gardens , where they eat herbs . the negroes will eat them , and count them good meat . in march they come all out of their holes and march to the sea in such multitudes as that they cover the earth : no hedge , wall , or house can stop them , but they will over all . now for trees . amongst the trees , there is none of more use then the physick nut , and yet hath it poison secretly lodged in it , but that poison makes good physick : this tree grows to be eighteen foot high ; there are none like it for beauty , and use in the island . it hath many sprigs upon it of four , five , and six foot long , which they lop off one after another , and of them make stakes of above four long , and stick them in the ground an inch deep , close to one another , and keep them even with a rail on either side , and in a moneths space they will take root , and send forth leaves ; and in another moneth will be rooted so fast , that they take away the the railes . these leaves are large , smooth , and beautifully shaped , of a full green , looking like green sattin hang'd on a line , so even they hang naturally . their stems grow apace , rather in bigness then in heighth , and within a while imbody themselves one into another , and then they become a very strong fence , and so close that a rat cannot pass through them , neither will cattel or vermin willingly come near them . and as it 's a beautiful and useful fence for gardens and orchards , and to keep in conies , turkies , muscovy-ducks , so it excellently fences in their pastures which they would inclose . their fruit also is phisical : five of its kernels eaten in a morning fasting , causes both vomits and stools . this nut is like to a white pear-plumb , and of a yellowish colour , and of yellowish colour , having on it as great a peelp as a plumb , which being taken off , you come to the stone of a blackish colour , and within that is a kernel that will part in the middle , where you shall find a thin film of a faint carnetion colour . take off that film , and you may eat the kernel safely without any operation at all , and it 's as sweet as a jordans almond . the leaves are sharp some like a vine leaf , but thrice as big , and much thicker . the poison tree is very beautiful , almost as large as the locust : her leaves as large and beautiful as the lawrel leaves , and very like them . as they cut down these trees they have cipers over their faces : for if any of their sap flies into their eyes , it makes them blind for a moneth after . of this timber they make most of the vessels wherein they cure their sugar . there is a mantionel tree whose fruit is poison . the fruit is like an apple john , and ( they say ) that the indians invenom their arrows with it . the cussavy is rather a shrub then a tree , the sprigs as big as a broom-staff , crooked and ill shaped ; the leaves grow so thick as to cover them , and they grow in bunches , each of them an inch broad , and six or seven inches long , of a dark green. the growth of the roots , and the use of them is set down before . coloquintida is a very beautiful fruit , as big as an ostrages egg , of an ill taste , the rind smooth , with various greens interlaced with murries , yellows , and faint carnations . cassia fistula is a tree which grows exceeding fast . a seed of it being set will in one year grow to be eight foot high , and as thick as a walking staff . the leaf is like that of an ash , but much longer , and of a darker colour . the fruit when it 's ripe is of shape like a black puddling , sometimes sixteen inches long , the pulp of it is progatine , and a great cooler of the reins . there is a plant very like a sugar cane : if it be chewed in the mouth , it causes the tongue and throat so to swell , that the party cannot speak for two dayes . there are tammerine trees , and palm trees planted which were brought from the east-india . the palm yields excellent wine , which is thus gathered : they cut off the bark in such a part of the tree , where a bottle may be fitly placed , and the liquor that runs into it , is excellent good for a day , and no longer . it 's a very delicious liquor . the fig-trees are very large , but bear a small and contemptible fruit , neither are the leaves like ours , nor so long by a fifth part . the bodies of the trees are as long as our elms. the cherry tree is not altogether so large , the fruit is useless and insiped ; the colour some resembling our cherries , and the shape not unlike . the citron is a small tree , though she bears a great fruit , which weighs it down to the ground , the stalk of a dark colour , the leaf shaped like that of limon , but of a dark green . the orange trees do not prosper so well , neither is their fruit so kindly as those of bermudas : large they are , and full of juice , but not delicious ; besides ther full of seeds , and their rinds thin and pale . these trees do not last in their prime above seven years . the limon tree is much handsomer and larger ; their fruits is large and full of juice , and of a fragrant smell . the lime tree is like a thick holly-bush in england , and as full of prickles . when they make a hedge of them about their houses , it 's an excellent fence both against the negroes , and cattel . it 's commonly of seven or eight foot high , extreamly thick of leaves , and fruit , and prickles . the leaves and fruit like those of the limon-tree , yet in the tast of rind , and juice it differs exceedingly . it 's very fit for sauce , but eats not well alone . the prickled apple-tree grows on a tree with very thick leaves , large and of a deep green , shaped like our walnut leaves . the fruit is in fashion in heart of an oke , and of that bigness ; green on the outside with many prickles on it . the tast is very like that of a musty limon . the pilchard pear is much purer in tast , and better of shape , not much unlike a greenfield pear , of a faint green , inter mixed with some yellow near the stalk : the body of a mixt red , partly crimson , partly stammel , with prickles of yellow near the top , the end being larger then the middle . the pomgranate is a beautiful tree , the leaves small and green , mixed with an olive colour ; the blossoms large , well shaped , and of a pure scarlet colour . the young trees being set in rows , and kept in with cutting , make a very fine hedge . the fruit is well known amongst us . the papa is but a small tree ; the bark of a faint willow colour , the leaves large , and of colour like the bark ; the branches grow out four , or five of one heighth , and spread almost level from the place where they sprang out ; about two foot higher are such other branches spreading in the same manner . the top is handsomly formed , the fruit as big turnips , growing close to the body of the tree where the branches grow , and of somewhat a fainter willow colour . the tree is soft , with a knife a man may cut down one that is as thick as a mans legg . they boil the the fruit , and eat it for sauce with pork like turnips . the gnaver-tree is bodied and shaped like a cherry-tree , the leaves somewhat larger and stiffer ; the fruit of the bigness of a small limon , and near of the colour , only the upper end is somewhat blunter : it 's soft and of a delicate tast , within is a pulpy substance full of small seeds , like a figg , some are white , and some of a stammel colour . these when they have passed through the body of man or beast , wheresover they are emptied , they grow , and do much hurt in the pastures where cattel go that eat of them : for they over run all , and are hardly rooted out . the fruit differs in tast , some rank , some sweet . the rind preserved is delicate meat . some cocos there are , they are seldom above eighty or ninety foot high . their branches come out in several parts of the trees , leaving spaces between the several heights : the nuts grow where the lower bows break out : the nuts are of several sizes , mostly as big as a foot-ball , having a green skin without ▪ and between that and the shell a pulpy substance , of which when it 's dry they make ropes , being like hemp hurds . the shell is full of a clear and well-tasted liquor , very delicious ; it 's lined within with a substance as thick as itself , of a white colour that tasts better then a walnut : the leaves of this tree in colour are like the olive leaves . the custard apple grows on a tree full of branches , and large leaves : the fruit when ripe , is as big as the largest pomwater , and of the colour of a warden ; they cut a hole in the lesser end , and so eat out the meat with a spoon : it tasts exceeding like to a custard . it hath many smooth seeds in it . the macow-tree is one of the strangest trees in the island , the body and branches being stuck all over with prickles , as black as jet , from one to seven inches long , sharp at point , and taperwise all the way , and waved as some swords are ; they are hard and excellent for tooth-pikes . the tree is of the size of a willow-tree , the leaves of that colour and shape , but very stiff and hard . at the top is a large tuft of fruit , but not to be eaten , being for shape like that which the ciprus-tree bears : the body is straight , the branches comely , and the top round . date-trees are in colour like these , but the leaves longer . the mangrave , though she be not tall , yet is she of large extent . for there drops from her limbs a kind of gum which hangs together till it touch the ground , and then it takes root : so that this tree so multiplies , that a troop of horse may well hide themselves in it . of the bark they make very strong ropes : and the indians spin it into a fine thred as flax make . of it they make hamocks , and divers things which they wear . the calibash-tree bears leaves , of a full and rich green , and in great plenty ; her fruit is as big as that of a coco , but not to be eaten : round as a ball , and green , smooth , and shining : they grow close to the body of the tree , or boughs , without stalks . of this round fruit they make dishes , bowls , and cups , and other utensils . they look very beautiful on the tree . there are bay-trees whose leaves are so aromatick , as three or four of them will amply supply the place of cloves , mace , and cinamon in dressing any dish of meat . it 's in shape and colour like ours in england . the cedar is the most useful timber in the island . it 's strong , lasting , and not very heavy , and therefore good for building . it works smoothly , and hath a fair grain , and therefore is much used for wainscot , chairs , stools , and other utensils ; the leaves are like those of the ash-trees in england , but somewhat bigger . the mastick-tree is very tall , but the body is slender , and therefore to support her , she hath spurs above seven foot from the ground , fixt into the body , and reach from the tree to the roots : so broad that they make round tables of them , above three foot and an half in the diameter . this tree hath commonly a double top , one side being somewhat higher then the other . the fruit is of a stammel colour , and hath neither skin nor stone , and is unwholsome . the leaves of it grow of such an heighth , that the form cannot be discerned till they fall down . some of these trees are about sixty foot high . the bully-tree is somewhat less , but excellent wood to work on : it bears a fruit like our bullies . her body is strait , and well shap't , her branches proportionable ; the timber very lasting . red-wood is an handsome tree of a midling size , the body about two foot and and an half in the diameter : the timber works so well that workmen commend it above all other . prickled yellow wood is as good as the red-wood , strong and lasting : good for building , and all work without doors . iron-wood is so extream hard , that it breaks the axes that fall it . it is so heavy that it is seldom used in buildings . it is good for any use without doors . for neither sun nor rain can soften it . it 's much used for coggs to the rollers . signum vitae , they use for the same purpose . they send much of it to england : where it 's used for bowls , cabinets , drinking cups , &c. the loust-tree is like a tuscane pillar , plain and massie : for the burden it bears being great and ponderous , ought to have a body proportionable thereunto . some of them are four foot in the diameter near the root , and 30. foot high growing taper-wise . the head is neither too heavy , nor too light , the branches large ; the springs , leaves , and nuts so thick , that one may lie upon them . the nuts are 3. inches and a half long , and two inches broad , and an inch thick : the shell somewhat thick , of an hair colour : the leaves bigger then those of our ashes . in every nut are three or four kernels . in times of famine poor people eat them for their sustenance . there is also a bastard locust-tree that looks fair , but will not last . the palmeto hath a body of fourty five or fifty foot high , the diameter , seldom above sixteen inches : the rind , of a poor ash color full of wrinkles ; the leaves about two foot and a half long , in bunches as if twenty long flag-leaves were tied together by the broad ends : with bundles of these they thatch houses very neatly , which is dry , warm , and lasting . the palmeto royal is the stateliest tree that grows on earth , for beauty and largeness not to be parallel'd . when she is about ten or twelve years old , she is about seventeen foot high ; that part which touches the ground is round like 〈◊〉 inkhorn , above which the body of the tree is less , like that part which holds the pen. the body is tawny , and purple , with rings of white and green mixed , that go round about , and stand at six inches distance . about six foot and an half high , grow the bottom of the stalks , thin as parchment , enwrapping one another so close , as to make a continued stem of the same bigness for two foot and an half above the others , every one of those skins bearing a stalk which lessens insensibly from the skin to the point . these branches are of several lengths , the most inward are the highest ; and each stalk is adorned with leaves , and each of these leaves sharp at either end ; the stem is of a pure grass green shining like velom , and all the branches with the leaves of a full grass green , and speading every way , and the highest of them eight foot above the stem . the branches sprout from the middle of tree , one at once , and as it opens it spreads the leaves abroad , at which time the eldest branch withers , and hangs down till the wind blows it off . then comes forth another , and another , and still there is a pike , and a dead leaf , a pike and a dead leaf as the tree growes higher and higher , which is till she be one hundred years old . about thirty or fourty yeas old she begins to bear her fruit , which is of the bigness of large grapes , some green , some yellow , some purple , and then they are ripe when they come to be purple , and fall down ; and then the green turns yellow , and the yellow purple , and so take their turns till the tree gives over bearing . these trees grow till some of them be two hundred , yea three hundred foot high . the top of this tree is of a vast extent , for from the point of the branches on the one side , to the point of the stalk on the other side is seventy eight foot , yet are none of the roots of this tree bigger then a swans quil ; but there are many of them , and they fasten themselves in the rock which makes the tree , though so high , and big , able to stand against all wind and weather . the wood of this tree is so hard and tough , that it breakes the axes of those those that fell it . there are many other sorts of trees , some exceeding large aud beautiful , for which they have no names . of plants . the ginger is a root that brings forth blades like the blades of wheat , but broader , and thicker : they are of a popinary colour , and the blossome of a pure scarlet . when the ginger is ripe , they dig it up , being the root , and scrape off the outward skin to kill the spirits of it , for else it would grow perpetually . others scald it to kill the spirits , and that will be black and hard as wood , whereas the scraped ginger is white , and soft , and hath a cleaner , and quicker tast . red pepper . there are two sorts of red pepper ; the one like coral , of a crimson and scarlet colour mixt : the fruit about three inches long , and shines more then the best polished coral . the other is of the same colour , and glisters as much , but is shaped like a large button of a cloake ; they have both the same quality ; so violently strong , that when they break but the skin , it causes them to cough for a quarter of an hour after the fruit is removed ; but whil'st they are grabling of it , they never give over . it grows on a little shrub no bigger then a goosbberry-bush . they have excellent good cucumbers from the beginning of november , to the end of february , they eat them cold with oyle , vineger , and pepper . but boiled or fried they use them for sauce with mutton , pork , turkies , and muscovy ducks . millions they have likewise for those four moneths : for the most part larger then ours in england , and eat moister . some of them are sixteen inches long . the water million is one of the goodliest fruits that grows : some as big as cloak-bags ; purely green , engravened with straw-colour . no inch of the rind is alike , and they are as smooth as polished glass ; within , they are like an apple for colour , but in tast waterish and wallowish . it 's rarely cooling and excellent against the stone . the seeds are of a pure purple ; they are full of these seeds . grapes they have which are indifferently well tasted , but they are never ripe together : there are alwayes some green , some ripe , and some rotten grapes in a bunch , and therefore they cannot make wine of them . the fruit of the plantane is of great use , and beauty too . in planting them they put a root into the ground six inches deep , and in a very short time there will come out three or four sprouts , whereof one hath the precedence . as this sprout grows , it springs from the intrinsick part of the stem , and the out leaves hang down and rot ; but still new ones come within , and rise up as the palmeto does , like a pike which opens with the sun , and becomes a leaf , and when it 's eight or ten foot high , the pikes and leaves will be of their full bigness , and so continue till the last sprout comes forth , which is the soul of the plant , and will never be a leaf : but is the stem upon which the fruit must grow . when the leaves come to their full bigness , they rot no more , but continue in their first beauty , a rich green with stripes of yellow . these leaves are most of them above six foot long , and two foot broad ; smooth , shining , and stiff as a lawrel leaf , falling from the middle to the end like a feather : and when it comes to the full heighth , the leaves will be fifteen or sixteen foot high , the stem upon which the fruit grows being a foot higher , with a green branch on the top , which branch is very heavy , and then the leaves open and shew the blossome , which is of a pure purple , and like a heart with the point downwards , being of a pound weight ; when this is fallen , the fruit grows . in six moneths space this plant will be grown , and the fruit ripe , which is pleasant , wholesome , and nourishing , yellow when it 's ripe : but the negroes desire it green , for they eat it boiled , and it 's the only food they live upon . when it 's gathered they cut down the plant , and give it to the hoggs , for it will grow no more . in three moneths another sprout will come to bear , and so another , and another for ever . groves they make of these plants of twenty acres of ground so planting them in every room that they can walk dry under the leaves , and be shaded from the sun. the wild plantane grows much as the other doth , but the leaves not so broad , and more upright : the fruit of a scarlet colour , and almost three square , but good for nothing . the bonano differs nothing from the plantane in the body and leaves , but only that the leaves are somewhat less , and the body hath here and there some blackish spots , the blossome no bigger then a large rose bud , of a faint purple and ash colour mixt , the stalk that bears it , is adorned with small blossomes , of several colours : the fruit stands upright like a bunch of puddings , each of them between four and five inches long . the fruit is sweeter then that of the plantane , and therefore the negroes will not meddle with it . it 's near as beautiful a trees as the ●antane . the pine is excellent in the superlative degree , both for beauty and tast . it s a full year before it bring forth ripe fruit , but when it comes to be eaten , nothing of rare tast that can be thought on that is not there . a slip taken from the body of this plant , and set in the ground , will not presently take root , but the crown that grows upon the fruit itself will sooner come to perfection . in a quarter of a year it will be a foot high , and the leaves about seven or eight inches long , appearing like a semicircle : the colour mostly frost upon green , intermixt with cornation , and the edges of the leaves have teeth like sawes . the leaves fall one over another , the points of the lowest touching the ground . in a quarter of a year more , the blossome appears on the top of the stem , as large as a great cornation , the colours , cornation , crimson , and scarlet , in streaks intermixt with yellow , blew , and peach colour-leaves , intermixed again with purple , sky-colour , orange-tauny , gridaline , and gingeline , white , and philamot : so that the flower represents the variety to the sight , which the fruit doth to the tast . when the flowers are fallen , there appears a little bunch of the bigness of a walnut , which hath in it all these colours mixt , which were disper'st in the leaves , and so it grows bigger for two moneths more ; when it 's perfect , it is of an oval form , and at the upper end grows out a crown of leaves much like the former in colour , but more beautiful . some of them six inches long ; the out leaves shorter by degrees . this fruit is inclosed with a rind , which begins with a skrew at the stalk , and so goes round to the top , or crown , gently rising , which screw is about a quarter of an inch broad , and the figures that are imbroidered upon it , near of the like dimension , and divisions between ; which divisions are never one over another in the screw , but are always under the middle of the figures above , which so vary in their colours , as that if you see one hundred pines , they are not like one another ; and every of those figures hath a little tuft , some green , some yellow , some ash-colour , and some carnation . there are two sorts of pines , the king and the queen-pine . the queen is far more delicate , and hath her colours of all greens , which shadows intermixt with faint cornations , but most of all , frost upon green , and sea-greens . the king-pine hath mostly all sorts of yellows shadowed with grass-greens . some of them are fourteen inches long , and six in the diameter : most of them having heavy bodies , and slender stalks , bowed down till they are on the ground . some of them have a dozen little ones round about the prime fruit , which are ripe by turns , and all very good . when it 's ripe it hath an admirable smell , when they come to eat them , they first cut off the crown , and send that to be planted : then they pare off the most beautiful rind , and cut the fruit into slices in a dish , and there issues out a liquor as clear as spring-water about six spoonful , which in tast is in a high degree delicious , and in eating the fruit , the delicate variety of tasts will change and flow so fast upon your pallat , as your fancy can hardly keep way with them , to distinguish the one from other . how they plant their sugar-canes . they dig a small trench of six inches broad , and as deep , in a straight line , the whole length of the ground where they plant them , then they lay two canes one by another along the bottom of the trench , and so continue them the whole lengh of the trenches , then they cover them with earth ; and at two foot distance they do the like , till they have planted all the field . but they plant not too much together , but so that it may ripen successively , that their work may come in in order , that they be not idle : for if they be not cut and used when they are ripe , they will rot . from these canes thus buried , comes forth a sprout at every knot . they begin to appear a moneth after their setting , and in a moneth more they are two foot high at the least , and in the mean time they weed them , and supply where there are any defects . these canes with their tops are about eight foot high , the bodies about an inch in the diameter ; the knots five or six inches distant one from the another . when they are ripe they cut them with little hand bills , six inches above the ground , and divide the tops from the canes ; and then holding the cane by the upper end , they strip off all the blades , which with the tops they give to their horses ; the canes they bind in faggots , and send them home upon asinegoes , each of them carrying three faggots ; two upon crooked sticks on the sides , and one in the middle . and these creatures being used to it , will of themselves go and come without a guide . the place where they unload them , is a little plat of ground near to the mill-house which they call a barbica . being laid in the barbica , they w●●k them out clean , not suffering them to grow stale ; for in two dayes the juice will turn sower , and spoil all ; and in the next place , they grind them with horses under three rollers , whose centers being of brass , steel , turn very easily : but when the canes are between the rollers , it 's a good draught for five oxen or two horses . in a little time then all the juice is pressed out , and then two negro girls take out the canes , and corry them away , laying them on a heap at a distance . under the rollers there is a reciever into which the liquor falls , and from thence by a pipe of lead , is carried into a cistern , which is near the stairs that goes down from the mill to the boyling-house . from thence it passes through a gutter to the clarifying copper : and as it clarifies in the first copper , and the scum rises , it 's conveyed to a second copper , where it 's again scummed , both which scums being very drossy , are thrown away ; but the skimming of the other three coppers are conveyed to the stilling-house , where it stands in cisterns till it be a little sowre . thus the liquor is refined from one copper to another , and the more coppers it passes through , the finer and purer it is . when it comes to the tach it must have much keeling and stirring , and as it boiles , they throw into the four last coppers a liquor made of water and wit hs , which they call temp , without which the sugar would be clammy and never kern . when it 's boiled enough , they poure two spoonfulls of sallet-oyl into the tach , and then it gives over to bubble , then after much keeling they take it out of the tach with ladles , and remove it into the cooling cistern . this work continues from monday morning till saturday night , without any intermission , day and night , with fresh supplies of men , horses , and cattel . the liquor being so cool as that it 's fit to put into pots ; first stopping the sharp end of the pots with plantane leaves , they fill them , and let it stand till it be cold , which will be in two dayes and two nights ; then they remove them into the trying-house , and pulling out the stopples ; the molosses runs out into a gutter that carries it into cisterns again , and that they call peneles , which is a sugar somewhat inferiour to muscovados , which will sweeten pretty well , and is of a reasonable good colour . when it 's well cured , they remove the pots from the curing room into the knocking room , and turning them upside down , they knock them till the sugar falls out , in which there are three sorts . the first is brown , frothy , and light ; the bottom is of a darker colour , gross and heavy , and full of molosses , both which they cut away and boil them again with molosses for peneles . the midle , which is more then two thirds of the whole , is a white colour , dry , and sweet , which they send to their storehouses at the bridge , there to be put in casks and chests to be shipt away . though the muscovado sugars require but a moneths time in making , after it is boiled , yet white sugar requires four moneths , and it s made thus . they take clay and temper it with water to the thickness of frumentry , and pour it on the top of the muscovado-sugar as it stands in the potts , and there let it remain four moneths , and when it comes to be knock't out of the pots , the top and bottom will be like muscovadoes , but the middle perfect white , and excellent lump sugar . the skimmings before spoken of , when they have stood till they are a little soure , they still it ; and the first spirit that comes , is a small liquor , which they call low-wines , which they still over again , and then comes off a very strong spirit , which is very soveraign when they are ill with colds , which the negroes are oft subject to , having nothing to lye upon but aboard , and nothing to cover them . and though the dayes be hot , the nights be cold , and they coming hot , and sweating from their dayes labour , are subject to catch cold ; and when they feel themselves amiss , one dram of these spirits cures them . and the christian servants , when their spirits are exhausted by their hard labour and sweating in the sun ten hours every day , and their stomacks weakened , a dram or two of these spirits is a great comfort and refreshing to them . they make much money also of them by selling them at the bridge , so that they make weekly so long as they work , 30. l. sterling , besides what is drunk by their servants and slaves . wit hs . there is another plant which they call a with , which is exceeding harmful ; for it pulls down all it can reach to , canes and all other plants . if it comes into a garden , it will wind about all hearbs , and plants that have stalks , and pull them down and destroy them . if into an orchard , it will climb up by the bodies of the trees into the branches , and draws them as it were into a purse ( for out of the main stock hundred of sprigs will grow ) and if any other tree be near it will find the way to it , and pull the tops of them together , and hinder the growth of the fruit ; and cut the main stock at bottom in hope to kill it ; the moisture in the branches above will cast down a new root into the ground ; yea , it will reach the highest timber , and so enwrap their branches as to hinder their growth ; and oftentimes it fastens one tree to another , so that one shall hinder the growth of another . if you clear a passage of ten foot broad between a wood where it grows , and your canes over night , and come the next morning , and you shall find the way crossed all over with wit hs , and got near to the canes , and if they once get amongst them , you cannot destroy the one without the other ; for wheresoever they touch ground , they get new roots , and so creep into every place , and as they go pull all down . yet have they some good virtues ; for they serve for all uses where ropes or cords are required ; as for binding their wood and canes into faggots , &c. and without them they were in an ill condition , having no other wood fit for hoops for their hogsheads , barrels , and tubs ; and they can have them of what length and bigness they please ; and for such uses they are very good . there are several kinds of these wit hs , some that bear fruit somewhat bigger then the cod of a bean , which being divided long-wise with a knife you shall perceive the most various and beatiful colours that can be , and so well matched , as to make up a very great beauty . many canes there be in the island , some large enough to hide five hundred men ; the runaway negroes oft shelter themselves in for a long time , and in the nights range abroad , and steal pigs , plantanes , potatoes , and pullen , and feast all day upon what they stole in the night : and the nights being dark , and their bodies black , escape undiscovered . another sort of wit hs they have that are made of the gum of trees , which falls from the boughs drop after drop , one hanging by another till they touch the ground , from whence they receive nourishment and grow larger : and if three or four of them come down so near as to touch one another , and the wind twists them together , they appear like ropes . aloes they have growing there very good , and its a beautiful plant , and the leaves four inches broad , and three quarters of an inch thick , and a foot and half long , with prickles on each side , and the last sprout which rises in the middle , bears yellow flowers , one above another , which are two foot higher then the leaves . these thick leaves they take and cut them through , and out of them issues the aloes , which they set in the sun that rarifies it , and makes it fit to keep : they save the first running , for if it run too long it will be much worse . this plant in england we call semper vivens . of this is there to be be made an admirable medicine for a burn or scald . an ointment foor a burn or scald , thus , take semper vivens , plantane leaves , and the green rind of elder , of each a like quantity , and boil them in sallet oyl , till all the tincture be drawn in boyling . then strain out the oyl well , and put it on the fire again , and put to it a small quantity of the spirits of wine , and so much yellow wax as will bring it to the consistence of a linement to keep it for use . there also the sensible plant , which closes the leaves upon any touch with your hand , or that end of the staff by which you hold , and in a little time will open again . there are few flowers in the island , and none of them sweet . the white lilly , and red lilly are much fairer then ours , and very beautiful , but neither of them sweet . the saint jago flower is very beautiful , but of an unpleasing smell . another flower they have that opens not till sun setting , and is closed all day , and therefore they call it the flower of the moon . it grows in great tufts , the leaves like a heart , the point turning back : the flower is of a most pure purple . after the flower appears the seed , black with an eye of purple , of the shape of a small button , so finely wrought , and tough with all , as it may well trim a suit of apparel . there is purceane so plentifully every where , as makes it disesteemed . herbs , and roots . there are brought from england , rosemary , time , winter-savory , sweet-marjerom , pot-marjerom , parsly , penny-royal , camomil , sage , tansie , lavender , cotton , garlick , onions , coleworts , cabbage , turnips , redishes , marigold , lettice , taragon , southern-wood , &c. all which prosper well . there is a root which was brought thither by the negroes , large , dry and well tasted . it 's good boyled to eat with pork , mixt with butter , vineger , and pepper ; it 's as big as three of our largest turnips . the strength of the island . this island is strong by scituation ; for there cannot be any safe landing , but where the harbours , and bayes are , which lie to the south-west , and those places are so defencible by nature , as with small cost they are strongly fortified . in the year one thousand six hundred and fifty they were able to muster ten thousand foot , as good , and resolute men as any in the world , and a thousand good horse , and since then , they are much increased . their laws and government . their laws are like ours in england , and they are governed by a governour , and ten of his council ; four courts of justice in civil laws which divide the countrey into four circuits . justices of peace , constables , churchwardens , and tithingmen . five sessions in a year were held for trial of criminal causes , and appeals from inferiour courts . when the governour pleases to call an assembly for the last appeals , and making new laws , or abolishing the old ; it consists of the governour , his councel , and two burgesses chosen by every parish . there are in the island eleven parishes : no tithe paid to the minister , but a yearly allowance of a pound of tobacco upon an acre of every mans land , besides church-duties for marriages , baptizings , and burials . their weather . four moneths in the year the weather is colder then in the other eight , and those are november , december , january , and february ; yet are they hotter then with us in may. there is no general fall of the leaf , every tree having a particular time for it self , as if two locust-trees stand but at a stones cast distance , one lets fall her leaves in january , another in march , another in july , another in september . the leaves when fallen under the tree , being most of them large and stiff , when they were growing , and full of veins from the middle stalk to the upper end , when the thin part of the leaf is consumed , those veins appear like skelletons , with the strangest works and beautifullest forms that can be imagined . negroes heads . they also find in the sands things that they call negroes-heads , about two inches long , with a forehead , eyes , nose , mouth , chin , and part of the neck : they are alwayes found loose in the sands , without any root . it is black as jet , but whence it comes they know not . tar . they have no mines , not so much as of coles in the islands . there flows out of the rock an unctious substance , somewhat like tar : it is excellent good to stop a flux being drunk : and for all aches , and bruises , being anointed with it . it is so subtile that being put into the hand and rubbed there , it works through the back of it . pitch , and movntiack . there is another gumming substance that is black and hard as pitch , and is used as pitch ; they call call it mountiack . an excellent remedy against the stone . my author relates this story concerning himself , that during his abode in the barbadoes , he was taken with such a fit of the stone , that for fourteen dayes together he made not one drop of water ; but when he despaired of life ; god sent him such a remedy as the world cannot afford a better . for within ten hours after this taking of it , he found himself not only eased , but cured : it brought away all the stones and gravel that stopped the passage , and his water came as freely from him as ever before , and caried before it such quantities of broken stones , and gravel that the like hath hardly been seen . and afterwards being in the like torment , he used the same remedy , and found the same ease . the medicine was this , take the pizle of a green turtle that lives in the sea , dry it with a moderate heat , pound it in a morter , and take as much of this powder as will lie upon a shilling , in beer , ale , or whitewine , and in a short time it will work the cure . these turtles are frequent in the chariby , and lucayick islands near to the barbadoes , to which many of them are brought . three sorts of turtles . there are 3. sorts of turtles : the loggerhead-turtle , the hawks-bill-turtle , and the green turtle , which is of a less magnitude , but far excelling the other two in wholesomness , and rareness of tast . that part of the island which is the most remote from the bridge , ( the onely place of trading ) by reason of deep and steep gullies interposing the passage , is almost stopt . besides , the land there is not so rich and fit to bear canes as the other : yet it 's very useful for planting , provisions of corn , bonavist , cassavy , potatoes , &c. as also of fruit , as oranges , limons , lymes , plantanes , bonanoes : likewise for breeding of hoggs , sheep , goats , cattel , and poultry to furnish either parts of the island which wants those commodities . the sugar canes are fifteen moneths from the time of their planting , before they come to be fully ripe . from the island of bonavista they have horses brought to them , whose hooves are so hard and tough , that they ride them at the barbadoes down sharp and steep rocks , without shooes : and no goat goes surer on the sides of rocks , or hills then they . finis . ( here place the examples of minerals and stones . ) examples of the wonderful works of god in the creatures . chap. i. of strange stones , earth , and minerals . 1. in cornwal , near unto a place called pensans , is that famous stone called main-amber : which is a great rock advanced upon some other of meaner size , with so equal a counterpoize , that a man may stir it with the push of his finger , but to remove it quite out of his place , a great number of men are not able . camb. brit. p. 188. the like is in the country of stratherne in scotland . 2. in summerset-shire , near unto cainsham are found in stone-quarries , stones resembling serpents , winding round in manner of a wreath , the head bearing up in the circumference , and the end of the tail , taking up the centre within : but most of them are headless . camb. brit. p. 236. 3. in gloucestershire upon the hills near alderly are found certain stones , resembling cockles , periwinckles , and oisters , which seem to be the gaimsome works of nature , or such shells turned into stone . camb. brit. p. 363. 4. in yorkshire , about whitby are found certain stones fashioned like serpents , foulded and wraped round , as in a wreath , so that a man would verily think that they had been somtimes serpents turned into stone . camb. brit. p. 718. 5. also in the same country at huntly nabb , there lye scattering here and there amongst the rocks , stones of divers bigness , so artificially by nature shaped round in manner of a globe , that one would take them to be big bullets made by the turners hand , for shot to be discharged out of great ordnance ; in which , if you break them , are found stony serpents , enwrapped round like a wreath : but most of them are headlesse . camb. brit. p. 721. 6. in the county of cornwal near unto st. neots , there are a number of good great rocks heaped up together , and under them one stone of lesser size , fashioned naturally in the form of a cheese lying in presse , whereupon it s named wring-cheese . camb. brit. p. 192. 7. in richmondshire amongst the ragged rocks , are found stones like unto periwinckles , cockles , and other shell fish . camb. brit. p. 727. 8. in the county of hereford , a hill which they call marcley-hill , in the year 1571. ( as though it had wakened on a sudden out of a deep sleep ) roused it self up , and for the space of three dayes together moving and shewing it self ( as mighty , and huge an heape as it was ) with roaring noise in a fearful sort , and overturning all things that stood in the way , advanced it self forward , to the wondrous astonishment of the beholders . camb. brit. p. 630. 9. in glamorganshire in a rock or cliffe , by the sea side , there appeareth a very little chink , unto which , if you lay your ear , you shall hear a noise as if it were of smiths at work , one while the blowing of the bellows , another while the striking of the sledge , and hammer ; sometimes the sound of the grindstone , and iron tools rubbing against it , the hissing sparks also of steel-gads within holes as they are beaten , and the puffing noise of the fire burning in the furnace . camb. brit. page 643. this is called merlins cave . 10. at aspley gowick in bedfordshire , near unto woburn , there is a kind of earth that turns wood into stone : for proof whereof there was a wooden ladder in the monastry of woburn , that having lien a good while covered in that earth , was digged forth again all stone . camb. brit. p. 401. i have a peece of wood turned into stone by that earth . 11. in kile in scotland , there is a rock about twelve foot high , and as much in breadth , called the deaf-craig : for though a man call never so loud , or shoot off a gun on the one side , yet his fellow on the other side cannot hear the noise . description of scotland . 12. in argile there is a stone found in diverse places , which being laid under straw , or stubble , doth set it on fire , by reason of the great heat that it gathereth there . idem . 13. it is most strange , yet true , that the armes of the duke of rohan in france , which are fusils , or lozenges , are to be seen in the wood , and stones , through all his country : so that if you break a stone in the middest , or lopp a bough of a tree , you shall behold the the grain thereof ( by some secret cause in nature ) diamonded , or streaked in the fashion of a lozeng . camb. brit. 14. in warwick-shire , the armes of the shugburies , which are starres , are found in the stones in their own manner of shugbury ; so that break the stone where you will , and there is the exact fashion of a star in the end of it . idem , i have some of these stones . 15. in the kingdom of fesse in affrica there is a mountain called beniguazeval , in the top whereof there is a cave that casteth out fire perpetually . pur. pil. v. 2. p. 807. 16. in prussia there is great store of amber , which groweth like coral in a mountain of the north-sea , which is clean covered with water : by the violence of the waves beating against this rock , the amber is oft broken off , and cast up by the sea into their havens . 17. about bever castle in lincoln-shire , are found the stones called astroites , which resemble little stars joyned one with another , wherein are to be seen at every corner , five beams , or rayes , & in the middest of every ray is to be seen a small hollownesse . camb. brit. 18. we have corral , amber , emralds , calcedony , pearl , onix , sardonix , sardis , bezar , hemathist , and the turquoise from arabia , indostan , and persia. pearls , berils , saphires , and adamants , from zeilan . jasper , cornelion , agate , heliotrope , jacinth , and chrysolite , from malabar , narsinga , and cochin-china . diamonds from borneo , and gulkunda . gold , silver , rubies , saphires , granats , topaz , emeralds , smaradg , espinels , cats-eyes , and porcellane , from pegu , siam , bengala , sumatra , japan , and china . chap. ii. examples of the rare works of god in the creatures . of trees , hearbs , plants , and gums . 1. of date-trees some are males , and other females : the male brings forth flowers onely ; the female fruit , but the flowers of the female will not open unlesse the boughs , and flowers of the male be joyned unto them : and if they be not thus coupled , the dates will prove stark naught , and have great stones in them , pur. pil. v. 2. p. 823. 2. neer unto the grand-cairo in egypt , is a garden environed with a strong wall ; in the garden is a large fountain , and in the middest of it groweth the only balm-tree bearing true balm , that is in the world : it hath a short stock or body , and beareth leaves like unto vine-leaves , but not altogether so long . pur. pil. v. 2. p. 838. 3. in the country of indostan they have a pleasant clear liquor which they call taddy , issuing from a spongy tree that grows straight , and tall , without boughs to the top , and there spreads out into branches , somwhat like to an english colewort , where they make incisions , under which they hang earthen pots to preserve the influence : that which distils forth in the night , is as pleasing to the taste , as any white wine , if drunk betimes in the morning ; and of a peircing , and medicinable quallity , excellent against the stone . but in the heat of the day the sun alters it , so that it becomes heady , ill-relished , and unwholesome . p. pil. v. 2. p. 1469. 4. for cotton wooll , they plant seeds , which grow up into shrubs like unto our rose-bushes : it blows first into a yellow blossome , which falling off , there remains a cod about the bignesse of a mans thumb , in which the substance is moist , and yellow , but as it ripens , it swells bigger , till it break the cod , and in short time becomes as white as snow , and then they gather it . p. pil. v. 2. p. 1470. 5. the cynamon tree is a small tree , and low , having leaves like to our bay-tree : in the month of march , or april , when the sap goeth up to the top of the tree , they cut the bark off the tree round about in length ; from knot to knot , or from joynt to joynt , above , and below , and then easily with their hands they take it away , laying it in the sun to dry , and yet for all this the tree dyes not , but against the next year it will have a new bark , and that which is gathered every year is the best cynamon : that which grows longer is great , and not so good . p. pil. v. 2. p. 1709. 6. in india is a tree called arbore de ray's or the tree of roots , it groweth first up like other trees , and spreadeth the branches , out of which there come strings , which seem a far off to be cords of hemp , which growing longer till they reach the ground , there take root again : so that in the end one tree will cover a great peece of ground , one root crossing within another like a maze , each of these young trees will in time grow so big , that it cannot be discerned which is the principal trunk , or body of the tree . 6. there is also a tree called arbore-triste , or the sorrowful-tree , so called , because it never beareth blossoms but in the night-time , and so it doth , and continueth all the year long : so soon as the sun sets , there is not one blossom seen upon the tree , but presently within half an hour after , there are as many blossoms as the tree can bear , pleasant to behold , and smelling very sweet ; and as soon as the day comes , and the sun is rising , they all presently fall off , and not one is to be seen on the tree , which seems as though it were dead , till evening comes again , and then it begins to blossom as it did before : it s as big as a plumb-tree : it groweth up quickly , and if you break but a branch of the tree , and set it into the earth , it presently takes root , and grows , and within a few days after it beareth blossoms , which are like orange-tree-blossoms , the flower white , and in the bottom somewhat yellow , and redish . p. pil. v. 2. p. 1780. 8. there is also an herb in india , called by the portugals , herba sentida , or feeling herb , which if a man touch , or throw sand , or any other thing upon it , presently it becomes as though it were withered , closing the leaves together , and it comes not to it self a gain , as long as the man standeth by it , but presently after he is gone , it openeth the leaves again , which become stiffe , and fair , as though they were newly grown : and touching it again , it shuts , and becomes withered as before , so that its a pleasure to behold the strange nature of it p. pil. v. 2. p. 1781. 9. pepper is planted at the root of some other tree , and runs up it like ivie : the leaves are like the orange-leaves , but somewhat smaller , green , and sharpe at ends : the pepper groweth in bunches like grapes , but lesse , and thinner ; they are always green till they begin to drye , and ripen , which is in december , and january , at which time it turns black , and is gathered . pur. pil. v. 2. p. 1782. 10. the best ginger grows in malabar ; it groweth like thin , and young netherland reeds , two or three spans high , the root whereof is the ginger , which is gathered in december , and january . p. pil. v. 2. p. 1782. 11. the clove-trees are like bay-trees , the blossoms at the first white , then green , and at last red , and hard , which are the cloves ; these cloves grow very thick together , and in great numbers : in the place where these trees grow , there is neither grass , nor green herbs , but is wholly drye , for that those trees draw all the moisture unto them . p. pil. v. 2. p. 1783. 12. the nutmeg-tree is like a pear-tree , but that its lesse , and with round leaves , the fruit is like great round peaches , the inward part whereof is the nutmeg ; this hath about it an hard shell like wood , and the shell is covered over with nutmeg-flowers , which is the mace , and over it is the fruit , which without , is like the fruit of a peach . p. pil. v. 2. p. 1783. 13. gumme-lac comes most from pegu : where are certain very great pismires with wings , which fly up the trees like plumb-trees , out of which trees comes a certain gumme which the pismires suck up , and then they make the lac round about the branches of the trees , as bees make wax ; and when it is full , the owners come , and breaking off the branches , lay them to dry ; and being dry , the branches shrink out , and the lac remains . p. pil. v. 2. p. 1783. 14. amber-greese , is usually cast upon the sea-shore , which as some suppose , is the dung of the whale ; or as others , the sperme , or seed of the whale consolidated by lying in the sea. p. pil. v. 2. p. 772. 15 the herb addad is bitter , and the root of it so venemous , that one drop of the juice will kill a man within the space of one hour . p. pil. v. 2. p. 850. 16 of palm-trees , which they keep with watering , and cutting every year , they make velvets , satins , taffaties , damasks , sarcenets , and such like , all which are spun out of the leaves cleansed , and drawn into long threads . p. pil. v. 2. p. 985. 17. frankincense grows in arabia , and is the gumme that issueth out of trees . idem . p. 1781. 18. in mozambique , manna is procreated of the dew of heaven , falling on a certain tree , on which it hardens like sugar , sticking to the wood like rozen , whence it s gathered , and put into jars , and is used much for purging in india . idem . p. 1554. 19. mastick-trees grow only in the island of sio : the trees are low shrubs , with little crooked boughs , and leaves : in the end of august they begin their mastick-harvest , men cutting the bark of the tree with iron instruments ; out of which the gum distills uncessantly for almost three months together . idem . p. 1812. 20. spunges are gathered from the sides of rocks , fifteen fathom under water , about the bottom of the streights of gibralter , the people that get them , being trained up in diving from their child-hood , so that they can indure to stay very long under water , as if it were their habitable element . 21. in manica , is a tree called the resurrection-tree , which for the greatest part of the year is without leaf , or greenness : but if one cut off a bough , and put it into the water , in the space of ten houres , it springs , and flourisheth with green leaves ; but draw it out of the water , as soon as it is dry , it remaineth as it was before . pur. pil. v. 2. p. 1537. 22. there is in the island of teneriff ( which is one of the canaries ) a tree as big as an oke of a middle size , the bark white like hornbeam , six , or seven yards high , with ragged boughs , the leaf like the bay-leaf . it beareth neither fruit , nor flower ; it stands on the side of an hill , in the day its withered , and drops all night ( a cloud hanging thereon ) so that it yeelds water sufficient for the whole island , wherein are eight thousand souls , and about an hundred thousand cammels , mules , goats , &c. the water falls from it into a pond made of brick , paved with stone ; from whence it s conveyed into several ponds , thorough the whole island . they also water therewith their corn-ground , for they have no other water in the island , except rain-water . the pond holds twenty thousand tun of water , and is filled in one night . many of our english that have been there have attested the truth hereof . idem . p. 1369. concerning which tree , sylvester the poet made these verses : in th' i le of iron ( one of those same seven whereto our elders happy name have given ) the savage people never drink the streams of wells , and rivers , as in other realms . their drink is in the air ! their gushing spring , a weeping tree out of it self doth wring . a tree , whose tender-bearded-root being spread in dryest sand , his sweating-leaf doth shed a most sweet liquor ; and ( like as the vine untimely cut , weeps ( at her wound ) the wine in pearled tears ) incessantly distils a royal stream , which all their cisterns fills throughout the island : for all hither hie , and all their vessels cannot draw it drye ! 23. aloes growes in the island of socotera , which is nothing but semper vivum , it is so full of a rosin-like juice , that the leaves are ready to break with it : which leaves they cut in small peeces , and cast them into a clean pit made in the ground , and paved : there it lies to ferment in the heat of the sun , whereby the juice floweth forth , which they put in skins , and hang them up in the wind to drye , whereby it hardens . p. pil. v. 1. p. 419. 24. indico groweth in the moguls country , having a small leaf like that of sena : the branches are of a wooddy substance like broom : it grows not above a yard high , the stalk about the bignesse of a mans thumb : the seed is included in a small round cod of an inch long . this once sowed lasteth three years : that of the first year makes a weighty reddish indico , that sinks in water , being not yet come to its perfection : that of the second year is rich , very light , and of a perfect violet-colour , swiming on the water : that of the third year is weighty , blackish , and the worst of the three . this herb , when it s cut , is put into a cistern , and pressed down with stones , then covered over with water , where it remains till the substance of the herb is gone into the water : then it s drawn forth into another cistern , and laboured with staves till it be like batter , then they let it seeth , and so scum off the water two or three times , till nothing but a thick substance remains , which taking forth , they spread on a cloath , dry it in the sun , then make it into balls , dry it on the sand , which causes the sandy foot : that is best , which is of a pure grain ; violet-colour , is glossie , dry , and light . idem . p. 430. 25. sir james lancaster in his east-indy voyage , in the isle of sombrero found on the sea-sands , a young twig growing up to a tree , and offering to pluck up the same , it shrank down into the ground , and when it was by strength pulled up , a great worm was the root of it , and as the tree groweth in greatnesse , the worm diminisheth : this tree plucked up , the leaves and pill stripped off , by that time its dryed , is turned into a hard stone ; so that this worm was twice transformed into different natures , after a wondrous manner : of these he brought home many . p. pil. v. 1. p. 152. 26. about saffron walden in essex , there grows great store of saffron , which was first brought into england , in the reign of king edward the third . this in the month of july every third year , being plucked up , and after twenty dayes , having the root split , and set again in the earth , about the end of september it putteth forth a whitish-blew flower ; out of the midst where of there come three chives , which are gathered in the morning before sun-rising , and being plucked out of the flower , are dried by a soft fire ; and so great is the increase that commeth thereof , that out of every acre of ground , there are made fourscore , or an hundred pound weight of saffron , whilst it is moist , which being dryed , yeeld some twenty pound weight . and the ground which three years together hath brought saffron , is so enriched thereby , that it will bear very good barley , many yeares together without dung , or manuring . camb. brit. p. 453. 27. all along the shores of the red-sea are abundance of palm-trees of a very strange nature : they grow in couples , male and female : both thrust forth cods full of seed : but the female is only fruitful , and that not except growing by the male , and having her seed mixed with his . the pith of these trees is an excellent sallet , better than an artechoke : of the branches are made bedsteads , lattices , &c. of the leaves , baskets , mats , fans , &c. of the outward husk of the cod , cordage ; of the inward , brushes . the fruit it beareth is like a fig , and finally it is said to yeild whatsoever is necessary for the life of man. it is the nature of this tree , that if never so great a weight be laid upon it , it will lift & raise up it self the more ; for which it was given to conquerors in token of victory . herb. trav. 28. in italy there grows an herb called balilisco , which hath this innate property ; that if it be laid under a stone in some moist place , in two days space it produceth a scorpion : raimunds mercu. ital. 29. the assa-faetida tree is like our bryer in height , the leaves resemble fig-leaves , the root is like our radish : though the smell be so bace , yet the taste is so pleasing , that no meat , no sauce , on vessel is pleasing to the gusarat● pallats where it grows , except it rellish of it . herb. trav. 30 benjamin is either pure , cleer , and white , or yellow , and streaked : this gum issues from an high tree , small , and furnished with fruitlesse branches ; the leaves are not unlike to those of the olive : pegu and siam yeild the best . 31. the coco tree is very rife in the east-indies . in the whole world there is not a tree more profitable than this is , neither do men reap more benefit of any other tree than of this . the heart of the tree makes good timber , planks , and masts for ships : with the leaves thereof they make sails , with the rind of it they make cordage : a gum that grows out of it caulks the ship : the fruit of it is a kind of nut , which being full of kernel , and a sweet liquor , serves for meat and drink : much wine also it yeilds , & of the wine they make sugar , and placetto . the wine they gather in the spring of the year out of the middle of the tree , from whence there runs continually a white thin liquor , at which time they put a vessel under it , and take it away full every morning , and evening , and then distilling it , they make a very strong liquor of it . of the nuts also they make great store of oil : out of the tree they make bows , bedsteads : of the leaves also they make very fine mats , which whilest green , are full of an excellent sweet liquor , with which if a man be thirsty , he may satisfie himself : with the bark they make spoons , dishes , and platters for meat . the first rind of the nut they stamp , and make thereof perfect ockam : and the store of these nuts serve for merchandise . so that out of this one tree , they build and rig ships , furnish them with meat , drink , utensils , and merchandise , without the least help of any other whatsoever . pur. pil. v. 2. p. 1466. and 1704. 32. mr. herbert in his travels thus describes it . the tree that bears the coco , is strait , & lofty , without any branches , save at the very top , where it spreads its beautiful plumes , and nuts like pearles , or pendants adorning them . it is good timber for canoes , masts , anchors : the leaves for tents or thatching : the rind for sailes , matteresses , cables , and linnen : the shels for furniture : the meat for victualling . the nut is covered with a thick rind equal in bignesse to a cabbage . the shell is like the skull of a man , or rather a deaths-head , the eyes , nose , and mouth , being easily discerned : within it is contained a quart of sweet and excellent liquor , like new white-wine , but far more aromatick tasted : the meat or kernel , is better relished than our phelberds , and is enough to satisfy the appetite of two reasonable men . — the indian nut alone is cloathing , meat , and trencher , drink , and can. boat , cable , sail , mast , needle , all in one . herb. and sylvester hath set them forth to the life in these verses . the indian isles most admirable be , in those rare fruits call'd coquos commonly ; the which alone far richer wonder yeilds , then all our groves , meads , gardens , orchards , fields . what wouldst thou drink ? the wounded leaves drop wine . lackst thou fine linnen ? dresse the tender rine . dresse it like flax , spin it , then weave it well , it shall thy camrick , and thy lawn excell . longst thou for butter , bite the poulpous part , for never better came to any mart . do'st need good oyle ? then boult it to , and fro , and passing oyl it soon becometh so . or vinegar ? to whet thine appetite ; why , sun it well ; and it will sharply bite . or want's thou sugar ? steep the same a stownd , and sweeter sugar is not to be found . 't is what you will ; or will be what you would : should midas touch it , sure it would be gold . and god , all-good , to crown our life with bayes , the earth with plenty , and his name with praise , had done enough , if he had made no more but this one plant , so full of choicest store ; save that the world ( where , one thing breeds satiety ) could not be fair , without so great variety . 32. the plantan tree is of a reasonable height ; the body about the bigness of a mans thigh , compacted of many leaves , wrapped one upon another , adorned with leaves in stead of boughs from the very ground , which are for the most part about two ells long , and an ell broad , having a large rib in the middle thereof . the fruit is a bunch of ten , or twelve plantans , each a span long , and as big almost as a mans wrist ; the rind being stripped off , the fruit is yellowish , and of a pleasant taste . pur. pil. p. 416. 33. the cedars of mount libanus grow higher than pines , and so big , that four or five men with their armes can but fathom them ; the boughs rise not upward , but stretch out a cross , largely spread , and thickly enfolded one in another , as if done by art , so that men may sit , and lie along upon the boughs : the leaves are thick , narrow , hard , prickly , and alwayes green ; the wood is hard , incorruptible , and sweet smelling ; the fruit like the cones of cypress , gummy , and marvellous fragrant . pur. pil. v. 2. p. 1500. 34. in africa are many palmeta trees , whence they draw a sweet , and wholsome wine , by cutting , or boring holes into the body of the tree , into which a cane is put that receives the sap , and conveys it into gourds : it tastes like white wine , but it will not last above four and twenty hours . idem . 35. in new-spain there are many trees which they call manguey : it hath great , and large leaves , at the end whereof is a strong , and sharp point , which they use for pins , and needles , and out of the leaf they draw a kind of thred which they use much to few with . the body of the tree is big , which when it is tender , they cut , and out of the hole proceeds a liquor which they drink like water , being fresh , and sweet . this liquor being sodden , becomes wine , which being kept till it be sower , makes good vinegar : boil it it a litle more than for wine , and it makes a fine syrup ; and boil it till it be thick , and it makes hony. idem . v. 3. p. 957. 36. there is a certain tree in new-spain called tunalls , in whose leaves breed certain small worms , which are covered with a fine web , compassing them in daintily . this in the season they gather , and let it drye , and this is that cochenille , so famous , and dear , wherewith they dye in grain . idem . 37. the jack , or giack is an high tree , and uneasy to be ascended ; the jack for shew and bigness resembles a pumpeon : without , it is of a gold yellow , mixt with veins ; within , its soft , and tender , full of golden coloured cloves , each full of kernels , not unlike a great french bean , but more round , each of them hath an hard stone within it , the fruit is somewhat unpleasant at the first taste ; t is glutinous , and clammy in the mouth , but very restorative , and good for the back . 38. the ananas is not inferiour to the jack in bulk , and roundnesse : it ariseth from no seed , or sowing , but from a root like an artichok : when they are ripe they shew themselves , and are not above two foot high : without , it is covered with a drie rind , hard , and skaley ; within , its wholesome and pleasant , and though a little of it seems to satiate the appetite , yet the stomach likes it well , and its easie of digestion . 39. the duroyen is somewhat like the jack , in shape round , the inward vertue , is far greater than the outward beauty : at first opening it hath an unpleasant smell : the meat is whitish , and divided into a dozen cells , or partitions , filled with stones as big as chesnuts , white and cordial . it s a fruit nutritive , and dainty , and may well be called an epitome of all the best , and rarest fruits in the the orient . 40. the arec-tree is almost as high as a cedar , but more like the palmeto : i'ts of a fuzzie , hollow substance , adorned at every top with plumes , wherein the fruit hangs in clusters ; it s in shape and bigness like a wallnut ; white and hard within ; hath neither taste , nor smell : they never eat it alone , but wrap it in a leaf of bettle , and are frequently chawing of it : some adde to it a kinde of lime made of oister-shels , it cures the chollick , removes melancholly , kills worms , provokes lust , purges the maw , and prevents hunger . it s much used in the east-indies . 41. the palmeto-tree is long , strait , round , and soft , without leaf , bough , or branch , save at the top , and those are few , green , and sedgie : under which branches there appear certain codded seeds : both the male , and female bear blossoms , but the female only beares fruit , and yet not that , unlesse a flowring branch of the male tree be yearly inoculated : the leaves serve for many uses . at the top of this tree there is a soft pith , in which consists the life of it : for that being cut out , the tree dyes . this pith is in bignesse like small cabbage , in taste like a nut kernel , and being boiled it eats like a colly-flower . but of more value is the palmeta wine , which is sweet , pleasant , and nourishing in colour , and taste not unlike muskadine : it purges , cures obstructions , and kills the worms . if it stand two dayes in the sun it makes good vinegar . the wine is thus gotten . they cut a small hole in two or three trees that grow together , which in a short time are filled with the sap that issues in them , which with a cane , or quill , they draw forth . pur. pil. 42. in summersetshire , near unto glastenbury , in wiral park was that famous hawthorn tree , which used upon christmas day to sprout forth as fresh as in may ; but now it s cut down . camb. brit. p. 227. 43. in the marishes of egypt grow those sedgie reeds , called papyri , whereof formerly they made paper , and from whence ours that is made of rags assumed that name . they divide it into thin flakes , whereinto it naturally parteth : then laying them on a table , and moistening them with the glutinous water of nilus , they press them together , dry them in the sun , and then they are fitted for use . pur. pil. v. 2 p. 898. chap. iii. the wonderful works of god in the creatures . of strange fountains , rivers , and waters . 1. in the bishoprick of durham in derlington field , there are 3 pits of a wonderful depth , called by the vulgar hell-kettles , in which the water by an antiperistasis , or reverberation of the cold air , striking thereupon , waxeth hot ; which pits have passage under ground , into the river teese , as archbishop guthbert tonstal observed , by finding that goose in the river which he had marked , and let down into these pits . camb. brit. p. 737. 2. in yorkshire , neer unto knasburow castle is a well , in which the waters spring not up out of the veins of the earth , but distil , and trickle down , dropping from the rocks hanging over it , whence it s called dropping-well : into which , what wood soever is put , it will in a short space be turned into stone . camb. brit. p. 700. 3. in caermardenshire , neer unto careg castle , there is a fountain that twice in four and twenty hours ebbeth , and twice floweth , resembling the unstable motions of the main sea. camb. brit. p. 650. 4. in westmerland , hard by shape , there is a well , or fountain , which after the manner of euripus ebbeth , and floweth many times in a day . camb. brit. p. 762. 5. in ireland is a fountain , whose water killeth all those beasts that drink thereof , but hurteth not the people , though they usually drink of it . ortelius . 6. near unto lutterworth in leicester-shire , there is a spring of water so cold , that in a short time it turneth straws , and sticks , into stone . camb. brit. p. 518. 7. in derbyshire in the peak-forrest not far from buxtone , is a well which in a wonderful manner doth ordinarily ebb , and flow , four times in the space of one hour , or thereabouts , keeping his just tides . camb. brit. p. 558. 8. also in the same country at the spring head of wie there rise , and walm up , nine fountains of hot waters , commonly called buxton wells , very sovereign for the stomach , sinews , and whole body . camb. brit. p. 557. 9. in scotland on the bank of ratra neer unto stang's castle , there is a cave , wherein the water distilling naturally by drops from the head of the vault , is presently turned into pyramidal stones ; and were not the said hole or cave , otherwiles rid , and cleansed , the whole space as far as up to the vault , would in a short time be filled therewith . camb. brit. scotl. p. 48. 10 in scotland in the countrey of murray , there is a river called naes , the water whereof is almost always warm , and at no time so cold that it freezeth , yea , in the most cold time of winter , broken ice falling into it , is dissolved with the heat thereof . defcrip . of scotl. 11. also in galloway , the loch called loch-merton , is of such a strang nature , that the one half of it doth never freeze in the coldest winter . descrip. of scotl. 12. in lenox is a great loch or meer , called loch-lowmond , in length twenty four miles , and eight in breadth , wherein are three strang things : first , excellent good fish without any sins : secondly , a floating island whereon many kine feed : and thirdly , tempestuous waves rageing without winds , yea , in the greatest calms . desc. of scotl. 13. there is a certain island called lounda in the kingdom of congo , wherein is no fresh water ( being a very sandy ground ) but if you dig but the depth of two or three hand breadths , you shall find sweet water , the best in all those countryes : and ( which is most strang ) when the ocean ebbeth , this water grows brackish , but when it flows to the top , it is most sweet . p. pil. v. 2. p. 989. 14. not far from casbine , the regal city in persia is a fountain of a strang , and wonderful nature , out of which there continually springeth , and issueth a marvellous quantity of black oil , which serveth in all parts of persia to burn in their houses , and is usually carried all over the countrey upon kine , and asses , whereof you may often meet three or four hundred in company . p. pil. v. 2. p. 1431. 15. about three days journey from old balylon , is a town called ait , and neer unto that is a valley of pitch very marvellous to behold , wherein are many springs , throwing out abundantly a kind of black substance , like unto tar , and pitch , which serveth all the country thereabout to staunch their barques and boats with : every one of which springs makes a noise like to a smith's forge in puffing and blowing out the matter , which never ceaseth day nor night , and the noise is hard a mile off : the moors call it hell-mouth . p. pil. v. p. 1437. 16. clitumnus is a river in italy , which makes all the oxen that drink of it , white . fulk . meteor . lib. 4. 17. the river melas in boeotia makes all the sheep that drink of it , black . plin. 18. the fountain of jupiter hammon , is cold in the day time , and hot at midnight . 19. the fountain of the sun hath its water extream cold , and sweet at noon ; and boiling hot , and bitter at midnight . plin. lib. 2. c. 103. augustine . 20. there is a river in palestine called the sabbatical river , which runs with a violent and swift stream all the week ; but every sabbath it remains dry , joseph . de bel. jud. l. 7. c. 24. some question the truth of this . 21. in idumae● is a fountain called the fountain of job , which for one quarter of the year is troubled and muddy ; the next quarter bloody , the third green , and the fourth clear . isiod . 22. the river astaces in the isle of pontus uses sometimes to overflow the fields , after which whatsoever sheep , or milch-cattle feed thereon give black milk . plin. l. 2. c. 103. 23. furius camillus being censor in rome , the lake albanus being environed with mountains on every side , in the time of autumn when other lakes and rivers were almost dry , the waters of this lake after a wondrous manner began to swell , and rise upwards , till at last they were equall with the tops of the mountains , and after a while they brake thorow one of those mountains , overflowing and bearing all down before them till they emptied themselves into the sea. plut. 24. the river d ee in merionneth-shire in wales , though it run through pimble-meer , yet it remaineth intire , and mingles not its streams with the waters of the lake . cam. brit. 25. ana a river in spain , burieth it self in the earth , and runneth under ground fifteen miles together , whereupon the spaniards brag that they have a bridg whereon ten thousand catle feed dayly . 26. pliny tells us of a fountain called dodon , which always decreaseth from midnight till noon , and encreaseth from noon till midnight . 27. he also tells us of certain fountains in an island neer italy , which always increase and decrease according to the ebbing , and flowing of the sea. 28. aristotle writeth of a well in sicilie , whose water is so sharp , that the inhabitants use it instead of vinegar . 29. in bohemia neer to the city of bilen is a well of such excellent water , that the inhabitants use to drink of it in a morning instead of burnt wine . dr. fulk . 30. in paphlagonia is a well , which hath the taste of wine , and it makes men drunk which drink of it ; whence du-bartas , salonian fountain , and thou andrian spring , out of what cellars do you daily bring the oyl , and wine that you abound with so ? o earth , do these within thine entrals grow ? &c. 31. aelian mentioneth a fountain in boeotia neer to thebes , which makes horses run mad if they drink of it . 32. pliny mentioneth a water in sclavonia which is extream cold , and yet if a man throw his cloath cloak upon it , it is presently set on fire . 33. other waters there are which discolour the fleeces of the sheep which drink of them : whence du-bartas , cerona , xanth , and cephisus do make , the thirsty flocks that of their waters take , black , red , and white : and neer the crimson deep , th' arabian fountain maketh crimson sheep . 34. and again . what should i of th' illyrian fountain tell ? what shall i say of the dodonean well ? whereof the first sets any cloathes on fire ; th' other doth quench ( who but will this admire ) a burning torch : and when the same is quenched , lights it again , if it again be drenched . 35. in the province of dara in lybia , there is a certain river , which sometimes so overfloweth the banks that it is like a sea , yet in the summer it is so shallow , that any one may passe over it on foot . if it overflow about the beginning of aprill , it brings great plenty to the whole region ; if not , there follows great scarcity of corn. pur. pil. v. 2. p. 823. 36. in the kingdom of tunis neer unto the city el-hamma , is a hot river , which by diverse channels is carried through the city , the water of it being so hot that few can endure to go into it , yet having set it to cool a whole day , the people drink of it . idem . p. 821. 37. in africa , there is a river called margania , and by it a salt spring which turns all the wood is thrown into it , into hard stone . idem . p. 1547. 38. the river meander is famous for its six hundred windings , and turnings , in and out : whence that of the poet , quique recurvatis ludit maeander in undis . maeander plays his watry pranks , within his crooked winding banks . 39. groenland in the hyperborean sea , was discovered anno christi 1380. it hath in it the monastery of st. thomas situate in the north-east part thereof at the foot of a mountain , where there is a river so hot , that they use to boil their meat in it , and it serves for other such purposes as fire doth with us , isac . chron. p , 275. 40 the river hypanis in scythia every day brings forth little bladders , out of which come certain flies which are thus , bred in the morning , are fledge at noon , and dye at night . fit emblems of the vain , and short life of man. 41 the famous river of nilus in egypt useth once in the year to overflow her banks , whereby the whole country is watered . it usually beginneth to overflow upon the seventeenth of june , and increaseth daily , sometimes two , sometimes three fingers , and sometimes half a cubit high on a day . the increase of it is known by a pillar erected in a cistern , whereinto the water is conveyed by a sluce ; which pillar is divided into eighteen parts , each a cubit higher than the other . if the water reach no higher than to the fifteenth cubit , they expect a fruitful year : if it stay between the twelfth , and fifteenth cubit , the increase of that year will be but mean. if it reach not to the twelfth , it s a sign of scarcity . if it rise to the eighteenth , the scarcity will be greater , in regard of too much moisture . this river continueth forty dayes increasing , and forty dayes decreasing . pur. pil. v. 2. p. 838. 42. another thing is wonderful , which is this : in the grand cairo ( which is the metropolis of egypt ) the plague useth many times to be very violent , till the river begins to overflow its banks , at which time it doth instantly cease . so that whereas five hundred a day dyed the day before , not one doth die the day following . idem . p. 897. 43. in the county of devon , not far from the town of lidford , at a bridg , the river lid is gathered into a strait , and pent in between rocks , whereon it runneth down a main , and the ground daily waxing deeper , and deeper under it , his water is not seen , only a roaring noise is heard , to the great wonder of those that pass by . camb. brit. p. 199. 44. in warwickshire , at nevenham regis , three fountains arise out of the ground , strained through an allom mine : the water whereof carrieth the colour , and tast of milk , which cureth ulcers in the bladder , or kidneys caused by the stone , and provoketh urine abundantly ; green wounds it cleanseth , closeth up , and quickly healeth ; being drunk with salt it looseth , and with sugar it bindeth the belly . about fifty years ago these wells were famous , and in great request , many resorting to them , and the water by others was sent for far and near . idem . p. 562. 45. in herefordshire , a little beneath richards castle , nature , who never disports her self more in shewing wonders , than in waters , hath brought forth a pretty well , which is alwayes full of little fish bones , although they be drawn out from time , to time , whence it s commonly called bone-well . idem . p. 619. 46. in yorkshire , upon the sea-shore by sken-grave , when the winds are laid , and the weather is most calm upon the sea : the water lying level and plain without any noise : there is heard here many times on a sudden , a great way off , as it were , an horrible , and fearful groaning , which affrights the fishermen at those times , so that they dare not launce forth into the sea. idem . p. 720. 47. pliny tells us of the fountain chymaera , that is set on fire with water , and put out with earth , or hey . plin. nat . hist. lib. 2. c. 106 , 107. 48. the same author also tells us , that in the hot deserts of india grows a certain kind of flax that lives in the fire , and consumes not : we have seen ( saith he ) table-cloathes made of it , burning in fires at feasts , by which they have been cleansed from their stains , and spots , and made whiter by the fire than they could be by water . 49. at belgrad in hungary , where danubius , and sava ( two great rivers ) meet , their waters mingle no more than water and oil : not that either flote above other , but joyn unmixed ; so that near the middle of the river i have gone in a boat ( saith sir henry blunt in his voyage into the levant ) and tasted of the danow , as clear , and pure as a well ; then putting mine hand an inch further , i have taken of the sava , as troubled as a street-channel , tasting the gravel in my teeth . thus they ran sixty miles together , and for a dayes journey i have been an eye-witness of it . chap. iv. the wonderful works of god in the creatures . of strange fishes . 1 anno christi 1204. at oreford in suffolk , a fish was taken by the fishermen at sea , in shape resembling a wild man , and by them was presented to sir bartholomew de glanvil , keeper of oreford castle . in all his limbs and members he resembled a man , had hair in all the usual parts of his body , only his head was bald . the knight caused meat to be set before him , which he greedily devoured , and did eat fish raw , or sod : that which was raw he pressed with his hand , till he had squeezed out all the moisture : he uttered not any speech , though to try him , they hung him up by the heels , and grievously tormented him . he would get him to his couch at the setting of the sun , and rise again at the sun-rising . one day they brought him to the haven , and let him go into the sea , but to prevent his escape , they set three rows of very strong nets before him to catch him again at their pleasure : but he , straitwayes diving to the bottom , crept under all their nets , and shewed himself again to them , and so often diving , he still came up , and looked upon them that stood on the shore , as it were mocking of them . at length after he had sported himself a great while in the water , and there was no hope of his return , he came back to them of his own accord , and remained with them two months after . but finally , when he was negligently looked to , he went to the sea , and was never after seen , or heard of . fabians chron. 2. anno christi 1404. some women of edam in the low-countries , as they were going in their barks to their cattel in purmer-meer , they often saw at the ebbing of the water , a sea-women playing up and down , whereat at the first they were afraid , but after a while , incouraging one another , they made with their boats towards her , and the water by this time being not deep enough for her to dive in , they took her by force , and drew her into the boat , and so carried her to edam , where in time she grew familiar , and fed of ordinary meats : and being sent from thence to herlem , she lived about fifteen years , but never spake , seeking often to get away into the water . belg. common-wealth . p. 102. 3. in the seas , near unto sofala are many women-fishes ; which from the belly to the neck are very like a woman ▪ the females have breasts like womens , with which also they nourish their young . from the belly downward they have thick , and long tails , with fins like a dolphin : the skin on the belly is white ; on the back rougher , than a dolphins . they have arms , which from the elbows end in fins , and so have no hands : the face is plain , round , and bigger than a mans , deformed , and without humane semblance : they have wide mouths , thick hanging lips like a hound ; four teeth hanging out almost a span long like the tusk of a boar : and their nostrils are like a calves . pur. pil. v. 2. p. 1546. 4. upon the coasts of brasile are often found meer-men , which are like unto men of a good stature , but that their eyes are very hollow . 5. captain richard whitburn in his description of newfound-land , writes that anno christi 1610. early in a morning as he was standing by the water side , in the harbour of st johns , he espied a strong creature swimming very swiftly towards him like a women , looking chearfully upon him : her face , eyes , nose , mouth , chin , ears , neck , and forehead were like a womans . it was very beautiful , and in those parts well proportioned , having hair hanging down round about the head : he seeing it come within a pikes length of him , stepped back , whereupon it dived under water , swimming to another place , whereby he beheld the shoulders , and back down to the middle , which was as square , white , and smooth as the back of a man ; from the middle to the hinder part it pointed in proportion like a broad-hooked arrow : afterwards it came to a boat wherein some of his men were , attempting to come in to them , till one of them struck it a full blow upon the head : others of them saw it afterwards also . 6. about brasile are many meer-men , and meer-women , that have long hair , and are very beautiful . they often catch the indians as they are swimming , imbracing them , and kissing them ; and clasp them so hard , that they crush them to death , and when they perceive that they are dead , they give some sighs , as if they were sorry pur. pil. v. 4. p. 1315. 7. there are also another sort of them , that resemble children , and are no bigger , that are no ways hurtful . idem . 8. the torpedo is a strange kind of fish , which a man holding in his hand , if it stir not , it produceth no effect ; but if it move it self never so little , it so torments the body of him that holds it , that his arteries , joints , sinews , & all his members feel exceeding great pain , with a certain numness , and as soon as he layeth it out of his hand , all that pain , and numness , is gone also . p. pil. v. 2. p. 1183. see more of it afterwards . 9. in sofala are many river-horses , as big as two of our horses , with thick , and short hinder legs , having five clawes on each fore-foot , and four on the hinder ; the mouth is wide , and full of teeth , four of which are above two spans long a peece ; the two lower stand upright ; the two upper are turned like a boars tush ; they live in the water , but feed on the land upon grass : they have teats wherewith they nourish their young ones : their hides are thicker than an oxes ; they are all of an ash-colour gray , with white strakes on their faces , or white stars in their foreheads . idem . p. 1544. 10. in the mouth of the river of goa , there was taken a fish of the bigness of a cur-dog , with a snout like an hog , small eyes , no ears , but two holes in-stead thereof : it had four feet like an elephant : the tail was flat , but at the end round , and somewhat sharp : it snorted like a hog ; the body , head , tail , and legs , were covered with broad scals as hard as iron , so that no weapon could peirce them : when he was beaten , he would rowle himself round like an urchin , and could by no strength be opened , till he opened of his own accord . idem . p. 1774. 11. there are also toad-fishes of about a span long , painted , having fair eyes : when they are taken out of the water , they snort , and swell much : their poison lies only in the skin , and that being flaid off , the indians eat them . idem . p. 1314. 12. the cuttle-fish hath a hood alwayes full of black water , like ink , which when she is pursued by other fishes that would devour her , she casts it forth , which so darkens and foileth the water , that she thereby escapeth . idem . 13. there are a sort of fishes , whose wonderful making magnifieth their creator , who for their safety hath given them fins , which serve in-stead of wings : they are of such a delicate skin interlaced with fine bones as may cause admiration in the beholder : these fishes are like to pilcherds , only a little rounder , and bigger : they flye best with a side wind , but longer than their wings are wet , they cannot flye ; so that their longest flight is about a quarter of a mile . the dolphins , and bonitos do continually hunt after them , to prey upon them : whereupon for safety they take the air : but then there is a fowle called an alcatrace , much like a hern , which hovers in the air to seize upon them . incidit in scyllam qui vult vitare caribdim . out of the frying pan into the fire , as our proverb hath it . 14. there is often a strang fight in the sea between the whale and his enemies , viz. the swordfish , and the thresher . the swordfish is not great , but strongly made , and between his neck and shoulders he hath a bone like a sword , of about five inches broad , and above three foot long , full of prickles on either side . the thresher is a bigger fish , whose tail is broad , and thick , and very weighty . the fight is in this manner ; the swordfish placeth himself under the belly of the whale , and the thresher above with his tail thresheth upon the head of the whale , till he forceth him to give way , which the swordfish perceiving , wounds him in the belly with the sword , and so forceth him to rise up again . in this manner they torment him , that the fight is sometimes heard above three leagues off , the whales roaring being heard much further , his onely remedy in this case is to get to the shore , which he laboureth to do as soon as he sees his enemies : for then there can fight but one with him , and for either of them hand to hand he is too good . pur. pil. v. 4. p. 1377. 15. mr. herbert in his east-indy voyage , relates of a shark taken by one of their men , that was nine foot and an half in length , and they found in her paunch fifty and five young ones , each of them a foot in length , all which go out and in at their pleasures : she is armed with a double row of venemous teeth : and is guided to her prey by a little musculus , or pilot-fish that scuds to and fro to bring intelligence , the shark for his kindnesse suffering it to suck when it pleaseth . 16. the sea tortoise is not much differing from those at land , only her shell is flatter : by overturning them they are easily taken , being hereby dis-enabled either to sink , or help themselves : they taste waterish , and cause fluxes : they superabound in eggs , one of them having in her neer two thousand , which eggs are pale , and round , and will never be made hard with boiling . herberts travels . p. 26. 17. in the indian sea is an eagle-fish , whose eyes are five quarters asunder , from the end of one fin to the end of the other are above four yards : its mouth and teeth resemble a portcullis : it hath a long small tail , and it is rather to be wondered at then to be eaten . 18. in le-maires voyage about the world , a certain fish , or sea monster , with an horn , struck against the ship with such violence , that shook it , whereupon the master looking overboard , saw the sea all bloody , but knew not what should be the cause , till coming into port-desire , where they cleansed and trimmed their ship , they found seven foot under water , a horn sticking in the ship , for bignesse , and fashion like an elephants tooth : yet not hollow , but all solid of hard bone , which had pierced through three double planks , and was entred into a rib of the ship , it stuck about half a foot deep in the ship , and by great force was broken off , which caused that great monster to bleed so much as discoloured the water . pur. pil. v. 1. p. 90. 19. the mannaty is a strange fish resembling a cow : her face is like a buffalo's , her eyes small and round , having hard gums instead of teeth : they feed much on the shore , which makes them taste like flesh of veal : their intrails differ little from a cows : their bodies are commonly three yards long , and one broad , they swim slowly wanting fins , in the place whereof they have two things like paps , which are their stilts when they creep on the shore to graze , where they sleep long , sucking in the cool aire : they cannot keep under water above half an hour . the stone generated in their head is most esteemed , being soveraign against choller adust , the stone collick ; and dissenteryes , if beaten small infused in wine , and drunk fasting . herb. trav. p. 26. see more afterwards . 20. the carvel comes of the foam of the sea , every where floating upon the surface of the ocean , of a round form , throwing abroad her strings like so many lines , which she can spread at pleasure , therewith angling for small fishes , which she catches at leasure : you may call her a sea-spider : for when she sees her web too weak , she can blow an infectious breath foaming death , or such a sting as if she had borrowed it from a scorpion . idem . 21. in the east-indies is a trade wind , which they call a briese , or monson , which blows west all april , may , june , july , august , and part of september , and east the rest of the year : only on the east of sumatra , it blows five months east , and five months west , and the other two variable . this is well known to our east-indy merchants . 22. the torpedo is a fish like a bream , but somwhat thicker : some marriners having one of them in a net , went to take it forth , but one of them presently cryed out that he had lost the use of his hands , and armes : another that was bare-legged putting his foot to it , lost the sence of his leg : but after a while their feeling returned again : whereupon calling their cook , they bade him to take and dresse it , who laying both his hands thereon , made grievous moan that he felt not his hands : but when its dead it produceth no such effect , but is good meat . pur. pil. p. 1568. 23. about jamica in the west-indies , is a fish called a manati which is of a strange shape , and nature : it brings forth her young ones alive , and nourisheth them with milk from her teats , feeding upon grass in the fields , but lives for the most part in the water : the hinder-parts of it are like unto a cow , and it eats like veal . idem . v. 3. p. 930. 24. in brasile are oxe-fishes , which are very good meat : for head , hair , skin , cheeks , and tongue , they are like oxen : their eyes small with lids to open and shut ; which no other fish hath : it breatheth , and therefore cannot be long under water : instead of fore-feet , it hath two arms of a cubit long , with two round hands , and on them five fingers close together , with nails like a mans ; under these arms the female hath paps wherewith she nourisheth her young , she brings forth but one at once . it hath no fins but the tail , which is also round and close : their bones are all maffie , and white like ivory : of this fish they make great store of sweet oil : they feed most upon the land . idem . v. 4. p. 1313. 25. in sir fran. drakes voyage about the world , when they came to the island of celebes , which is wholly overgrown with wood : amongst the trees night by night , they saw infinite swarms of fiery worms flying in the air , their bodies no bigger than of our english flyes , which made such a shew , and gave such a light , as if every twig or tree had been a burning candle . in which place also were great store of bats , as big as large hens . pur. pil. v. 1. p. 56. 26. in captain saris his voyage to bantam , about mid-night , they fell into the strangest , and fearfullest water that ever any of them had seen , the water giving such a glaring light about the ship , that they they could discern letters in a book thereby , whereas a little before it was so dark , that they could discern nothing . this made them fear that it had been the breach of sunken ground : but finding that they had failed half an hour in it , and saw no alteration , they perceived at length , that it was a multitude of cuttle-fish that made this fearful shew . pur. pil. p. 352. chap. v. the wonderful works of god in the creatures . of strange fowls , and birds . 1. in one of the scottish islands there is a rare kind of fowl unknown to other countrys , called colca , little lesse than a goose : they come thither every year in the spring , hatch , and nourish their young ones : about which time they cast all their feathers , and become stark naked all their bodies over , and then they get themselves to the sea , and are no more seen till the next spring : their feathers have no quill , as other feathers have , but are all like unto down , wherein is no hardnesse . descr. of scot. 2. in the north seas of scotland are great loggs of timber found , in which are ingendred after a marvellous manner , a sort of geese , called claik-geese : and they do hang by the beak till they are grown to perfection , and then they receive life and fall off : they are many times found , & kept in admiration for their rare manner of generation : they are very fat , and delicious to be eaten . idem . some question the truth hereof . 3. storks are so careful of their parents ? that when they grow old , and so are unable to help themselves , the young ones feed them : and when in passing the sea their wings fail them , the young ones will take them on their backs , and carry them over . and this is remarkable about them . 4. the town of delph in the low-countries is so seated for the breeding , and feeding of those birds , that it is hard to see an house wherein they do not build . in this town upon the third of may , anno christi 1536. a great fire happened when the young storks were grown pretty big : the old ones perceiving the fire to approach to their nests , attempted to carry away their young ones , but could not , they were so weighty , which they perceiving , never ceased with their spread wings to cover them , till they all perished in the flames together . belg. common wealth . p. 63. 5. in america there are certain small birds called viemalim , with small and long bills , that live upon the dew , and of the juice of flowers , and roses , like bees : their feathers are of very curious colours : they dye , or sleep every year in october , sitting upon the bough of a tree in a warm place , and in aprill following , when the flowers are sprung , they awake again . i have one of them . 6. in the arabian deserts there are great store of ostriches , that go in flocks , and often affright passengers that are strangers , with their fearful schr●eches , appearing a farr off like a troop of horsmen . their bodies are too heavy to be born up by their wings , which , though uselesse for flight , yet serve them to run with greater speed , so that a swift horse can scarce overtake them : whatsoever they finde , be it stones or iron , they greedily swallow it down , and concoct it : when they have laid their eggs , ( which are as big as a culverin bullet ) they forget where they left them , and so return no more to them : but they are hatched by the heat of the sun in the warm sands : hence those expressions , lam. 4. 3. the daughter of my people is become cruel , like the ostriches in the wildernesse : whereupon she is made the embleme of folly , job 39. 14. &c. she leaveth her eggs in the earth , and warmeth them in the dust , and forgets that the foot may crush them , &c. 7. in brasile there is a little bird , which they call the risen , or awaken bird , because it sleeps six months , and awakes the other six . it hath a cap on its head of no one colour , but on what side soever you look , it sheweth red , green , black , and other colours , all very fine , and shining : the breast also shews great variety of colours , especially yellow , more fine then gold ; the body is grey , and it hath a very long small bill , and yet the tongue is twice as long as the bill : it flyes very swiftly , and makes a humming like a bee. it always feeds flying . pur. pil. 8. in socotera there are bats , whose bodies are almost as big as a conies , their heads are like foxes with an hairy furr upon them : in other things they are like our bats . one of them being killed by some english , his wings when they were extended , were an ell in length . their cry is shril and loud . idem . 9. in italy are the flies cantharides , which by day are of a green shining colour , but in the night they shine in the air , like flying glow-worms , with fire in their tailes . raimunds mercu. ital. 10. in china there is a fowl of a prodigious shape , and bignesse : it is three foot high : the body being exceeding great , more than a man can fathom : their feathers are all white like a swans , their feet broad like fowls that swim : their neck half a fathom long , and their beak half an ell , the upper part of it being crooked . from the nether part of the beak there hangs a very great and capable bag of a yellow golden colour , resembling parchment . with these fowls the natives use to fish , as we do in england with cormorants . they will catch fish with great dexterity , and when they have filled their great bag , which will hold divers fishes of two foot long a peece , they will bring them to their masters . pur. pil. v. 2. 1643. 11. in the african desarts is a certain fowle called a nesir , some call it a vultur . it s bigger than a crane . in flying it mounts very high , yet at the sight of a dead carkass , it descends immediatly . she lives long , and in extream old age looseth her feathers , and then returning to her nest , is there fed by the young ones of the same kind . idem . 12. near unto the streights of magellane , there is an island called penguin island , wherein are abundance of fowls called penguins that go upright , their wings , in stead of feathers , are only covered with down , which hang down like sleeves faced with white . they flye not , but walk in paths of their own making , and keep their divisions and quarters orderly . they are a strange fowle , or rather , a miscellaneous creature , of beast , bird , and fish : but most of bird. pur. pil. v. 1. p. 536. 13. in the isle of man , there is a sort of sea-fowles called puffins , they are of a very unctious constitution , and breed in cony-holes ( the conies leaving their burrows for that time ) they are never seen with their young , but very early in the morning , and late in the evening : they nourish their young ( as it is conceived ) with oil drawn from their own bodyes , and dropped into their mouths ; for that being opened , there is found in their crops no other sustenance , save a single sorrel-leaf , which the old give their young ( as is conjectured ) for digestions-sake ; the flesh of them , whilst raw , not savoury , but powdered , it may be ranked with anchoves , and caviare ; profitable they are in their feathers , and oil , which they use much about their wooll . 14. the isle of mauritius is a fowle called a dodo ; her body is round , and extream fat , which makes her pace slow : few of them weigh less than fifty pound : her wings are so small , that they cannot lift her above the ground : her head is variously dressed , the one half-hooded with downy black feathers ; the other wholly naked , of a whitish colour , as if a transparent lawn had covered it : her bill is very hooked , bending downwards , the breathing place being in the midst of it , from which part to the end , the colour is light green , mixt with a pale yellow : her eyes are round , and small , and bright as diamonds : her cloathing is of the finest down ; her train is of three or four short-feathers , her legs thick , and black ; her tallons sharp ; her stomach so hot , that she digests stones , or iron , as doth the ostrich . 15. in lincolnshire there is a bird called a dotterel , so named of his doltish foolishness : it s a bird of an apish kinde , ready to imitate what it sees done : they are caught by candle-light by the fowlers gestures ; for if he put forth and arm , they stretch forth a wing : if he sets forward a leg , or hold up his head , they likewise do the same : in brief , whatsoever the fowler doth , the same also doth this foolish bird , until it be caught within the net . camb. brit. p. 543. 16. there is an island called bas , bordering upon lathaien in scotland , unto which there resort a multitude of sea fowls , especially of soland geese , which bring with them such abundance of fish , that , as it is reported , an hundred souldiers that lay there in garrison for defence of the place , fed upon no other meat , but the fish that was thus brought to them : and the said fowls also bring such a number of sticks , and twigs , wherewith to build their nests , that thereby the inhabitants are also abundantly provided of fewel for the fire : and such a mighty gain is made of their feathers , and oil , that no man would scarcely beleeve it , but he that hath seen it . camb. brit. of scotland . p. 12 , 13. 17. in magallanes voyage about the world , the king of the island of bacchian sent the king of spain two dead birds of a strange shape : they were as big as turtle-doves , with little heads , and long bills , long small legs , and no wings , but in-stead thereof certain long feathers of divers colours , and tails like turtle-doves : all their other feathers were of a tawny colour ; they flye not , but when the wind blows ; and they call them birds of god. pur. pil v. 1. p. 44. 18. in sofala in the east-indies is a kinde of bird called minga , green , and yellow , very fair , about the bigness of a pigeon , which never treads on the ground , their feet being so short , that they can scarce be discerned : they settle on trees , of the fruit whereof they live : when they drink , they flye on the tops of the water ; and if they fall on the ground , they cannot rise again ; their flesh is fat and savoury . idem . p. 1546. chap. vi. the wonderful works of god in the creatures . of strange beasts , and serpents . 1. whilst sir thomas row , our english ambassador , was at the great moguls court , he saw many stately elephants brought before the emperour : some of which being lord-elephants ( as they called them ) had their chain bells , and furniture of gold , and silver , each of them having eight , or ten other elephants waiting on him : they were some twelve companies in all , and as they passed by , they all bowed down before the king very handsomely . pur. pil. v. 1. p. 550. 2. though these elephants be the largest of all beasts , yet are they very tractable , unless at such times when they are mad through lust : some of them are thirteen , and some fifteen foot high ; their colour is usually black , their skins thick , and smooth without hair ; they delight much to bathe themselves in water , and are excellent swimmers , their pace is about three miles an hour ; of all beasts they are most sure of foot , so that they never stumble , or fall to indanger their rider : they lye down , and rise again at pleasure , as other beasts do ; they are most docible creatures , doing almost whatsoever their keeper commands them . if he bid one of them affright a man , he will make towards him , as he would tread him in pieces ; and yet when he comes at him , do him no hurt : if he bid him abuse , or disgrace a man , he will take dirt , or kennel-water in his trunk , and dash it in his face , &c. their trunks are long , grissely snouts hanging down betwixt their teeth , which ( as a hand ) they make use of upon all occasions . some elephants the great mogul keeps for execution of malefactors ; who being brought to suffer death by that mighty beast , if the keeper bid him dispatch the offender presently , he will immediately with his foot pash him in peeces : if he bid him torture him slowly , he will break his joynts by degrees one after another , as men are broken upon the wheel . 2. an english merchant of good credit being at adsmeer ( a city where the great mogul then was ) saw a great elephant daily brought through the market-place , where an hearb-woman used to give him an handful of hearbs as he passed by . this elephant afterwards being mad ; brake his chains , and took his way through the market-place ; the people being affrighted , hasted to secure themselves , amongst whom was this hearb-woman , who through fear , and haste , forgat her little childe . the elephant comming to the place where she usually sate , stopt , and seeing a child lye about her hearbs , took it up gently with his trunk , and without harm , laid it upon a stall hard by , and then proceeded in his furious course . idem . p. 1472. the males testicles lie about his forehead : the females teates are betwixt her fore-legs ; they carry their young two years in their wombs : conceive but once in seven years : they are thirty years before they come to their full growth , and fulfil the accustomed age of a man before they die . 3. as pyrrus king of epyrus was assaulting the city of argos , one of his elephants called nicon . i. e. conquering , being entred the city , perceiving that his governour was stricken down to the ground from his back with terrible blows ; ran upon them that came back upon him , overthrowing friends , and foes , one in anothers neck , till at length , having found the body of his slain master , he lift him up from the ground with his trunk , and carrying him upon his two tushes ; returned back with great fury , treading all under feet whom he found in his way . plut. in vita pyrri . 4. the lion hath the jackall for his usher , which is a litle black , shag-haired beast , of the bigness of a spaniel , which when the evening comes , hunts for his prey , and comming on the foot , follows the scent with open crye : to which the lion as chief hunt gives diligent ear , following for his advantage : if the jackall set up his chase before the lion comes in , he howles out mainly , and then the lion seizeth on it , making a grumbling noise , whilst his servant stands by barking , and when the lyon hath done , the jackal feeds on the relicks idem . p. 1575. see more afterwards , example seventeen . 5. the panther hath a very sweet smell , so that other beasts are much taken therewith , but they are terrified with the ugly deformity of his face ; and therefore as he goes he hides that part between his legs , and will not look towards them till he hath gotten them within his compasse , which when he hath done , he devours them without mercy : so deals the devil with wicked men , strewing their way to hell with variety of worldly delights , and profits ( the thorns of affliction must not touch their flesh , nor hells terrors come within their thoughts ) till he hath made them past feeling , then he devours them . plin. nat . hist. l. 8 c. 17. 6. the rhynoceros is so called because of the horn in his nose : he is a large beast , as big as our fairest oxe in england : his skin lyeth plated , and as it were in wrinkles upon his back : their horn , teeth , claws , yea flesh , and blood , are good against poyson , which , as is conceived , proceeds from the herbs which they feed on in bengala , where are most store of them . 7. the camelopardalus is the highest of beasts , so that a man on horseback may ride upright under his belly , his neck is long , so that he usually feedeth upon the leaves of trees : his colour is white and speckled , his hinder legs are shorter than his former , so that he cannot graze but with difficulty . p. pil. p. 1381. he is also called a jaraff . 8. in india is a certain beast called a buffelo , which is very large , hath a thick and smooth skin , but without hair : she gives good milk , and her flesh is like beefe . idem . p. 1469. 9. in the same country also are certain wild goats , whose horns are good against poison , pur. pil. p. 472. 10. in the country of indostan in the east-indies , are large white apes , as big as our grey-hounds , which will eat young birds , whereupon nature hath taught their dams this subtilty : they build their nests on the utmost bowes at the end of slender twigs : where they hang them like purse-nets to which the apes cannot possibly come : yet many times with their hands they will shake those boughs till the nests break , and fall down , and then they will devour them . pur. pilgrimage p. 1475. 11. the camelion is of the shape , and bigness of a lizzard , it is a deformed lean , and crooked creature , having a long and slender tail , like a mouse , and is of a slow pace . it lives only upon flys . it changeth colours according to the variety of places where it comes . it is a great enemy to venemous serpents ; for when it sees any lie sleeping under a tree , it gets upon a bough just over the serpents head , & voideth out of its mouth , as it were a long thred of spittle , with around drop hanging at the end , which falling on the serpents head , immediately kills him p. pil. p. 848. 12. there was lately found in catalunia , in the mountains of cerdania , a certain monster , that had humane shape as far as the waste , and downwards it was like a satyre : he had many heads , arms , & eyes , and a mouth of extraordinary bigness , wherewith he made a noise like a bull : his picture was sent by don john of austria ( now governour of the low countrys ) to the king of spain , and afterwards many coppies thereof were drawn , and sent abroad by ambassadors , and other persons to several princes , and states in europe . hist. of this iron age . 13. in brasile is a certain beast called a tamandua or ant-bear of the bignesse of a great dog , more round than long , and the tail above twice so long as the body , and so full of hair that under it he shelters himself from rain , heat , cold , and wind . his head is small ; and hath a thin snout : his mouth round , with a tongue three quarters of a yard long : he is diligent in seeking ant-hills , which he teareth with his claws , and then thrusts in his long tongue , upon which the ants run , and when it is full , he licks them in ; and this is all his food . pur. pil. v. 4. p. 1301. 14. the armadillo is of the bignesse of a pig , and of a white colour : it hath a long snout , and the body is covered with shels like plates , wherewith they are armed : for they are so hard that no arrow will pierce them except in the flanks , where they are softer : their flesh is good to eat , they dig holes in the ground with their snouts , in which they lye . idem . 15. the porcupine hath bristles , or quils , white and black , of a span and an half long , which they can cast : and they have this quality , that where one of these bristles enters into the flesh , if it be not pulled out presently , it will work it selfe quite through ; they are of a good flesh , and taste . 16. the civet-cat exceeds the castor for bignesse , her head is little , her eyes clear ; hath a long muzzle ; sharp , and offensive teeth . her hair is parti-coloured , harsh , and bristley , yellow above , and whiter downwards ; the pocket wherein the civet is bred is neer the genitory , which is taken forth with a spoon or stick ; but when she is wild , she casts it forth of her own accord , and by the scent it is found by the passengers . 17. the lyons in affrick , are more fierce than in colder countryes ; here was one of their skins brought into england , which from the snout to the top of the tail , contained one and twenty foot in length . they engender backwards as do camels , elephants , rhinoceroses , ounces , and tygers . they spare such men as prostrate themselves to them , and prey rather upon men than women , and not at all on infants , except compelled by hunger . his tail is his scepter , by which he expresses his passion . he shrinks not at danger , except some covert of woods hides him from witnesses , and then he will take the benefit of flight , which otherwise he seems to disdain . 18. the hyaena hath no joints in her neck , and therefore stirs not her neck , but with the bending of her whole body . she hath one continued tooth through her whole mouth . 19. in africk are many wild asses , whereof one male hath many females , and he is so jealous , that he bites off the stones of the young males , if the suspicious female prevent him not by bringing forth in a close place . 20. the dabuh is a simple creature , like to a wolf , but that his legs and feet are like to a mans , they which know his haunt , with a taber , & singing , will bring him out of his den , and captivate his ears with their musick , whilst another captivateth his legs with a rope . 21. the zebra is a very beautiful creature , resembling a curiously shaped horse , but not all out so swift , all over-laid with party coloured laces , and guards , from head to tail . 22. in sofala there is a certain creature called inhazaras as big as a hog , & somewhat like , with thin black hair , having on his hinder feet five fingers like unto a mans , and four on his forefeet ; they live meerly upon ants , by thursting their tongues which are two spans and an half long into an ant-hil , whereon the ants running , they pull them into their mouths , and so eat them : some call them ant-bears . pur. pil. 23. there is in affrica a certain monster called pongo , in the whole proportion like unto a man , but that it is bigger . it hath a mans face , hollow eyes , long hair upon the brows , his face and ears being without hair : but his body is all hairy of a dunish colour , &c. he differs from a man only in his legs , which have no calves : he goes alwayes upright upon his legs , and he carries his hands clasped in the nape of his neck , when he walkes upon the ground : they use to sleep in trees , and live upon fruits and nuts . idem . v. 2. p. 982. 24. in congo there is a strange creature as big as a ram , that hath wings like a dragon , a long tail , and great chaps , with diverse rows of teeth : they feed upon raw flesh . idem . p. 1003. 25. in affrica there is a beast called a dabuk , in bignesse and shape , resembling a wolf , saving that his legs & feet are like a mans . he useth to take dead men out of their graves , and eat them . idem . p. 847. 26. in the kingom of mexico there are kine , with bunches on their backs , about the bigness of our bulls , having little horns , and more hair on their foreparts than behind , which is like wooll : on the back-bone they have maines like horses , and long hair from their knees downward , with much long hair on their throats : they are meat , drink , shooes , houses , fire , vessels , and their masters whole substance . 27. other creatures there are as big as horses , which the spaniards for their fine wooll call sheep : one of their horns usually weigheth fifty pounds . p. pil. v. 4. p. 1561. 28. in virginia is a beast called a possown , the female whereof hath a bag under her belly , from whence she letteth forth her young ones , and taketh them in again at her pleasure . idem . p. 1772. 29. in socotera are sheep , whose tails weigh twenty eight pounds a peece , which therefore are usually cut off from the ewes , least they should hinder their breeding . 30. in the great mogols countrey there are asses with horns , whereof they make diverse sorts of drinking cups , of excellent vertue . some judging them to be the right unicorns horn . idem . p. 436. 31. most certain it is , that the irish cows will not give down their milk , unless their own calves be set by their sides , either alive , or else the skin of the dead calf must be stuffed with straw , and set by them . camb. brit. of ireland . p. 1145. 32. in the island of orknay the ewes are of such fecundity , that they bring forth constantly two , and many times three lambs a peece ; there be neither ravenous nor venemous creatures there ; nor if transported thither , will they live in that island . description of scotl. 33. there are three sorts of camels : the first sort are gross , and tall of stature : these will usually carry one thousand pound weight a peece ; when they are to be loaden , being beaten on the knees , and neck with a cudgel , they will kneel down ; and when they feel their load sufficient , they will rise up again of themselves . the second sort of them have two bunches on their backs , and are fit either for burthen , or to ride on . the third sort are of a slender , and low stature , called dromedaries , unfit for burthens , but they excel in swiftness , so that in the space of one day they will travel one hundred miles , and will so continue for eight , or ten dayes together , with very little provender ; and they will abstain from drink , eight , ten , and sometimes fifteen dayes together , without any inconvenience , as they travel through the deserts . 34. musk is taken from a little reddish beast , that they beat with many blows in one place , that so the blood may gather into it : and when the skin is by this means swoln , and full of blood , they bind it strait , that the blood may not issue forth , and being put into one , or more bladders , its dryed on the beasts back , till the bladder fall off of it self ; and so that blood after a month becomes excellent musk . pur. pil. v. 2. p. 1500. 35. amongst the blackmoors , there is a strange beast called a carbuncle , which is seen only by night , having a stone in his forehead that shineth incredibly , and giving him light whereby to feed : but when he hears the lest noise , he presently lets fall over it a skin , which he hath as a natural covering , least his splendor should betray him . pur. pil. v. 1. p. 416. 36. in abassia are kine with horns like unto harts-horns : others there be that have but one horn in the midst of their foreheads of about a span and an half long , turning upward . pur. pil. v. 2. p. 1495. 37. there is in the country of mexico a kinde of sheep , which all things considered , is a beast of the greatest profit , and least charge that is : for from them they draw meat and cloathing : they use them also to carry all their burthens , having need neither of shooes nor saddles , nor yet of oats , so that they serve their masters for nought , feeding only on grass which they find in the fields : there are two kinds of these creatures , the one bearing wooll , the other are bare , which are the better for burthen ; they are bigger than great sheep , and less than calves ; they have long necks like a cammel . they are of divers colours , some white , some black , and others grey , or spotted ; their flesh is good meat , but that of their lambs is best : of their wooll the indians make cloath some courser , other finer like half-silk ; they also make carpets , and coverings , and other exquisite works of it , which last long , and have a very good gloss ; they die it into sundry colours : upon these the spaniards carry their bars of silver ; one of these sheep carrying about an hundred and fifty pound weight . 37. in the stomach , or belly of this beast , is found the bezar's stone ; sometimes one alone , sometimes two , three , or foure : they are different in form , greatness , and colour ; some like filbeards , others like walnuts : some as big as pigeons eggs , some as big as hens eggs : in form some are round , some oval , and of other formes . for their colour , some are black , some white , some grey , dark green , and some as if they had been gilded : they are all made of divers filmes , and skins one upon another . p. pil. v. 3. p. 969. 38. there is in italy the tarantula ( a kind of serpent ) the venome whereof hath such an operation , that whosoever is stung with it , falleth a dancing , and capering , and nothing can allay it but musick . raimunds mercu. ital. examples of dogs love to their masters . 39. when the athenians quit their city , and betook themselves to sea , upon xerxes his invasion of greece , xantippus the father of pericles had a dog , which for sorrow that his master had left him behind him , cast himself after him into the sea , swimming still by the gallies side wherein his master was , till he came to the isle of salamina , where so soon as the poor cur landed , his breath failed him , and he dyed presently . plut in vita themist . chap. vii . admirable works done by the art of man. 1. protogenes the rhodian , an exquisite painter , bestowed seven years in drawing a most curious picture , which when apelles beheld , he stood amazed at the excellency of the workmanship , so that for a while he could not speak , but afterwards he said , this is an admirable work , and of huge labour , yet he wants an orator to extol his workmanship to the skies . when king demetrius besiedged the city of rhodes , he took the suburbs , and in them this picture , whereupon the citizens sent to him , requesting him not to deface it ; to whom he answered , that he would sooner burn the picture of his father , than hurt a peece of such admirable workmanship . diod. sic. plut. glasses malleable . 2. anno christi 1610. amongst other rare presents sent from the sophy of persia , to the king of spain , were six drinking glasses so exquisitely tempered , that they could not be broken . turk . hist. p. 1273. stone-henge described . 3. about six miles from salisbury , upon the plains , is to be seen a huge , and monstrous peece of work , such as cicero calleth insanam substructionem . for within the circuit of a ditch , there are erected in the manner of a crown , in three ranks , or courses , one whithin another , certain mighty , and unwrought stones , whereof some are twenty eight foot high , and seven broad ; upon the heads of which , others like overtwhart peeces do bear , and rest cross-wise with tenents , and mortesses , so as the whole frame seemeth to hang , whereof it s commonly called stone-henge . camb. brit. 4. in westmerland hard by shape , there be hung stones in form of pyramids , some of them nine foot high , and fourteen foot thick , ranged directly as it were in a row for a mile in length , with equal distance almost between them . camb. brit. p. 762. mausolus his tombe described . 5. artimesia queen of halicarnassus , when her husband mausolus dyed , built him a stately tomb , accounted for the rare workmanship , and costly magnificence one of the worlds wonders . it was five and twenty cubits high , and supported with six and thirty curious pillars , of which martial thus writeth : are nam vacuo pendentia mausolaea , laudibus immodicis cares ad astra ferunt . the mausolaea hanging in the skie , the men of caria's praises deifie . 6. when sir thomas row was ambassador there , the great mogul built a stately monument for his father : it was about twenty years in building , and three thousand men working daily at it : it was built square , three quarters of a mile in compass : it was made with seven heights one above another , and each narrower than other , till you come to the top where the herse is : at the outward gate is a most stately palace , and gardens walled about , at least three miles in compass ; all built at a vast charge . pur. pil. p. 226. 7. mr. herbert , who saw it afterwards , thus describes it . it consists ( saith he ) of four large squares , each about three hundred paces long , the matter is freestone polished , having at each angle , a small tower of party coloured marble . ten foot higher is another tarras , on each side beautified with three such towers . the third gallery hath two towers , on each side . the fourth , one . the fifth , half , and a small square gallery mounting to a royal pyree , within which is the mummy of ecbar ; bedded in a coffin of pure gold. the whole structure is built in the midst of a spacious and curious garden , surrounded with a wall of red stone , and planted with beautiful and odoriferous flowers . porsennah's tomb described . porsenna king of hetruria● , not far from the city of clusium , built for himself a monument of square stone , each side of it was three hundred foot broad , and fifty foot high ; within which square basis , there was an inextricable labyrinth , into which whosoever adventured without a clue , could find no passage out . upon this square he erected five pyramids , four in the corners , and one in the midst ; in the bottom they were seventy five foot broad , and each of them one hundred and fifty foot high , on the top was one brass circle , and covering for them all , from which there hung bells fastened with chains , which being moved with the winde , gave a sound a far off : upon this brazen circle stood other four pyramids , each of them one hundred foot high ; and upon them ( being covered with another plain ) were again erected five other pyramids , the height whereof my author was ashamed to name : so foolishly did he waste the wealth of his kingdom , that in the end the commendation of the artificer should be the greatest . pliny out of varro ; and greaves out of him . 8. in the great moguls country , from agra to lahar ( which are the two chief cities in this empire ) is about four hundred english miles : the country in all that distant , being even without mountains or hills : and the high-way betwixt them , is planted on both sides with trees , like unto a delicate walk . p. pil. v. 2. p. 1468. the trees are mulberry-trees . and in all this way , ever and anon , are inns built by several kings , and great men , for the entertainment of strangers : in which you may have a chamber for your self , room for your hourse , and horse-meat , but little for your servant : when a man hath taken up his lodging , no other may dispossess him . in the morning about break a day , all make ready to depart , at which time the gates are opened , and none suffered to depart sooner for fear of theeves . p. 520. the first invention of printing . 9. laurence jans , a rich citizen of harlem in the low-countries , walking forth one day into the neighbouring woods for recreation , began to cut in pieces of wood the letters of his name , printing them on the back of his hand ; which pleasing him well , he cut three or four lines which he beat with ink , and printed them upon paper , wherewith he much joyed , and determined to find out another kind of ink more fastening , and holding , and so with his kinsman thomas peterse , found out another way to print whole sheets , but of one side only , which are yet to be seen in the said town : afterwards he changed his letters of wood into lead , and after that into tin , and so by degrees this famous art of printing grew to perfection . belg. common-wealth . p. 57. 11. some say that john guttenburg of strasburg , was the first inventer of it , anno christi 1440. in which city he first practised it , and removing from thence to mentz , there perfected it . they say that tullies offices was the first book that ever was printed . p. ramus schol. math. l. 2. 12. it doth with wonderful celerity convey learning from one country , and age , to another . imprimit ille die , quantum vix scribitur anno . the most famous printers were . 13. aldus manutius , and after him paulus his son in venice . in france , crispinus , henry stevens , father to charles ; and charles to robert ; robert to henry , and henry to paul , all printers . 14. christopher plantine of antwerp , was a most famous and learned printer . 15. frobenius , that was erasmus his faithful printer . 16. daniel bombergus , an excellent printer of the hebrew bible , and many other hebrew books , &c. the first invention of guns . 17. a german fryer of the order of st. francis , called bertholdus swart , being very studious of chymistry , as he was one evening ( for the finding out of some experiment ) very busie in tempering brimstone , sulphureous powder of dryed earth , and certain other ingredients in a morter , which he covered with a stone : when it grew dark , he took his tinder-box to light him a candle , a sparke whereof by chance flying into the mortar , caught hold of the brimstone , and salt-peter , and firing , with a sudden flash blew up the stone . the cunning chymist gues●ng what it was which wrought this effect , never left till he found out the certainty , and then taking an iron pipe , he crammed it full of the same ingredient , together with some stones , and so putting fire to it , he saw that with great fury , and noise it discharged it self : soon after which , he communicated this his invention to the venetians , who , having been often vanquished by the genowayes , did by the help of these bombards , or guns , give them a notable discomfiture . anno christi 1380. bucholtz . 18. at middleburg in zealand , in the steeple of the abby-church , there is a bell of eighteen thousand weight to strike the hours on , and twenty four small ones which serve for the chymes . belg. common-wealth . p. 162. a description of the situation of utrecht in the low-countries . utrecht in the low-countries , is so situated , that one may go to what town he please of fifty , that lye round about it in one day . and in a summers day , if one go early from utrecht , he may dine at any one of twenty six towns , where he pleaseth , and return to his own house to supper . idem . p. 200. trajan built a bridge over the river ister , or danow , containing twenty arches , each arch being one hundred and fifty foot high , sixty thick , and one hundred and seventy foot distant one from another : so that the whole length of it was four thousand seven hundred and seventy foot , which was almost a mile long . the river was very deep , and swift , and the bottom not firm ground , neither could the stream be diverted any other way ; all which made the work far more difficult , and admirable . ancus martius , the fourth king of rome , built a wooden bridge over the river tybur , yet without nails , or pins , so that in times of war it might be taken down : afterwards aemilius the consul built it of stone : and lastly antoninus pius the emperour built it of marble . finis . soli deo gloria . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a33345-e190 trees , fowles beasts fishes plants , fruits , and herbs , virginia's situation . their summers and winters . the natives described . their apparel . habitations and houses . their lodging and beds . their child-birth and children . women laborious and men idle . their several diets . their bows and arrows . their weapons in war. the fishing boats , and furniture . their huntings . their wars . their musick . their trading . their religion . their sepulchers , and burials . their mournings : the priests attire . their civil government . the kings women and attendants . their goverment by customs . of the plantation of the english. elks fruitfulness of the deer . their beasts and fowles ▪ their fish. their fruits . the qualities of the natives . their priests . their government . the countrey described . strange beasts . their hawks and other fowl. birds and fish. bermudas city . powhatans daughter converted baptized and married . she comes into england . her death . vrginia divided . how governed : persons sent over . commodities , their iron , pot , and sope ashes pitch and tar. timber . silk . vines . salt. gifts to the plantation . persons sent over . gifts to promote the plantation . notes for div a33345-e4680 the nature of its soil . the temperature of the air . it s fertility . their summers , and winters . no venomous creature there . fish fowl trees and plants . tortoises or turtles described . the prickl pear . fowls and birds . plants . things offensive . their number & bigness . whale-fight . strange birds . rat-plague palm trees . shel-fish . other fish birds . more planters sent over . of governours . notes for div a33345-e6130 the good god , how they increase the priests . their government . they maintain their kings . their charity . their burials , and mournings their behaviour . their names of their marriages , their women . their modesty . their justice punishments . their integrity . their language . their chonicles . notes for div a33345-e13150 barbadoes first discovered . hoggs found there . hunted by the indians . fine pots . the first painters . indico planted . cotton , and fustick . sugar canes planted . the scituation of the island . the chief towns unhealthful . the baies . the bigness of the island . ils beauty the length of the days the temperature . diseases , the moistness of the air . a want of water . the only river or lake . excellent lobsters . their ponds . speedy warning of dangers bread of c●ssury . how it s made . bread of maise , and cussary together . lob-lolly potatoes used for bread. their drink mobby , how made . perino how made . grippo . punch . plantane drink . kill-devil . beveridge pine-drink the best of all . hogs flesh . beef . turkies . pullin , and muscovy ducks . turtle doves . pidgeons . rabbets . several sorts of fish . the green turtle . quasquechoses . flesh and fish. the negroes alowance . an inland feast . a feast near the sea. merchandize imported and exported . timber trees . locusts . mastick trees . bully trees . red wood yellow wood . cedars iron-wood . stone for buildings . of their servants and slaves . how their servants are used . dreadful fire . how quenched . of the negroes . their chastiy . their jealousie . of their easie travel dancing . the funerals , and physick . negro . maids and wives . indians . camels . horses . bulls and cows . asinegoes . hoggs . sheep . goats . birds and fowls . buzzards . turtle doves . thrush . blackbirds stares . counsellers . the humming bird. teals , oxen , kine : a man of wyr . snakes . scorpious lizzards . cochoaches . the muskitoes . merriwings . caterpillars . other flies . ants and pismires . ants. spiders . negroes . crickets . crabs . the physick nut. the poison tree . a mantionel tree . cussavy . coloquintida . cassia fistula . a strange tamarine trees . palm-trees figg trees . cherry-trees . citron trees . orange trees . limon trees . lime-trees prickled apple trees . prickled pear-trees . pomgranate trees papa-trees gnaver trees . coco-trees custard-apple trees mucow trees . date trees , mungrave trees . calibash trees . bay-trees . cedar mastick trees . bully trees , red-wood trees . prickled yellow wood . iron wood. lignum vitae . locust trees , bastard locust trees . palmeto trees . palms to royal trees . plantanes . wild plantanes . tanes . bonanoes . sugar . canes . old wit hs . aloes . an essay for the recording of illustrious providences wherein an account is given of many remarkable and very memorable events which have hapned this last age, especially in new-england / by increase mather, teacher of a church at boston in new-england. mather, increase, 1639-1723. 1684 approx. 513 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 206 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a50202 wing m1207 estc w479522 14955848 ocm 14955848 102979 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50202) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102979) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1575:1) an essay for the recording of illustrious providences wherein an account is given of many remarkable and very memorable events which have hapned this last age, especially in new-england / by increase mather, teacher of a church at boston in new-england. mather, increase, 1639-1723. [22], 372, [9] p. printed by samuel green for joseph browning and are to be sold at his shop ..., boston in new-england : 1684. errata on p. 372. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng providence and government of god. witchcraft -new england -early works to 1800. new england -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. 2003-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an essay for the recording of illvstriovs providences : wherein an account is given of many remarkable and very memorable events , which have hapned this last age ; especially in new-england . by increase mather , teacher of a church at boston in new-england . psal. 107. 5. oh that men would praise the lord for his goodness , and for his wonderful works to the children of men. psal. 145. 4. one generation shall praise thy works to another , and shall declare thy mighty acts ▪ boston in new-england , printed by samuel green for ioseph browning , and are to be sold at his shop at the corner of the prison-lane next the town-house , 1684. the preface . about six and twenty years ago , ● design for the recording of illustrious providences , was under serious consideration among some eminent ministers in england and in ireland . that motion was principally set on foot by the learned mr. matthew pool , whose synopsis criticorum , and other books by him emitted , have made him famous in the world. but before any thing was brought to effect , the persons to have been imployed , had their thoughts diverted another way . nevertheless , there was a m. ss . ( the composer whereof is to me unknown ) then written , wherein the subjects proper for this record , and some rules for the better managing a design of this nature , are described . in that m. ss . i find notable stories related and attested , which elsewhere i never met with . particularly , the sory of mr. earl of colchester , and another mentioned in our subseqnent essay . and besides those , there are some very memorable passages written , which have not as yet been published , so far as i understand . there are in that m. ss . several remarkables about apparitions , e. g. it is there said , that dr. frith , ( who was one of the prebends belonging to windsor ) lying on his bed , the chamber doors were thrown open , and a corps with attending torches brought to his bed-side upon a bier ; the corps representing one of his own family : after some pause , there was such another shew , till he , the said dr. his wife and all his family were brought in on the bier in such order as they all soon after died . the dr. was not then sick , but quickly melancholly , and would rising at midnight repair to the graves and monuments at eaton colledge ; saying , that he and his must shortly take up their habitation among the dead . the relater of this story ( a person of great integrity ) had it from dr. frith's son , who also added , my fathers vision is already executed upon all the family but my self , my time is next , and near at hand . in the mentioned m. ss . there is also a marvelous relation concerning a young scholar in france : for , it is there affirmed , that this prophane student , having by extravagant courses outrun his means ; in his discontent walking solitarily , a man came to him , and enquired the cause of his sadness . which he owning to be want of money , had presently a supply given him by the other . that being quickly consumed upon his lusts ; as soon as his money was gone his discontent returned ; and in his former walk , he met with his former reliever , who again offered to supply him ; but askt him to contract with him to be his , and to sign the contract with his blood. the woful wretch consented : but not long after , considering that this contract was made with the devil ; the terrors of his conscience became insupportable ; so as that he endeavoured to kill himself to get out of them . some ministers , and other christians being informed how matters were circumstanced , kept dayes of prayer for him and with him : and he was carefully watched that so he might be kept from self-murder . still he continued under terror , and said he should do so , as long as the covenant which he had signed , remained in the hands of the devil . hereupon , the ministers resolve to keep a day of fasting and prayer in that very place of the field where the distressed creature had made the woful bargain , setting him in the midst of them . thus they did , and being with special actings of faith much enlarged to pray earnestly to the lord to make known his power over satan , in constraining him to give up that contract , after some hours continuance in prayer , a cloud was seen to spread it self over them , and out of it the very contract signed with the poor crearures blood was dropped down amongst them ; which being taken up and viewed , the party concerned took it , and tore it in pieces . the relator had this from the mouth of mr. beaumond , a minister of note at caon in normandy , who assured him that he had it from one of the ministers that did assist in carrying on the day of prayer when this memorable providence hapned . nor is the relation impossible to be true , for luther speaks of a providence not unlike unto this , which hapned in his congregation . this m. ss . doth also mention some most remarkable iudgments of god upon sinners , as worthy to be recorded for posterity to take notice of . it is there said , that when mr. richard iuxon was a fellow of kings colledge in cambridge , he led a most vicious life : and whereas ▪ such of the students as were serious in matters of religion , did endeavour by solemn fasting and prayer to prepare themselves for the communion which was then ( this was about the year 1636 ) on easter-day . this iuxon spent all the time of preparation in drunken wild meetings , and was up late and drunk on the saturday night . nevertheless , on the lords day , he came with others to the communion , and sat next to the relator , who knowing his disorder the night before , was much troubled : but had no remedy ; church-discipline not being then so practised as ought to have been . the communion being ended , such of the scholars as had the fear of god in their hearts , repaired to their closets . but this iuxon went immediately to a drunken-meeting , and there to a cockfight , where he fell to his accustomed madness , and pouring out a volley of oaths and curses ; while these were between his lips , god smote him dead in the twinkle of an eye . and though iuxon were but young , and of a comely person , his carcase was immediately so corrupted as that the stench of it was insufferable , insomuch that no house would receive it ; and his friends were forced to hire some base fellows to watch the carcase till night ; and then with pitch and such like gums covered him in a coffin , and so made a shift to endure his interment . there stood by a scholar , whose name was george hall , and who acted his part with iuxon in his prophaneness : but he was so astonished with this amazing providence of god , as that he fell down upon his knees , begging pardoning mercy from heaven , and vowing a reformation ; which vow the lord enabled him to keep , so as that afterwards he became an able and famous minister of the gospel . one strange passage more i shall here relate out of the m. ss . which we have thus far made mention of . therein i find part of a letter transcribed ; which is as followeth : lismore , octob. 2. 1658. in another part of this countrey , a poor man being suspected to have stollen a sheep was questioned for it ; he forswore the thing , and wished that if he had stollen it , god would cause the horns of the sheep to grow upon him . this man was seen within these few dayes by a minister of great repute for piety , who saith , that the man has an horn growing out of one corner of his mouth , just like that of a sheep : from which he hath cut seventeen inches , and is forced to keep it tyed by a string to his ear , to prevent its growing up to his eye : this minister not only saw but felt this horn , and reported it in this family this week , as also a gentleman formerly did , who was himself an eye-witness thereof . surely such passages are a demonstrative evidence that there is a god , who judgeth in the earth , and who though he stay long , will not be mocked alwayes . i shall say no more concerning the m. ss . only that it was sent over to reverend mr. davenport , by ( as i suppose ) mr. hartlib . how it came to lie dormient in his hands i know not : though i had the happiness of special intimacy with that worthy man , i do not remember that ever i heard him speak any thing of it . but since his death , looking over his m. ss's i met with this , and communicated it to other ministers , who highly approved of the noble design aimed at therein . soon after which , some proposals in order to the reviving of this work were drawn up , and presented at a general meeting of the ministers in this colony , may 12. 1681. which it may not be unsuitable here to recite . some proposals concerning the recording of illustrious providences . i. in order to the promoving of a design of this nature , so as shall be indeed for gods glory , and the good of posterity , it is necessary that utmost care shall be taken that all , and only remarkable providences be recorded and published . ii. such divine iudgements , tempests , floods , earth-quakes , thunders as are unusual , strange apparitions or what ever else shall happen that is prodigious , witchcrafts , diabolical possessions , remarkable iudgements upon noted sinners : eminent deliverances , and answers of prayer , are to be reckoned among illustrious providences . iii. inasmuch as we find in scripture , as well as in ecclesiastical history , that the ministers of god have been improved in the recording and declaring the works of the lord ; and since they are in divers respects under peculiar advantages there unto : it is proposed , that each one in that capacity may diligently enquire into , and record such illustrious providences as have hapned , or from time to time shall happen , in the places whereunto they do belong : and that the witnesses of such notable occurrents be likewise set down in writing . iv. although it be true , that this design cannot be brought unto perfection in one or two years , yet it is much to be desired that something may be done therein out of hand , as a specimen of a more large volumn , that so this work may be set on foot , and posterity may be encouraged to go on therewith . v. it is therefore proposed that the elders may concurre in desiring some one that hath leisure and ability for the management of such an undertaking , with all convenient speed to begin therewith . vi. and that therefore other elders do without delay make enquiry concerning the remarkable occurrents that have formerly fallen out , or may fall out hereafter , where they are concerned , and transmit them unto the aforesaid person , according to the directions above specified , in order to a speedy publication . vii . that notice be given of these proposals unto our brethren , the elders of the neighbour colonies , that so we may enjoy their concurrence , and assistance herein . viii . when any thing of this nature shall be ready for the presse , it appears on sundry grounds very expedient , that it should be read , and approved of at some meeting of the elders , before publication . these things being read and considered ; the author of this essay , was desired to begin the work which is here done ; and i am engaged to many for the materials , and informations which the following collections do consist of . it is not easie to give an account of things , and yet no circumstantial mistakes attend what shall be related . nor dare i averr , that there are none such in what follows . only i have been careful to prevent them ; and as to the substance of each passage , i am well assured it is according to truth . that rare accident about the lightning which caused a wonderful change in the compasses of a vessel then at sea , was as is in the book expressed page 91. 92. only it is uncertain whether they were then exactly in the latitude of 38. for they had not taken an observation for several dayes , but the master of the vessel affirms that to be the latitude so near as they could conjecture . since the needle was changed by the lightning , if a lesser compass be set over it , the needle therein ( or any other touched with the load-stone ) will alter its polarity , turn about to the south , as i have divers times to my great admiration experimented . there is near the north-point a dark spot , like as if it were burnt with a drop of brimstone , supposed to be caused by the lightning . whether the magnetic impressions on that part of the needle being dissipated by the heat of the lightning , and the effluvia on the south end of the needle only remaining untouched thereby , be the true natural reason of the marvelous alteration ; or whither it ought to be ascribed to some other cause , the ingenious may consider . there is another remarkable passage about lightning which hapned at duxborough in new-england , concerning which i have lately received this following account . september 11. 1653. ( being the lords day ) there were small drizling showers , attended with some seldome and scarce perceivable rumbling thunders until towards the evening ; at what time mr. constant southworth of duxbury returning home after evening exercise , in company with some neighbours , discoursing of some extraordinary thunder-claps with lightning , and the awful effects and consequents thereof , ) being come into his own house ( there were present in one room , himself , his wife , two children , viz. thomas ( he was afterwards drowned ) and benjamin , ( he was long after this killed by the indians ) with philip delano a servant , ) there broke perpendicularly over the said house and room a most awful and amazing clap of thunder , attended with a violent flash , or rather flame of lightning ; which brake and shivered one of the needles of the katted or wooden chimney , carrying divers splinters seven or eight rods distance from the house : it filled the room with smoke and flame . set fire in the thatch of a leanto which was on the backside of a room adjoyning to the former , in which the five persons abovementioned were . it melted some pewter , so that it ran into drops on the out-side , as is often seen on tin ware ; melted round holes in the top of a fire-shovel proportionable in quantity to a small goose-shot ; struck mrs. southworths arm so that it was for a time benummed ; smote the young child benjamin in his mothers ' arms , deprived it of breath for a space , and to the mothers apprehension squeased it as flat as a planck ; smote a dog stone-dead which lay within two foot of philip delano , the dog never moved out of his place or potsture , in which he was when smitten , but giving a small yelp , and quivering with his toes , lay still , blood issuing from his nose or mouth . it smote the said philip , made his right arm senseless for a time , together with the middle finger in special ( of his right hand ) which was benummed , and turned as white as chalk or lime , yet attended with little pain . after some few hours that finger began to recover its proper colour at the knuckle , and so did gradually whiten unto its extremity ; and although the said delano felt a most vioilent heat upon his body , as if he had been scorched in the midst of a violent burning fire , yet his clothes were not singed , neither had the smell of fire passed thereon . i could not insert this story in its proper place , because i received it after that chapter about thunder and lightning was printed . some credible persons who have been eye-witnesses of it , inform me , that the lightning in that house at duxborough , did with the vehemency of its flame , cause the bricks in the chimney to melt like molten lead : which particular was as remarkable as any of the other mentioned in the narrative , and therefore i thought good here to add it . in this essay , i design no more than a specimen ; and having ( by the good hand of god upon me ) set this wheel a going , i shall leave it unto others , whom god has fitted , and shall incline thereto , to go on with the undertaking . some digressions i have made in distinct chapters , handling several considerable cases of conscience , supposing it not unprofitable , or improper so to do ; since the things related gave the occasion : both leisure and exercise of judgement are required in the due performance of a service of this nature : there are some that have more leisure , and many that have greater abilities than i have : i expect not that they should make my method their standard ; but they may follow a better of their own , as they shall see cause . the addition of parallel stories is both pleasing and edifying : had my reading and remembrance of things been greater , i might have done more that way , as i hope others will in the next essay . i could have mentioned some very memorable passages of divine providence , wherein the countrey in general hath been concerned . some remarkables of that kind are to be seen in my former relations of the troubles occasioned by the indians in new-england . there are other particulars no less worthy to be recorded , but in my judgement , this is not so proper a season for us to divulge them . it has been in my thoughts to publish a discourse of miscellaneous observations , concerning things rare and wonderful ; both as to the works of creation and providence ; which in my small readings i have met with in many authors : but this must suffice for the present . i have often wished , that the natural history of new-england , might be written and published to the world ; the rules and method described by that learned and excellent person robert boyle esq. being duely observed therein . it would best become some scholar that has been born in this land , to do such a service for his countrey . nor would i my self decline to put my hand ( so far as my small capacity will reach ) to so noble an undertaking , did not manifold diversions and employments prevent me from attending that which i should account a profitable recreation . i have other work upon me , which i would gladly finish before i leave the world , and but a very little time to do it in : moreover , not many years ago , i lost ( and that 's an afflictive loss indeed ! ) several moneths from study by sickness . let every god-fearing reader , joyn with me in prayer , that i may be enabled to redeem the time , and ( in all wayes wherein i am capable ) to serve my generation . increase mather , boston in new-england , ianuary 1 , 1683 / 4. remarkable providences . chap. i. of remarkable sea deliverances . mr. anthony thacher's relation concerning his and his wives being marvelously preserved alive , when all the ships company perished . the wonderful preservation of major gibbons and his company . several other remarkable sea-deliverances mentioned by mr. janeway , wherin n. e. men were concerned . mr. grafton's preservation . a vessel lately coming from bristol for new-england , saved out of great distress at sea. some providentially met with by a new-england vessel in an open boat , many leagues off from anyshoar , strangely preserved . an account of a remarkable sea-deliverance which hapned this present year . another like unto it which hapned above twenty years ago . the royal pen of the prophet david hath most truly affirmed , that they who go down to the sea in ships , that do business in great waters , see the works of the lord , and his wonders in the deep . and in special , they see wonders of divine goodness in respect of eminent deliverances wrought by the hand of the most high , who stills the noise of the seas , the noise of their waves . it is meet that such providences should be ever had in remembrance , as most of all by the persons concerned in them , so by others , that the god of salvation , who is the confidence of them that are afar off upon the sea , may have eternal praise . many remarkable stories of this kind , are to be seen in books already published . e. g. in mandels●o's travels , h●ck●uit , and linshoten's voyages ; wanley's histo●y ; causin's holy court ; mr. burton's treatises lately printed , and in mr. ianeway's sea-deliverances . i shall in this chapter confine my self unto things which have hapned either in new-england , or wherein n-england vessels have been concerned . we shall begin with that remarkable sea-deliverance which mr. anthony thacher did experience at his first coming to new-england . a full and true relation whereof , i find in a letter directed to his brother mr. peter thacher , then a faithful minister of christ in sarum in england ( he was father to my worthy dear friend mr. thomas thacher late pastor of one of the churches in this boston . ) this letter of mr. anthony thacher's to his brother being written within a few dayes after that eminent providence hapned unto him , matters were then fresh in his memory ; i shall therefore here insert his narrative in his own words ; who expresseth himself as followeth ▪ i must turn my drowned pen and shaking hand to indite the story of such sad news as never before this hapned in new-england . there was a league of perpetual friendship between my cousin avery ( note that this mr. avery was a precious holy minister who came out of england with mr. anthony thacher ) and my self never to forsake each other to the death , but to be partakers of each others misery or welfare , as also of habitation in the same place . now upon our arrival in new-england , there was an offer made unto us . my cousin avery was invited to marble-head to be their pastor in due time ; there being no church planted there as yet , but a town appointed to set up the trade of fishing . because many there ( the most being fishermen ) were something loose and remiss in their behaviour ; my cousin avery was unwilling to go thither , and so refusing we went to newbery , intending there to sit down . but being solicited so often both by the men of the place , and by the magistrates , and by mr. cotton , and most of the ministers , who alledged what a benefit we might be to the people there , and also to the countrey and common-wealth ; at length we embraced it , and thither consented to go . they of marble-head forthwith sent a pinnace for us and our goods . we embarqued at ipswich , august 11. 1635. with our families and substance , bound for marble-head , we being in all twenty three souls , viz. eleven in my cousin's family , seven in mine , and one mr. william eliot sometimes of new sarum , and four mariners . the next morning having commended our selves to god , with chearful hearts , we hoised sail ; but the lord suddenly turned our chearfulness into mourning and lamentations . for on the fourteenth of this august 1635. about ten at night , having a fresh gale of wind , our sails being old and done were split . the mariners because that it was night , would not put to new sails , but resolved to cast anchor till the morning . but before day-light , it pleased the lord to send so mighty a storm , as the like was never known in new-england since the english came , nor in the memory of any of the indians . it was so furious that our anchor came home . whereupon the mariners let out more cable , which at last slipt away . then our sailers knew not what to do , but we were driven before the wind and waves . my cousin and i perceived our danger , solemnly recommended our selves to god the lord both of earth and seas , expecting with every wave to be swallowed up and drenched in the deeps . and as my cousin , his wife , and my tender babes sat comforting and chearing one the other in the lord against ghastly death , which every moment stared us in the face , and sat triumphing upon each ones forehead , we were by the violence of the waves and fury of the winds , ( by the lords permission ) lifted up upon a rock between two high rocks , yet all was one rock , but it raged with the stroke which came into the pinnace , so as we were presently up to our middles in water as we sat . the waves came furiously and violently over us , and against us , but by reason of the rocks proportion could not lift us off , but beat her all to pieces . now look with me upon our distress , and consider of my misery , who beheld the ship broken , the water in her , and violently overwhelming us , my goods , and provisions swimming in the seas , my friends almost drowned , and mine own poor children so untimely ( if i may so term it without offence ) before mine eyes drowned , and ready to be swallowed up and dashed to pieces against the rocks by the merciless waves , and my self ready to accompany them . but i must go on to an end of this woful relation . in the same room whereas he sat , the master of the pinnace not knowing what to do , our fore-mast was cut down , our main-mast broken in three pieces , the fore part of the pinnace beat away , our goods swimming about the seas , my children bewailing me , as not pittying themselves , and my self bemoaning them ; poor souls , whom i had occasioned to such an end in their tender years , whenas they could scarce be sensible of death . and so likewise my cousin , his wife , and his , children , and both of us bewailing each other , in our lord and only saviour jesus christ , in whom only we had comfort and cheerfulness , insomuch that from the greatest to the least of us , there was not one scri●c● or out-cry made , but all as silent sheep were contentedly resolved to die together lovingly , as since our acquaintance we had lived together friendly . now as i was sitting in the cabbin room-door with my body in the room , when lo one of the sailers by a wave being washed out of the pinnace was gotten in again , and coming into the cabbin room over my back , cried out , we are all cast away , the lord have mercy upon us , i have been washed over-board into the sea , and am gotten in again . his speeches made me look forth . and looking towards the sea , and seeing how we were , i turned my self to my cousin and the rest , and spake these words , oh cousin , it hath pleased god to cast us here between two rocks , the shoar not far off from us , for i saw the tops of trees when i looked forth . whereupon the master of the pinnace looking up at the scuttle hole of the quarter deck , went out at it , but i never saw him afterwards . then he that had been in the sea , went out again by me , and leapt overboard towards the rocks , whom afterwards also i could not see . now none were left in the barque that i knew or saw , but my cousin , his wife and children , my self and mine , and his maid-servant . but my cousin thought i would have fled from him , and said unto me , oh cousin leave us not , let us die to-together , and reached forth his hand unto me . then i letting go my son peter's hand took him by the hand , and said , cousin , i purpose it not , whithe shall i go ? i am willing and ready here to die with you and my poor children . god be merciful to us , and receive us to himself , adding these words , the lord is able to help and deliver us . he replied , saying , truth cousin , but what his pleasure is we know not ; i fear we have been too unthankful for former deliverances , but he hath promised to deliver us from sin and condemnation , and to bring us safe to heaven through the alsufficient satisfaction of jesus christ , this therefore we may challenge of him . to which i replying said , that is all the deliverance i now desire and expect . which words i had no sooner spoken , but by a mighty wave i was with the piece of the barque washed out upon part of the rock , where the wave left me almost drowned , but recovering my feet i saw above me on the rock my daughter mary , to whom i had no sooner gotten , but my cousin avery , and his eldest son came to us , being all four of us washed out by one and the same wave , we went all into a small hole on the top of the rock , whence we called to those in the pinnace to come unto us , supposing we had been in more safety than they were in . my wife seeing us there was crept up into the scuttle of the quarter deck to come unto us , but presently came another wave and dashing the pinnace all to pieces , carried my wife away in the scuttle , as she was , with the greater part of the quarter deck unto the shoar ; where she was cast safely , but her legs were something bruised , and much timber of the vessel being there also cast , she was sometime before she could get away being washed by the waves . all the rest that were in the barque were drowned in the merciless seas . we four by that wave were clean swept away from off the rock also , into the sea ; the lord in one instant of time disposing of fifteen souls of us , according to his good pleasure and will , his pleasure and wonderful great mercy to me was thus . standing on the rock as before you heard , with my eldest daughter , my cousin and his eldest son , looking upon , and talking to them in the barque , whenas we were by that merciless wave washed off the rock , as before you heard . god in his mercy caused me to fall by the stroke of the wave flat on my face , for my face was toward the sea , insomuch that as i was sliding off the rock into the sea , the lord directed my toes into a joynt in the rocks side , as also the tops of some of my fingers with my right hand , by means whereof , the wave leaving me , i remained so , having in the rock only my head above the water . when on the left hand i espied a board or plank of the pinnace . and as i was reaching out my left hand to lay hold on it , by another coming over the top of the rock , i was washed away from the rock , and by the violence of the waves was driven hither and thither in the seas a great while , and had many dashes against the rocks . at length past hopes of life , and wearied in body and spirits , i even gave over to nature , and being ready to receive in the waters of death , i lifted up both my heart and hands to the god of heaven . for note , i had my senses remaining perfect with me all the time that i was under and in water , who at that instant lifted my head above the top of the water , that so i might breathe without any hindrance by the waters . i stood bolt upright as if i had stood upon my feet , but i felt no bottom , nor had any footing for to stand upon , but the waters . while i was thus above the water , i saw by me a piece of the mast , as i suppose about three foot long , which i laboured to catch into my arms . but suddenly i was overwhelmed with water , and driven to and fro again , and at last i felt the ground with my right foot . when immediately whilest i was thus groveling on my face , i presently recovering my feet , was in the water up to my breast , and through gods great mercy had my face unto the shoar , and not to the sea. i made hast to get out , but was thrown down on my hands with the waves , and so with safety crept to the dry shoar . where blessing god , i turned about to look for my children and friends , but saw neither , nor any part of the pinnace , where i left them as i supposed . but i saw my wife about a butt length from me getting her self forth from amongst the timber of the broken barque : but before i could get unto her , she was gotten to the shoar : i was in the water after i was washed from the rock , before i came to the shoar a quarter of an hour at least . when we were come each to other , we went and sat under the bank. but fear of the seas roaring and our coldness would not suffer us there to remain . but we went up into the land and sat us down under a cedar tree which the wind had thrown down , where we sat about an hour almost dead with cold . but now the storm was broken up , and the wind was calm , but the sea remained rough and fearful to us . my legs were much bruised , and so was my head , other hurt had i none , neither had i taken in much quantity of water : but my heart would not let me sit still any longer , but i vvould go to see if any more were gotten to the land in safety , especially hoping to have met with some of my own poor children , but i could find none , neither dead nor yet living . you condole with me my miseries , who now began to consider of my losses . now came to my remembrance the time and manner , how and when i last saw and left my children and friends . one was severed from me sitting on the rock at my feet , the other three in the pinnace : my little babe ( ah poor peter ) sitting in his sister ediths arms , who to the uttermost of her power sheltred him from the waters , my poor william standing close unto them , all three of them lo●king ruefully on me on the rock ; their very countenances calling unto me to help them , whom i could not go unto , neither could they come at me , neither would the merciless waves afford me space or time to use any means at all , either to help them or my self . oh i yet see their cheeks , poor silent lambs , pleading pity and help at my hands . then on the other side to consider the loss of my dear friends , with the spoiling and loss of all our goods and provisions , my self cast upon an unknown land , in a wilderness , i knew not where , nor how to get thence . then it came to my mind how i had occasioned the death of my children , who caused them to leave their native land , who might have left them there , yea , and might have sent some of them back again and cost me ●othing : these and such like thoughts do press down my heavy heart very much . but i must let this pass , and will proceed on in the relation of gods goodness unto me in that desolate island , on which i was cast . i and my wife were almost naked both of us , and wet and cold even unto death , . i found a snapsack cast on the shoar , in which i had a steel and flint and powder-horn . going further i found a drowned goat , then i found a hat , and my son william's coat , both which i put on . my wife found one of her petticoats which she put on . i found also two cheeses and some butter driven ashoar . thus the lord sent us some clothes to put on , and food to sustain our new lives which we had lately given unto us ; and means also to make 〈◊〉 , for in an horn i had some gun-powder , which to mine ow● ( and since to other mens ) admiration was dry . so taking a piece of my wives neckcloth , which i dried in the sun , i struck fire , and so dried and warmed our wet bodies , and then skinned the goat , and having found a small brass-pot , we boyled some of her . our drink was brackish water ; bread we had none . there we remained until the monday following , when about three of the clock in the afternoon , in a boat that came that way , we went off that desolate island ; which i named after my name , thachers woe , and the rock avery his fall : to the end that their fall and loss , and mine own might be had in perpetual remembrance . in the isle lieth buried the body of my cousins eldest daughter , whom i found dead on the shoar . on the tuesday following in the afternoon we arrived at marble-head . thus far is mr. thachers relation of this memorable providence . we proceed to some other : remarkable was that deliverance mentioned both by mr. ianeway , and mr. burton , wherein that gallant commander major edward gibbons of boston in new-england , and others were concerned . the substance of the story is this . a new-england vessel going from boston to some other parts of america , was through the continuance of contrary winds , kept long at sea , so that they were in very great straits for want of provision , and seeing they could not hope for any relief from earth or sea , they apply themselves to heaven in humble and hearty prayers , but no calm ensuing , one of them made this sorrowful motion , that they should cast lots , which of them should die first , to satisfie th● ravenous hunger of the rest . after many 〈◊〉 sad debate , they come to a result , the lot is cast , and one of the company is taken , but where is the executioner to be found to act this office upon a poor innocent ? it is death now to think who shall act this bloody part in the tragedy : but before they fall upon this in-voluntary execution , they once more went unto their prayers , and while they were calling upon god , he answered them , for there leapt a mighty fish into the boat , which was a double joy to them , not only in relieving their miserable hunger , which no doubt made them quick cooks , but because they looked upon it to be sent from god , and to be a token of their deliverance . but alas ! the fish is soon eaten , and their former exigencies come upon them , which sin● their spirits into despair ; for they know no● of another morsel . to lot they go again the second time , which falleth upon another person ; but still none can be found to sacrifice him ; they again send their prayers to heaven with all manner of fervency , when behold a second answer from above ! a great bird lights , and fixes it self upon the mast● which one of the company espies , and he goes , and there she stands , till he took her with his hand by the wing . this was life from the dead the second time , and they feasted themselves herewith , as hoping that second providence was a fore-runner of the●r compleat deliverance . but they have still the same disappointments , they can see no land , they know not where they are . hunger encreaseth again upon them , and they have no hopes to be saved but by a third miracle . they are reduced to the former course of casting lots , when they were going to the heart-breaking work , to put him to death whom the lot fell upon , they go to god their former friend in adversity , by humbl● and hearty prayers ; and now they look an● look again ; but there is nothing : their prayers are concluded , and nothing appears , yet still they hoped and stayed ; till at last one of them espies a ship , which put new life into all their spirits . they bear up with their vessel , they man their boat , and desire and beg like perishing , humble supplicants to board them , which they are admitted . the vessel proves a french vessel , yea , a french pirate . major gibbons petitions them for a little bread , and offers ship and cargo for it . but the commander knows the major , ( from whom he had received some signal kindnesses formerly at boston ) and replied readily , and chearfully , major gibbons , not a hair of you or your company shall perish , if it●ly in my power to preserve you . and accordingly he relieveth them , and sets them safe on shoar . memorable also is that which mr. ianeway in his remarkable sea-deliverances , p. 35. hath published . he there relates that in the year 1668. a ketch whereof thomas woodbery was master , sailing from new-england for barbadoes ; when they came in the latitude of 35. gr . because there was some appearance of foul-weather , they lowred their sails , sending up one to the top of the mast , he thought he saw something like a boat floating upon the sea , and calling to the men below , they made towards it , and when they came near , it appeared to be a long-boat with eleven men in it , who had been bound for virginia ; but their ship proved leaky , and foundred in the sea ; so that they were forced suddenly to betake themselves to their long-boat ; in the which they had a capstone bar , which they made use of for a mast , and a piece of canvas for a sail , so did they sail before the wind. but they having no victuals with them , were soon in miserable distress . thus they continued five dayes , so that all despaired of life . upon the sixth day they concluded to cast lots for their lives , viz. who should die that the rest might eat him , and have their lives preserved . he that the lot fell upon , begged for his life a little longer ; and being in their extremity , the wonder-working providence of god was seen : for they meet with this new-england vessel , which took them in , and saved their lives . an hour after this a terrible storm arose , continuing forty hours , so that if they had not met the vessel that saved the● in the nick of opportunity , they had all perished : and if the new-england men ha● not taken down some of their sails , or ha● not chanced to send one up to tallow the mast , this boat and men had never been seen by them . thus admirable are the workings of divine providence in the world. yet further ; that worthy and now blessed minister of god mr. iames ianeway , hath published several other remarkable sea-deliverances ; of which some belonging to new-england were the subjects . he relates ( and i am informed that it was really so ) that a small vessel ( the masters name philip hungare ) coming upon the coast of new-england suddenly sprang a leak , and so foundered . in the vessel there were eighteen souls , twelve of which got into the long boat. they threw into the boat some small matters of provision , but were wholly without fire . these twelve men sailed five hundred leagues in this small boat , being by almost miraculous providences preserved therein for five weeks together . god sent relief to them by causing some flying fish to fall into the boat , which they eat raw , and were well pleased therewith . they also caught a shark and opening his belly , sucked his blood for drink . at the last the divine providence brought them to the west-indies . some of them were so weak as that they soon died ▪ but most of them lived to declare the works of the lord. again he relates that mr. ionas clark of new-england going for virginia , the vessel was cast ashoar in the night . they hoped to get their ship off again ; to which end the master with some others going in the boat , when they were about sixty fathom from the shoar , there arose a great sea which broke in upon them , and at last turned the boat over . four men were drowned . mr. clark was held under water till his breath was gone , yet ( through the good hand of a gracious god ) he was set at liberty , and was enabled to swim to the shoar , where the providence of god did so over-rule the hearts of barbarians , as that they did them no hurt , until at last they were brought safe unto the english plantations . these things have ( as was said ) been related by mr. ianeway . i proceed therefore to mention some other sea-deliverances . and that notable preservation deserves to be here inserted and recorded ; wherein mr. iohn grafton and some others of his ships company were concerned ; who as they were bound in a voyage from salem in new-england , for the west-indies , in a ketch called the providence ; ( on september 16● 1669. ) their vessel suddenly struck upon a rock ; at the which they were amazed , it being then a dark and rainy night ; the force of the wind and sea broke their vessel in a moment . their company was ten men in number , whereof six were drowned . the master and the mate were left upon the rock . as they sat there , the sea came up to their wasts . there did they embrace each other , looking for death every moment ; and if the tide had risen higher it would have carried them off . by the same rock was one of the sea-men , being much wounded and grievously groaning . in the morning they saw an island about half a mile off from them . the rocks were so sharp and cragged that they could not tread upon them with their bare feet , nor had they shoes or stockins . but they found a piece of tarpoling , which they wrapped about their feet , making it fast with rope-yarns ; so getting each of them a stick , they sometimes went on their feet , and sometimes crept , until at last they came to the island , where they found another of their company ashoar , being carried thither by a piece of the vessel . upon the island they continued eight dayes , four of which they had no fire . their provision was salt fish and rain water , which they found in the holes of the rocks . after four dayes they found a piece of touch-wood , which the mate had formerly in his chest , and a piece of flint , with which having a small knife they struck fire . a barrel of flower being cast on shoar they made cakes thereof . now their care was how to get off from the island , there being no inhabitants there . finding a piece of the main-sail , and some hoops of cask they framed a boat therewith . yet had they no tools to build it with . but providence so ordered , that they found a board twelve foot long , and some nails ; also a box was cast ashoar wherein was a bolt-rope needle ; they likewise found a tar-barrel , wherewith they tarred their canvas . thus did they patch up a boat in fashion like a birchen canoo ; and meeting with some thin boards of sieling which came out of the cabbin , they made paddles therewith , so did they venture in this dangerous vessel ten leagues , until they came to anguilla , and st. martins , where they were courteously entertained , the people admiring how they could come so many leagues in such a strange kind of boat. besides all these particulars , which have been declared , information is brought to me concerning some sea-preservations which have hapned more lately . there was a small vessel set sail from bristol to new-england , sept. 22. 1681. the masters name william dutten . there were seven men in the vessel , having on board provision for three moneths , but by reason of contrary winds , they were twenty weeks before they could make any land ; and some unhappy accidents fell out which occasioned their being put to miserable straits for victuals , but most of all for drink . the winds were fair and prosperous until october 28. when they supposed themselves to be gotten 600 leagues westward . but after that the no● west winds blew so fiercely , that they were driven off from the coast of new-england , so that december 12. they concluded to bear away for barbadoes . but before this , one of their barrels of beer had the head broken out , and the liquor in it lost . they had but seven barrels of water , three of which proved leaky , so that the water in them was lost . when their victuals failed , the providence of god sent them a supply by causing dolphins to come near to the vessel , and that still as their wants were greatest , nor could they catch more than would serve their present turn . but still their misery upon them was great , through their want of water . sometimes they would expose their vessels to take the rain-water , but oft when it rained the winds were so furious , that they could save little or no rain , yet so it fell out that when they came near to the latitude of barmudas they saved two barrels of rain-water , which caused no little joy amongst them . but the rats did unexpectedly , eat holes through the barrels , so that their water was lost again . once when a shower of rain fell they could save but a pint , which though it was made bitter by the tar , it seemed very sweet to them . they divided this pint of rain-water amongst seven , drinking a thimble full at a time , which went five times about and was a great refreshing to them . on ianuary 27. a good shower of rain fell ; that so they might be sure to save some water , and not be again deprived thereof by the rats ; they layed their shirts open to the rain , and wringing them dry , they obtained seven gallons of water , which they put into bottles , and were for a time much refreshed thereby . but new straits come upon them . they endeavoured to catch the rats in the vessel , and could take but three or four , which they did eat , and it seemed delicate meat to their hungry souls . but the torment of their drought was insufferable . sometimes for a week together they had not one drop of fresh water . when they killed a dolphin they would open his belly and suck his blood a little to relieve their thirst . yea , their thirst was so great that they fell to drinking of salt-water . some drank several gallons , but they found that it did not allay their thirst . they greedily drank their own urine when they could make any . they would go over-board with a rope fastned to their bodies , and put themselves into the water , hoping to find some refreshment thereby . when any of them stood to steer the vessel ▪ he would think a little to refresh himself by having his feet in a pail of sea-water . in this misery some of the sea-men confessed that it was just with god thus to afflict them ▪ in that they had been guilty of wasting good drink , and of abusing themselves therewith before they came to sea. the divine providence so ordered , that on february 7 , they met with a vessel at sea , which hapned to be a guiny man ( samuel ricard master ) their boat was become leaky , that they could not go aboard , if it had been to save their lives . but the master of the other vessel understanding how it was with them , very courteously sent his own boat to them , with ten pieces of guiny beef , two ankors of fresh water , and four bushels of guiny corn , whereby they were sustained until they arrived at barbadoes ; being weak and spent with their hardships , but within a fortnight they were all recovered , and came the next summer to new-england . this account i received from the mate of the vessel , whose name is ioseph butcher . remarkable also , is the preservation of which some belonging to dublin in ireland had experience ; whom a new-england vessel providentially met , in an open boat , in the wide sea , and saved them from perishing . concerning which memorable providence , i have received the following narrative : a ship of dublin burdened about seventy tuns andrew bennet master , being bound from dublin to virginia ; this vessel having been some weeks at sea , onward of their voyage , and being in the latitude of 39. about 150 leagues distant from cape cod in new-england , on april 18. 1681. a day of very stormy weather , and a great sea , suddenly there sprang a plank in the fore part of the ship , about six a clock in the morning : whereupon the water increased so fast in the ship , that all their endeavours could not keep her from sinking above half an hour : so when the ship was just sinking , some of the company resolved to lanch out the boat , which was a small one . they did accordingly , and the master , the mate , the boat-swain , the cook , two fore-mast-men and a boy , kept such hold of it , when a cast of the sea suddenly helped them off with it , that they got into it . the heaving of the sea now suddenly thrust them from the ship , in which there were left nineteen souls , viz. 16 men and three women ; who all perished in the mighty waters , while they were trying to make rafters by cutting down the masts , for the preservation of their lives , as long as might be . the seven in the boat apprehended themselves to be in a condition little better then that of them in the ship , having neither sails nor oars , neither bread nor water , and no instrument of any sort , except a knife and a piece of deal-board , with which they made sticks , and set them up in the sides of the boat , and covered them with some irish-cloth of their own garments , to keep off the spray of the sea , as much as could be by so poor a matter . in this condition they drave with an hard wind and high sea all that day , and the night following . but in the next morning about six a clock , they saw a ketch ( the master whereof was mr. edmund henfield of salem in new-england ) under sail ▪ which ketch coming right with them , took them up and brought them safe to new-england . and it is yet further remarkable , that when the ship foundred , the ketch which saved these persons was many leagues to the westward of her , but was by a contrary wind caused to stand back again to the eastward where these distressed persons were ( as hath been said ) met with , and relieved . another remarkable sea-deliverance , like unto this last mentioned , hapned this present year ; the relation whereof take as followeth . a ship called the swallow , thomas welden of london master ; on their voyage from st. christophers towards london , did on march 23. last ( being then about the latitude of 42. ) meet with a violent storm . that storm somewhat allayed , the ship lying in the ●rough of the sea , her rudder broke away . whereupon the mariners veered out a cable , and part of a mast to steer by ; but that not answering their expectation , they took an hogs-head of water , and fastned it to the cable to steer the ship ; that also failing , they laid the ship by : ( as the sea-mens phrase is ) and on march 25. an exceeding great storm arose , which made the vessel ly down with her hatches under water , in which condition she continued about two hours , and having much water in the hold , they found no other way to make her rise again , but by cutting down her masts , and accordingly her main-mast and her mizen-mast being cut●down , the ship righted again . the storm continuing , on march 28. the ship made very bad steeridge , by reason of the loss of her rudder and masts , the sea had continual passage over her , and one sea did then carry away the larbord quarter of the ship , and brake the side from the deck , so that there was an open passage for the sea to come in at that breach ; and notwithstanding their endeavours to stop it with their bedding , cloathes , &c. so much water ran in by the sides of the ship , that it was ready to sink . now all hopes of saving their lives being gone ; the divine providence so ordered , that there appeared a vessel within sight , which hapned to be a french ship bound from st. iohn de luce to grand placentia in new-found land ; this vessel took in the distressed english-men , carried them to grand placentia , from whence the master and sundry of the m●●iners procured passage in a ketch bound for boston in new-england . there did they arrive iune 21. 1683. declaring how they had seen the wonders of god in the deep ▪ as hath been expressed . there was another memorable sea-deliverance like unto these two last . the persons concerned in it being now gone out of the world , i have not met with any who perfectly remember the particular year wherein that remarkable providence hapned ; only that it was about twenty two years ago : when a ship ( william laiton master ) bound from pas●●taqua in new-england to barbadoes , being 250 leagues off from the coast , sprang a leak . they endeavoured what they could to clear her with their pump for fourteen hours . but the vessel filling with water , they were forced ( being eight persons ) to betake themselves to their boat , taking with them a good supply of bread , and a pot of butter . the master declaring that he was perswaded they should meet with a ship at sea that would relieve them : but they had little water , so that their allowance was at last a spoonful in a day to each man. in this boat did they continue thus distressed for 19 dayes together . after they had been twelve dayes from the vessel , they met with a storm which did ●ery much endanger their lives , yet god preserved them . at the end of eighteen dayes a flying fish fell into their boat , and having with them an hook and line , they made use of that fish for bait , whereby they caught two dolphins . a ship then at sea , whereof mr. samuel scarlet was commander , apprehending a storm to be near , that so they might fit their rigging in order to entertain the approaching storm , suffered their vessel to drive right before the wind ; and by that means they hapned to meet with this boat full of distressed sea-men . captain scarlet 's vessel was then destitute of provision ; only they had on board water enough and to spare . when the mariners first saw the boat , they desired the master not to take the men in , because they had no bread nor other victuals for them ; so that by receiving eight more into their company , they should all die with famine . captain scarlet who as after he left using the sea , he gave many demonstrations both living and dying of his designing the good of others , and not his own particular advantage only , did at this time manifest the same spirit to be in him ; and therefore would by no means hearken to the selfish suggestions of his men , but repli●● to them , ( as vet not knowing who they were ) it may be these distressed creatures are our own countrey-men , or if no● , they are men in misery , and therefore what ever come of it , i am resolved to take them in , and to trust in god who is able to deliver us all . nor did god suffer him to lose any thing by this noble resolution . for as in captain scarlet 's ship there was water which the men in the boat wanted , so they in the boat had bread and the two dolphins lately caught , whereby all the ships company were refreshed . and within few dayes they all arrived safe in new-england . chap. ii. a further account of some other remarkable preservations . of a child that had part of her brains struck out , and yet lived and did well . remarkable deliverances of some in windsor . of several in the late indian war. the relation of a captive . skipper . how 's memorable preservation . several examples somewat parallel , wherein others in other parts of the world were concerned . besides those notable sea-deliverances which have been in the former chapter related , many other memorable providences and preservations have hapned . a multitude of instances to this purpose are now lost in the grave of oblivion , because they were not recorded in the season of them . but such observables as i have been by good hands acquainted with , i shall here further relate . remarkable was the preservation and restoration which the gracious providence of god vouchsafed to abigail eliot , the daughter of elder eliot of boston in new-england ; concerning whom a near and precious relation of hers , informs me , that when she was a child about five years old , playing with other children under a cart an iron hinge being sharp at the lower end hapned to strike her head between the right ear and the crown of her head , and pierced into the skull and brain . the child making an out-cry , the mother came ; and immediately drew out the iron , and thereupon some of the brains of her child which stuck to th● iron , and other bits were scattered on her forehead . able chyrurgeons were sent for ; in special mr. oliver and mr. prat. the head being uncovered , there appeared just upon the place where the iron pierced the skull , a bunch as big as a small egg. a question arose , whether the skin should not be cut and dilated from the orifice of the wound to the swelling , and so take it away . this mr. pr●t inclined unto , but mr. oliver opposed , pleading that then the air would get to the brain , and the child would presently die . mr. oliver was desired to undertake the cure. and thus was his operation . he gently drove the soft matter of the bunch into the wound , and pressed so much out as well he could ; there came forth about a spoonful , the matter which came forth was brains and blood ( some curdles of brain were white and not stained with blood ) so did he apply a plaister . the skull wasted where it was pierced to the bigness of an half crown piece of silver or more . the skin was exceeding tender , so that a silver plate like the skull was alwayes kept in the place to defend it from any touch or injury . the brains of the child did swell and swage according to the tides . when it was spring tide , her brain would heave up the tender skin , and fill the place sometimes . when i● it was nip tide , they would be sunk and fallen within the skull . this child lived to be the mother of two children . and ( which is marvelous ) she was not by this wound made defective in her memory or understanding . in the next place , we shall take notice o● some remarkable preservations which sundry in windsor in new-england have experience● the persons concerned therein being desiro●● that the lords goodness towards them may be ever had in remembrance : wherefore a faithful hand has given me the following account . ianuary 13. 1670 , three women , viz. the wives of lieut. filer , and of ioh● drake , and of nathaniel lomas ▪ having crossed connecticut river upon a necessary and neighbourly account , and having done the work they went for , were desirous to return to their own families ; the river being at that time partly shut up with ice old and new ▪ and partly open . there being some pains taken aforehand to cut a way through the ice , the three women abovesaid got into a canoo , with whom also there was nathaniel bissel , and an indian . there was likewise another canoo with two men in it , that went before them to help them in case they should meet with any distress , which indeed quickly came upon them ; for just as they were getting out of the narrow passage between the ice , being near the middle of the river , a great part of the upper ice came down upon them , and struck the end of their canoo , and broke it to pieces ; so that it quickly sunk under them : the indian speedily got upon the ice , but nathaniel bissel , and the abovesaid women were left floating in the middle of the river , being cut off from all manner of humane help besides what did arise from themselves , and the two men in the little canoo , which was so small that three persons durst seldom , if ever , venture in it , they were indeed discerned from one shore , but the dangerous ice would not admit from either shore , one to come near them . all things thus circumstanced , the suddenness of the stroke and distress ( which is apt to amaze men , especially when no less then life is concerned ) the extream coldness of the weather , it being a sharp season , that persons out of the water were in danger of freezing , the unaptness of the persons to help themselves , being mostly women , one big with child , and near the time of her travel ( who was also carried away under the ice ) the other as unskill'd and unactive to do any thing for self-preservation as almost any could be , the waters deep , that there was no hope of footing , no passage to either shore , in any eye of reason , neither with their little canoo , by reason of the ice , nor without it , the ice being thin and rotten , and full of holes . now , that all should be brought off safely without the loss of life , 〈◊〉 wrong to health , was counted in the day 〈◊〉 it a remarkable providence . to say , how 〈◊〉 was done , is difficult , yet something of 〈◊〉 manner of the deliverance may be 〈◊〉 , the abovesaid nathaniel bissel perceiving their danger , and being active in swimming , endeavoured what might be , the preservation of himself , and some others , he strove to have swum to the upper ice , but the stream being too hard , he was forced downwards to the lower ice , where by reason of the slipperiness of the ice , and disadvantage of the stream , he found it difficult getting up ; at length by the good hand of providence , being gotten upon the ice , he saw one of the women swimming down under the ice , and perceiving an hole , or open place , some few rods below , there he waited , and took her up as she swum along . the other two women were in the river , till the two men in the little canoo came for their relief ; at length all of them got their heads above the water , and had a little time to pause , though a long , and difficult , and dangerous way to any shore , but by getting their little canoo upon the ice , and carrying one at a time over hazardous places , they did ( though in a long while ) get all safe to the shore , from whence they came . remarkable also , was the deliverance which iohn and thomas bissel of windsor aforesaid , did at another time receive . iohn bissel on a morning about break of day taking nails out of a great barrel wherein was a considerable quantity of gun-powder , and bullets , having a candle in his hand , the powder took fire , thomas bissel was then putting on his clothes , standing by a window , which though well fastened , was by the force of the powder carried away at least four rods ; the partition-wall from another room was broken in pieces ; the roof of the house opened and slipt of the plates about five foot down ; also the great girt of the house at one end broke out so far , that it drew from the summer to the end , most of its tenant : the woman of the house was lying sick , and another woman under it in bed , yet did the divine providence so order things as that no one received any hurt , excepting iohn bissel , who fell through two floors into a cellar his shoes being taken from his feet , and found at twenty foot distance , his hands and his face very much scorched , without any other wound in his body . it would fill a volume to give an account of all the memorable preservations in the time of the late war with the indians . remarkable was that which hapned 〈◊〉 iabez musgrove of newbery , who being sh● by an indian , the bullet entred in at his ear and went out at his eye , on the other side of his head , yet the man was preserved from death , yea , and is still in the land of the living . likewise several of those that were taken captive by the indians are able to relate affecting stories concerning the gracious providence of god , in carrying them through many dangers and deaths , and at last setting their feet in a large place again . a worthy person hath sent me the account which one lately belonging to deerfield , ( his name is quintin stockwell , ) hath drawn up respecting his own captivity and redemption , with the more notable occurrences of divine providence attending him in his distress , which i shall therefore here insert in the words by himself expressed : he relateth as followes ; in the year 1677. september 19. between sun-set and dark , the indians came upon us ; i and another man , being together , we ran away at the out-cry the indians made , shouting and shooting at some other of the english that were hard by . we took a swamp that was at hand for our refuge ; the enemy espying us so near them , ran after us , and shot many guns at us , three guns were discharged upon me , the enemy being within three rod of me , besides many other , before that . being in this swamp that was miry , i slumpt in , and fell down , whereupon one of the enemy stept to me , with his hatchet lift upto knock me on the head , supposing that i had been wounded , and so unfit for any other travel . i ( as it hapned ) had a pistol by me , which though uncharged , i presented to the indian , who presently stept back ; and told me , if i would yield , i should have no hurt , he said ( which was not true ) that they had destroyed all hatfield , and that the woods were full of indians , whereupon i yielded my self , and so fell into the enemies hands , and by three of them was led away unto the place , whence first i began to make my flight , where two other indians came running to us , and the one lifting up the butt end of his gun , to knock me on the head , the other with his hand put by the blow , and said , i was 〈◊〉 friend . i was now by my own house which the indians burnt the last year , and i was about to build up again , and there i 〈◊〉 some hopes to escape from them ; there 〈◊〉 an horse just by , which they bid me take , ● did so , but made no attempt to escape ther● by , because the enemy was near , and the beast was slow and dull , then was i in hopes they would send me to take my own horses , which they did , but they were so frighted that i could not come near to them , and so fell still into the enemies hands , who now took me , and bound me , and led me away , and soon was i brought into the company of captives , that were that day brought away from hatfield , which were about a mile off ; and here methoughts was matter of joy and sorrow both , to see the company : some company in this condition being some refreshing , though little help any wayes ; then were we pinioned and led away in the night over the mountains , in dark and hideous wayes , about four miles further , before we took up our place for rest , which was in a dismal place of wood on the east side of that mountain . we were kept bound all that night . the indians kept waking and we had little mind to sleep in this nights travel , the indians dispersed , and as they went made strange noises , as of wolves and owles , and other wild beasts , to the end that they might not lose one another ; and if followed they might not be discovered by the english. about the break of day , we marched again and got over the great river at p●comptuck river mouth , and there rested about two hours . there the indians marked out upon trays the number of their captives and slain as their manner is . here was i again in great danger ; a quarrel arose about me , whose captive i was , for three took me . i thought i must be killed to end the controversie , so when they put it to me , whose i was , i said three indians took me , so they agreed to have all a share in me : and i had now three masters , and he was my chief master who laid hands on me first , and thus was i fallen into the hands of the very worst of all the company ; as ashpelon the indian captain told me ; which captain was all along very kind to me , and a great comfort to the english. in this place they gave us some victuals , which they had brought from the english. this morning also they sent ten men forth to town to bring away what they could find , some provision , some corn out of the meadow they brought to us upon horses which they had there taken . from hence we went up about the falls , where we crost that river again ; and whilst i was going , i fell right down lame of my old wounds that i had in the war , and whilest i was thinking i should therefore be killed by the indians , and what death i should die , my pain was suddenly gone , and i was much encouraged again . we had about eleven horses in that company , which the indians made to carry burthens , and to carry women . it was afternoon when we now crossed that river , we travelled up that river till night , and then took up our lodging in a dismal place , and were staked down and spread out on our backs ; and so we lay all night , yea so we lay many nights . they told me their law was , that we should lie so nine nights , and by that time , it was thought we should be out of our knowledge . the manner of staking down was thus ; our arms and legs stretched out were staked fast down , and a cord about our necks , so that we could stir no wayes . the first night of staking down , being much tired , i slept as comfortably as ever ; the next day we went up the river , and crossed it , and at night lay in squakheag meadows ; our provision was soon spent ; and while we lay in those meadows the indians went an hunting , and the english army came out after us : then the indians moved again , dividing themselves and the captives into many companies , that the english might not follow their tract . at night having crossed the river , we met again at the place appointed . the next day we crost the river again on squakheag side , and there we took up our quarters for a long time , i suppose this might be about thirty miles above squakheag , and here were the indians quite out of all fear of the english ; but in great fear of the mohawks ; here they built a long wigwam . here they had a great dance ( as they call it ) and concluded to burn three of us , and had got bark to do it with , and as i understood afterwards , i was one that was to be burnt . sergeant plimpton an other , and benjamin wait his wife the third : though i knew not which was to be burnt , yet i perceived some were designed thereunto , so much i understood of their language : that night i could not sleep for fear of next dayes work , the indians being weary with that dance , lay down to sleep , and slept soundly . the english were all loose , then i went out and brought in wood , and mended the fire , and made a noise on purpose , but none awaked , i thought if any of the english would wake , we might kill them all sleeping , i removed out of the way all the guns and hatchets : but my heart failing me , i put all things where they were again . the next day when we were to be burnt , our master and some others spake for us , and the evil was prevented in this place : and hereabouts we lay three weeks together . here i had a shirt brought to me , to make , and one indian said it should be made this way , a second another way , a third his way . i told them i would make it that way that my chief master said ; whereupon one indian struck me on the face with his fist. i suddenly rose up in anger ready to strike again , upon this hapned a great hubbub , and the indians and english came about me ; i was fain to humble my self to my master , so that matter was put up . before i came to this place , my three masters were gone a hunting , i was left with an other indian , all the company being upon a march , i was left with this indian , who fell sick , so that i was fain to carry his gun and hatchet , and had opportunity , and had thought to have dispatched him , and run away ; but did not , for that the english captives had promised the contrary to one another , because if one should run away , that would provoke the indians , and indanger the rest that could not run away . whilest we were here , benjamin stebbins going with some indians to wachuset hills , made his escape from them , and when the news of his escape came ; we were all presently called in and bound ; one of the indians a captain among them , and alwayes our great friend , met me coming in , and told me stebbins was run away ; and the indians spake of burning us ; some of only burning and biting off our fingers by and by . he said there would be a court , and all would speak their minds , but he would speak last , and would say , that the indian that let stebbins run away was only in fault , and so no hurt should be done us , fear not : so it proved accordingly . whilest we lingered hereabout , provision grew scarce , one bears foot must serve five of us a whole day ; we began to eat horse-flesh , and eat up seven in all : three were left alive and were not killed . whilest we had been here , some of the indians had been down and fallen upon hadley , and were taken by the english , agreed with , and let go again ; and were to meet the english upon such a plain , there to make further terms . ashpalon was much for it , but wachuset sachims when they came were much against it : and were for this , that we should meet the english indeed , but there fall upon them and fight them , and take them . then ashpalon spake to us english , not to speak a word more to further that matter , for mischief would come of it . when those indians came from wachuset , there came with them squaws , and children about four-score , who reported that the english had taken uncas , and all his men , and sent them beyond seas , they were much enraged at this , and asked us if it were true ; we said no , then was ashpalon angry , and said , he would no more believe english-men . for they examined us every one apart ; then they dealt worse by us for a season than before : still provision was fearce . we came at length to a place called squaw-maug river , there we hoped for sammon , but we came too late . this place i account to be above two hundred miles above deerfield : then we parted into two companies ; some went one way and some went another way ; and we went over a mighty mountain , we were eight dayes a going over it , and travelled very hard , and every day we had either snow or rain : we noted that on this mountain all the water run northward . here also we wanted provision ; but at length met again on the other side of the mountain , viz. on the north side of this mountain at a river , that run into the lake , and we were then half a dayes journey off the lake , we stayed here a great while to make canoos to go over the lake ; here i was frozen , & here again we were like to starve : all the indians went a hunting but could get nothing : divers dayes they powow'd but got nothing , then they desired the english to pray , and confessed they could do nothing ; they would have us pray , and see what the english-man's god could do . i prayed , so did serjeant plimpton , in another place . the indians reverently attended , morning and night ; next day they got bears : then they would needs have us desire a blessing , return thanks at meals : after a while they grew weary of it , and the sachim did forbid us : when i was frozen they were very cruel towards me , because i could not do as at other times . when we came to the lake we were again sadly put to it for provision ; we were fain to eat touch●wood fryed in bears greace , at last we found a company of raccoons , and then we made a feast ; and the manner was , that we must eat all . i perceived there would be too much for one time , so one indian that sat next to me , bid me slip away some to him under his coat , and he would hid● it for me till another time ; this indian as soon as he had got my meat , stood up and made a speech to the rest , and discovered me ; so that the indians were very angry , and cut me another piece , and gave me raccoon grease to drink , which made me sick and vomit . i told them i had enough ; so that ever after that they would give me none● but still tell me , i had raccoon enough : so i suffered much , and being frozen was full of pain , and could sleep but a little , yet must do my work . when they went upon the lake , and as they came to the lake , they light of a moose and killed it , and staid there till they had eaten it all up ; and entring upon the lake there arose a great storm , we thought we should all be cast away , but at last we got to an island , and there they went to powawing . the powa● said that benjamin wait , and another man ▪ was coming , and that storm was raised to cast them away : this afterward appeared to be true , though then i believed them not . upon this island we lay still several dayes , and then set out again , but a storm took us , so that we lay to and fro upon certain islands about three weeks : we had no provision but raccoons , so that the indians themselves thought they should be starved . they gave me nothing , so that i was sundry dayes without any provision : we went on upon the lake upon that isle about a dayes journey : we had a little sled upon which we drew our load ; before noon , i tired , and just then the indians met with some french-men ; then one of the indians that took me came to me , and called me all manner of bad names ; and threw me down upon my back : i told him i could not do any more , then he said he must kill me , i thought he was about it , for he pulled out his knife , and cut out my pockets , and wrapt them about my face , helped me up , and took my sled and went away , and gave me a bit of biscake , as big as a walnut , which he had of the french-man , and told me he would give me a pipe of tobacco ; when my sled was gone , i could run after him , but at last i could not run , but went a foot-pace , then the indians were soon out of sight , i followed as well as i could ; i had many falls upon the ice ; at last i was so spent , i had not strength enough to rise again , but i crept to a tree that lay along , and got upon it , and there i lay ; it was now night , and very sharp weather : i counted no other but that i must die there ; whilest i was thinking of death , an indian hallowed , and i answered him ; he came to me , and called me 〈◊〉 names , and told me if i could not go 〈◊〉 must knock me on the head ; i told him he must then so do ; he saw how i had wallowed in that snow , but could not rise : then ▪ he took his coat , and wrapt me in it , and went back , and sent two indians with a sled , one said he must knock me on the head , the other said no , they would carry me away and burn me ; then they bid me stir my instep to see if that were frozen , i did so , when they saw that , they said that vvas wurregen ; there vvas a chirurgeon at the french that could cure me ; then they took me upon the sled , and carried me to the fire , and they then made much of me ; pulled off my vvet , and vvrapped me in dry clothes , made me a good bed. they had killed an otter , and gave me some of the broth , and a bit of the flesh : here i slept till tovvards day , and then vvas able to get up , and put on my clothes ; one of the indians awaked , and seeing me go , shouted , as rejoycing at it : as soon as it vvas light i and samuel russel vvent before on the ice , upon a river , they said i must go vvhere i could on foot , else i should frieze . samuel russel slipt into the river vvith one foot , the indians called him back and dried his stockins , and then sent us avvay ; and an indian vvith us to pilot us : and vve vvent four or five miles before they overtook us : i was then pretty well spent ; samuel russel was ( he said ) faint , and wondred how i could live , for he had ( he said ) ten meals to my one : then i was laid on the sled , and they ran away with me on the ice , the rest and samuel russel came softly after . samuel russel i never saw more , nor know what became of him : they got but half way , and we got through to shamblee about midnight . six miles of shamblee ( a french town ) the river was open , and when i came to travail in that part of the ice , i soon tired ; and two indians run away to town , and one only was left : he would carry me a few rods , and then i would go as many , and that trade we drave , and so were long a going six miles . this indian now was kind , and told me that if he did not carry me i would die , and so i should have done sure enough : and he said , i must tell the english how he helped me . when we came to the first house there was no inhabitant : the indian spent , both discouraged ; he said we must now both die , at last he left me alone , and got to another house , and thence came some french and indians , and brought me in : the french were kind , and put my hands and feet in cold water , and gave me a dram of brandey , and a little hasty pudding and milk ; when i tasted victuals i was hungry , and could not have forborn it , but that i could not get it ; now and then they would give me a little as they thought best for me ; i lay by the fire with the indians that night , but could not sleep for pain : next morning the indians and french fell out about me , because the french as the indian said , loved the english better than the indians . the french presently turned the indians out of doors , and kept me , they were very kind and careful , and gave me a little something now and then ; while i was here all the men in that town came to see me : at this house i was three or four dayes , and then invited to another , and after that to another ; at this place i was about thirteen dayes , and received much civility from a young man , a batchelour , who invited me to his house , with whom i was for the most part , he was so kind as to lodge me in the bed with himself , he gave me a shirt , and would have bought me , but could not , for the indians asked a hundred pounds for me . we were then to go to a place called surril , and that young-man would go with me , because the indians should not hurt me : this man carried me on the ice one dayes journey : for i could not now go at all : then there was so much water on the ice , we could go no further : so the frenchman left me , and provision for me ; here we stayed two nights , and then travailed again , for then the ice was strong ; and in two dayes more i came to surril ; the first house we came to was late in the night , here again the people were kind . next day being in much pain , i asked the indians to carry me to the chirurgeons , as they had promised , at which they were wroth , and one of them took up his gun to knock me ; but the french-men would not suffer it , but set upon him , and kicked him out of doors ; then we went away from thence to a place two or three miles off , where the indians had wigwams ; when i came to these wigwams some of the indians knew me , and seemed to pity me . while i was here , which was three or four dayes , the french came to see me , and it being christmas time , they brought cakes and other provisions with them , and gave to me , so that i had no want : the indians tried to cure me , but could not , then i asked for the chirurgeon , at which one of the indians in anger , struck me on the face with his fist , a french● m●n being by , the french-m●n spake to him , i knew not what he said , and went his way by and by came the captain of the place into the wigwam with about twelve armed men , and asked where the indian was that struck the english-man , and took him and told him he should go to the bilboes , and then be hanged : the indians were much terified at this , as appeared by their countenances and trembling . i would have gone too , but the french-man bid me not fear , the indians durst not hurt me . when that indian was gone , i had two masters still , i asked them to carry me to that captain that i might speak for the indian , they answered , i was a fool , did i think the french-men were like to the english , to say one thing and do another ? they were men of their words , but i prevailed with them to help me thither , and i spake to the captain by an interpreter , and told him i desired him to set the indian free , and told him what he had done for me , he told me he was a rogue , and should be hanged ; then i spake more privately , alledging this reason , because all the english captives were not come in , if he were hanged , it might fare the worse with them ; then the captain said , that was to be considered : then he set him at liberty , upon this condition , that he should never strike me more , and every day bring me to his house to eat victuals . i perceived that the common people did not like what the indians had done and did to the english. when the indian was set free , he came to me , and took me about the middle , and said i was his brother , i had saved his life once , and he had saved mine ( he said ) thrice . then he called for brandy and made me drink , and had me away to the wigwams again , when i came there , the indians came to me one by one , to shake hands with me , saying wurregen netop ; and were very kind , thinking no other , but that i had saved the indians life . the next day he carried me to that captains house , and set me down ; they gave me my victuals and wine , and being left there a while by the indians , i shewed the captain my fingers , which when he and his wife saw , he and his wife run away from the sight , and bid me lap it up again , and sent for the chirurgeon , who when he came , said he could cure me , and took it in hand , and dressed it ; the indian towards night came for me , i told them i could not go with them , they were displeased , called me rogue , and went away ; that night i was full of pain , the french did fear that i would die , five men did watch with me , and strove to keep me chearly : for i was sometimes ready to faint : often times they gave me a little brandy . the next day the chirurgion came again , and dressed me ; and so he did all the while i was among the french. i came in at christmass , and went thence may 2 d. being thus in the captain 's house , i was kept there till ben. wait● came : & my indian master being in want of money , pawned me to the captain for 14. beavers , or the worth of them , at such a day ; if he did not pay he must lose his pawn , or else sell me for twenty one beavers , but he could not get beaver , and so i was sold. but by being thus sold he was in gods good time set at liberty , and returned to his friends in new-england again . thus far is this poor captives relation concerning the changes of providence which passed over him . there is one remarkable passage more , affirmed by him : for he saith , that in their travails they came to a place where was a great wigwam ( i. e. indian house ) at both ends was an image ; here the indians in the war time were wont to powaw ( i. e. invocate the devil ) and so did they come down to hatfield , one of the images told them they should destroy a town ; the other said no , half a town . this god ( said that indian ) speaks true , the other was not good , he told them lies . no doubt but others are capable of declaring many passages of divine providence no less worthy to be recorded than these last recited ; but inasmuch as they have not been brought to my hands , i proceed to another relation . very memorable was the providence of god towards mr. ephraim how of new-haven in new-england , who was for an whole twelve moneth given up by his friends as a dead man , but god preserved him alive in a desolate island where he had suffered shipwrack , and at last returned him home to his family . the history of this providence might have been mentioned amongst sea-deliverances , yet considering it was not only so , i shall here record what himself ( being a godly man ) did relate of the lords marvelous dispensations towards him , that so others might be incouraged to put their trust in god , in the times of their greatest straits and difficulties . on the 25. of august , in the year 1676. the said skipper how with his two eldest sons set sail from new-haven for boston in a small ketch , burden 17 tun or thereabout : after the dispatch of their business there , they set sail from thence for new-haven again , on the 10 th of september following : but contrary winds forced them back to boston , where the said how was taken ill with a violent flux , which distemper continued near a moneth , many being at that time sick of the same disease , which proved mortal to some . the merciful providence of god having spared his life , and restored him to some measure of health ; he again set sail from boston , october 10. by a fair wind they went forward so as to make cape cod ; but suddenly the weather became very tempestuous , so as that they could not seize the cape , but were forced off to sea ; where they were endangered in a small vessel by very fearful storms and outragious winds and seas . also , his eldest son fell sick and died in about eleven dayes after they set out to sea. he was no sooner dead , but his other son fell sick and died too . this was a bitter cup to the good father . it is noted in 1 chron. 7. 22. that when the sons of ephraim were dead , ephraim their father mourned many dayes , and his brethren came to comfort him . this ephraim when his sons were dead his friends on shore knew it not , nor could they come to comfort him . but when his friends and relations could not , the lord himself did : for they died after so sweet , gracious and comfortable a manner , as that their father professed he had joy in parting with them . yet now their outward distress and danger was become greater , since the skipper's two sons were the only help he had in working the vessel . not long after , another of the company , viz. caleb iones , ( son to mr. william iones one of the worthy magistrates in new-haven ) fell sick and died also , leaving the world with comfortable manifestations of true repentance towards god , and faith in jesus christ. thus the one half of their company was taken away , none remaining but the skipper himself , one mr. augur , and a boy . he himself was still sickly , and in a very weak estate , yet was fain to stand at the helm 36 hours , and 24 hours at a time ; in the mean time the boisterous sea overwhelming the vessel , so as that if he had not been lasht fast , he had certainly been washed over-board . in this extremity , he was at a loss in his own thoughts , whether they should persist in striving for the new-england shore , or bear away for the southern islands . he proposed that question to mr. augur , they resolved that they would first seek to god by prayer about it , and then put this difficult case to an issue , by casting a lot. so they did ; and the lot fell on new-england . by that time a moneth was expired , they lost the rudder of their vessel , so that now they had nothing but god alone to rely upon . in this deplorable state were they for a fortnight . the skipper ( though infirm ( as has been expressed ) yet for six weeks together , was hardly ever dry ; nor had they the benefit of warm food for more then thrice or thereabouts . at the end of six weeks , in the morning betimes , the vessel was driven on the tailings of a ledge of rocks , where the sea broke violently ; looking out they espied a dismal rocky island to the leeward , upon which if the providence of god had not by the breakers given them timely warning , they had been dashed in pieces . and this extremity was the lords opportunity to appear for their deliverance ; they immediately let go an anchor , and get out the boat ; and god made the sea calm . the boat proved leaky ; and being in the midst of fears and amazements they took little out of the vessel . after they came ashoar they found themselves in a rocky desolate island ( near cape sables ) where was neither man not beast to be seen , so that now they were in extream danger of being starved to death . but a storm arose which beat violently upon the vessel at anchor , so as that it was staved in pieces ; and a cask of powder was brought ashore , ( receiving no damage by its being washed in the water ) also a barrel of wine , and half a barrel of molosses , together with many things useful for a tent to preserve them from cold . this notwithstanding , new and great distresses attended them . for though they had powder and shot , there were seldom any fowls to be seen in that dismal and desolate place , excepting a few crows , ravens and gulls . these were so few as that for the most part , the skipper shot at one at a time . many times half of one of these fowls with the liquor made a meal for three . once they lived five dayes without any sustenance , at which time they did not feel themselves pincht with hunger as at other times ; the lord in mercy taking away their appetites , when their food did utterly fail them . after they had been about twelve weeks in this miserable island , mr. how 's dear friend and consort mr , augur died ; so that he had no living creature but the lad before mentioned to converse with : and on april 2. 1677. that lad died also , so that the master was now left alone upon the island , and continued so to be above a quarter of a year , not having any living soul to converse with . in this time he saw several fishing vessels sailing by , and some came nearer the island than that which at last took him in ; but though he used what means he could that they might be acquainted with his distress , none came to him , being afraid : for they supposed him to be one of those indians who were then in hostility against the english. the good man whilest he was in his desolate estate , kept many dayes of fasting and prayer , wherein he did confess and bewail his sins , the least of which deserved greater evils than any in this world ever were or can be subject unto ; and begged of god that he would find out a way for his deliverance . at last it came into his mind , that he ought very solemnly to praise god ( as well as pray unto him ) for the great mercies and signal preservations which he had thus far experienced . accordingly he set apart a day for that end , spending the time in giving thanks to god for all the mercies of his life , so far as he could call them to mind , and in special for those divine favours which had been mingled with his afflictions ; humbly blessing god for his wonderful goodness in preserving him alive by a miracle of mercy . immediately after this , a vessel belonging to salem in new-england providentially passing by that island , sent their boat on shore , and took in skipper how , who arrived at salem , july 18. 1677. and was at last returned to his family in new-haven . upon this occasion it may not be amiss to commemorate a providence not altogether unlike unto the but now related preservation of skipper how. the story which i intend is mentioned by mandelsloe in his travails , page 280. and more fully by mr. clark in his examples , vol. 2. page 618. mr. burton in his prodigies of mercies , page 209. yet inasmuch as but few in this countrey have the authors mentioned , i shall here insert what has been by them already published . the story is in brief as followeth : in the year 1616. a fleming whose name was pickman , coming from norway in a vessel loaden with boards , was overtaken by a calm , during which the current carried him upon a rock or little island towards the extremities of scotland . to avoid a wreck he commanded some of his men to go into the shallop , and to tow the ship. they having done so , would needs go up into a certain rock to look for birds eggs : but as soon as they were got up into it , they at some distance perceived a man , whence they imagined that there were others lurking thereabouts , and that this man had made his escape thither from some pyrates , who , if not prevented , might surprize their ship : and therefore they made all the hast they could to their shallop , and so returned to their ship. but the calm continuing , and the current of the sea still driving them upon the island , they were forced to get into the long-boat , and to tow her off again . the man whom they had seen before was in the mean time come to the brink of the island , and made signs with his hands lifted up , and sometimes falling on his knees , and joyning his hands together , begging and crying to them for relief . at first they made some difficulty to get to him , but at last , being overcome by his lamentable signs , they went nearer the island , where they saw something that was more like a ghost than a living person ; a body stark naked , black and hairy , a meagre and deformed countenance , with hollow and distorted eyes ; which raised such compassion in them , that they essayed to take him into the boat : but the rock was so steepy thereabouts , that it was impossible for them to land : whereupon they went about the island , and came at last to a flat shore , where they took the man aboard . they found nothing at all in the island , neither grass nor tree , nor ought else from which a man could procure any subsistence , nor any shelter , but the ruins of a boat , wherewith he had made a kind of a hutt , under which he might lie down and shelter himself , against the injuries of wind and weather . no sooner were they gotten to the ship , but there arose a wind , that drave them off from the island : observing this providence , they were the more inquisitive to know of this man , what he was , and by what means he came unto that uninhabitable place ? hereunto the man answered ; i am an english man , that about a year ago , was to pass in the ordinary passage-boat from england to dublin in ireland ; but by the way we were taken by a french pirate , who being immediately forced by a tempest , which presently arose , to let our boat go ; we were three of us in it , left to the mercy of the wind and waves , which carried us between ireland and scotland into the main sea : in the mean time we had neither food nor drink , but only some sugar in the boat ; upon this we lived , and drank our own urine , till our bodies were so dried up , that we could make no more : whereupon one of our company being quite spent , died ; whom we heaved overboard : and a while after a second was grown so feeble , that he had laid himself along in the boat , ready to give up the ghost : but in this extremity it pleased god that i kenned this island afar off , and thereupon encouraged the dying man to rouse up himself , with hopes of life : and accordingly , upon this good news , he raised himself up , and by and by our boat was cast upon this island , and split against a rock . now we were in a more wretched condition than if we had been swallowed up by the sea , for then we had been delivered out of the extremities we were now in for want of meat and drink ; yet the lord was pleased to make some provision for us : for on the island we took some sea-mews , which we did eat raw : we found also in the holes of the rocks , upon the sea-side , some eggs ; and thus had we through gods good providence wherewithal to subsist , as much as would keep us from starving : but what we thought most unsupportable , was thirst , in regard that the place afforded no fresh water but what fell from the clouds , and was left in certain pits , which time had made in the rock . neither could we have this at all seasons , by reason that the rock being small , and lying low , in stormy weather the waves dashed over it , and filled the pits with salt water . when they came first upon the island about the midst of it , they found two long stones pitched in the ground , and a third laid upon them , like a table ; which they judged to have been so placed by some fishermen to dry their fish upon ; and under this they lay in the nights , till with some boards of their boat , they made a kind of an hutt to be a shelter for them . in this condition they lived together , for the space of about six weeks , comforting one another , and finding some ease in their common calamity : till at last one of them being left alone , the burden became almost insupportable : for one day , awaking in the morning he missed his fellow , and getting up , he went calling and seeking all the island about for him , but when he could by no means find him , he fell into such despair , that he often resolved to have cast himself down into the sea , and so to put a final period to that affliction , whereof he had endured but the one half , whilst he had a friend that divided it with him . what became of his comrade he could not guess , whether despair forced him to that extremity , or whether getting up in the night , not fully awake , he fell from the rock , as he was looking for birds eggs : for he had discovered no distraction in him , neither could imagine that he could on a sudden fall into that despair , against which he had so fortified himself by frequent and fervent prayer . and his loss did so affect the surviver , that he often took his beer , with a purpose to have leaped from the rocks into the sea , yet still his conscience stopped him , suggesting to him , that if he did it , he would be utterly damned for his self-murther . another affliction also befel him , which was this ; his only knife wherewith he cut up the sea-dogs and sea-mews , having a bloody cloth about it , was carried away ( as he thought ) by some fowl of prey ; so that , not being able to kill any more , he was reduced to this extremity , with much difficulty to get out of the boards of his hutt , a great 〈◊〉 which he made shift so to sharpen upon the stones , that it served him instead of a knife . when winter came on , he endured the greatest misery imaginable : for many times the rock and his hutt were so covered with snow , that it was not possible for him to go abroad to provide his food ; which extremity put him upon this invention : he put out a little stick at the crevice of his hutt , and baiting it with a little sea-dogs fat , by that means he got some sea-mews , which he took with his hand from under the snow , and so kept himself from starving . in this sad and solitary condition , he lived for about eleven moneths , expecting therein to end his dayes , when gods gracious providence sent this ship thither , which delivered him out of the greatest misery that ever man was in . the master of the ship commiserating his deplorable condition , treated him so well , that within a few dayes he was quite another creature ; and afterwards he set him a shore at derry in ireland ; and sometimes after he saw him at dublin : where such as heard what had hapned unto him , gave him money , wherewithal to return into his native countrey of england . thus far is that ●●ation . i have seen a manuscript , wherein many memorable passages of divine providence are recorded . and this which i shall now mention amongst others . about the year 1638. a ship fell foul upon the rocks and sands , called the rancadories , sixty leagues distant from the isle of providence . ten of the floating passengers got to a spot of land , where having breathed awhile , and expecting to perish by famine , eight of them chose rather to commit themselves to the mercy of the waters ; two only stood upon the spot of land , one whereof soon died , and was in the sands buried by his now desolate companion . this solitary person in the midst of the roaring waters was encompassed with the goodness of divine providence . within three dayes god was pleased to send this single person ( who now alone , was lord and subject in this his little common-wealth ) good store of fowl , and to render them so tame , that the forlorn man could pick and chuse where he list . fish also were now and then cast up within his reach , and somewhat that served for fewel , enkindled by flint to dress them . thus lived that insulary anchorite for about two years , till at last having espied a dutch vessel , he held a rag of his shirt upon the top of a stick towards them , which being come within view of , they used means to fetch him off the said-spot of sand , and brought him to the isle of providence . the man having in so long a time conversed only with heaven , lookt at first very strangely , and was not able at first conference promptly to speak and answer . chap. iii. concerning remarkables about thunder and lightning . one at salisbury in new-england struck dead thereby . several at marshfield . one at north-hampton . the captain of the castle in boston . some remarkables about lightning in rocksborough , wenham , marble-head , cambridge . and in several vessels at sea. some late parallel instances , of several in the last century . scripture examples of men slain by lightning . there are who affirm that although terrible lightnings with thunders have ever been frequent in this land , yet none were hurt thereby ( neither man nor beast ) for many years after the english did first settle in these american desarts . but that of later years fatal and fearful slaughters have in that way been made amongst us , is most certain . and there are many who have in this respect been as brands plucked out of the burning , when the lord hath overthrown others as god overthrew sodom and gomorrah . such solemn works of providence ought not to be forgotten . i shall now therefore proceed in giving an account of remarkables respecting thunder and lightning , so far as i have received credible information concerning them ; the particulars whereof are these which follow : in iuly 1654. a man whose name was partridge ( esteemed a very godly person ) at salisbury in new-england was killed with thunder and lightning , his house being first set on fire thereby , and himself with others endeavouring the quenching of it , by a second crack of thunder with lightning ( he being at the door of his house ) was struck dead , and never spake more . there were ten other persons also that were struck and lay for dead at the present , but they all revived , excepting partridge . some that viewed him , report that there were holes ( like such as are made with shot ) found in his clothes , and skin . one side of his shirt and body was scorched , and not the other . his house , though ( as was said ) set on fire by the lightning in divers places , was not burnt down , but preserved by an abundance of rain falling upon it . iuly 31. 1658. there hapned a storm of thunder and lightning with rain , in the town of marshfield in plimouth colony in new-england : mr. nathaneel thomas , iohn philips , and another belonging to that town , being in the field , as they perceived the storm a coming , betook themselves to the next house for shelter : iohn philips sat down near the chimney , his face towards the inner door . a black cloud flying very low , out of it there came a great ball of fire , with a terrible crack of thunder ; the fire-ball fell down just before the said philips , he seemed to give a start on his seat , and so fell backward , being struck dead , not the least motion of life appearing in him afterwards . captain thomas who sat directly opposite to iohn philips , about six foot distance from him , and a young child that was then within three foot of him , through the providence of god received no hurt , yet many bricks in the chimney were beaten down , the principal rafters split , the battens next the chimney in the chamber were broken , one of the main posts of the house into which the summer was framed rent into shivers , and a great part of it was carried several rod from the house , the door before philips , where the fire came down , was broken . on the 28 of april a. d. 1664. a company of the neighbours being met together at the house of henry condliff in north-hampton in new-england , to spend a few hours in christian conferences , and in prayer ; there hapned a storm of thunder and rain ; and as the good man of the house was at prayer , there came a ball of lightning in at the roof of the house which set the thatch on fire , grated on the timber , pierced through the chamber-floor , no breach being made on the boards ; only one of the jouyces somewhat rased ; matthew cole ( who was son in law to the said condliff ) was struck stone dead as he was leaning over a table , and joyning with the rest in prayer . he did not stir nor groan after he was smitten , but continued standing as before , bearing upon the table . there was no visible impression on his body or clothes , only the sole of one of his shoes was rent from the upper leather . there were about twelve persons in the room ; none else received any harm , only one woman ( who is still living ) was struck upon the head , which occasioned some deafness ever since . the fire on the house was quenched by the seasonable help of neighbours . iuly 15. 1665. there were terrible cracks of thunder . an house in boston was struck by it , and the dishes therein melted as they stood on the shelves , but no other hurt done in the town . only captain davenport ( a worthy man , and one that had in the pequot war , ventured his life , and did great service for the countrey ) then residing in the castle where he commanded : having that day wrought himself weary , and thinking to refresh himself with sleep , was killed with lightning , as he lay upon his bed asleep . several of the souldiers in the castle were struck at the same time ; but god spared their lives . it has been an old opinion mentioned by plutarch ( sympos . lib. 4. q. 2. ) that men asleep are never smitten with lightning ; to confirm which it has been alledged , that one lying asleep , the lightning melted the money in his purse without doing him any further harm : and that a cradle , wherein a child lay sleeping , was broken with the lightning , and the child not hurt ; and that the arrows of king mithridates being near his bed , were burnt with lightning , and yet himself being asleep received no hurt ; but as much of all this , may be affirmed of persons awake . and this sad example ( triste jaces lucis evitandumque bidental ) of captain davenport , whom the lightning found and left asleep , does confute the vulgar error mentioned . and no doubt but that many the like instances to this have been known in the world , the records whereof we have not . but i proceed : iune 23. 1666. in marshfield , another dismal storm of rain with thunder and lightning hapned . there were then in the house of iohn philips ( he was father of that iohn philips who was slain by lightning in the year 1658. ) fourteen persons ; the woman of the house calling earnestly to shut the door , that was no sooner done , but an astonishing thunder-clap fell upon the house rent the chimney , and split the door . all in the house were struck . one of them ( who is still living ) saith , that when he came to himself , he saw the house full of smoke , and perceived a grievous smell of brimstone , and saw the fire ly scattered ; though whether that fire came from heaven or was violently hurled out of the hearth , he can give no account . at first he thought all the people present , except himself , had been killed . but it pleased god to revive most of them . only three of them were mortally wounded with heavens arrows , viz. the wife of iohn philips , and another of his sons a young man about twenty years old , and william shertly , who had a child in his arms , that received no hurt by the lightning when himself was slain . this shertly was at that time a sojourner in iohn philips his house ; having been a little before burnt out of his own house . the wife of this shertly was with child and near her full time , and struck down for dead at present , but god recovered her , so that she received no hurt , neither by fright nor stroke . two little children sitting upon the edge of a table , had their lives preserved , though a dog which lay behind them under the table was killed . in the same year ( in the latter end of may ) samuel ruggles of rocksborough in new-england , going with a loaden cart , was struck with lightning . he did not hear the thunder-clap , but was by the force of the lightning e're he was aware , carried over his cattle about ten foot distance from them . attempting to rise up he found that he was not able to stand upon his right leg , for his right foot was become limber , and would bend any way , feeling as if it had no bone in it , nevertheless , he made a shift with the use of one leg to get to his cattle ( being an horse and two oxen ) which were all killed by the lightning . he endeavoured to take off the yoak from the neck of one of the oxen , but then he perceived that his thumb and two fingers in one hand were stupified that he could not stir them ; they looked like cold clay , the blood clear gone out of that part of his hand . but by rubbing his wounded leg and hand , blood and life came into them again . as he came home pulling off his stocking , he found that on the inside of his right leg ( which smarted much ) the hair was quite burnt off , and it looked red . just over his ankle his stocking was singed on the inside , but not on the outside , and there were near upon twenty marks about as big as pins heads , which the lightning had left thereon . likewise the shoe on his left foot , was by the lightning struck off his foot , and carried above two rods from him . on the upper leather at the heel of the shoe , there were five holes burnt through it , bigger than those which are made with duck shot . as for the beasts that were slain , the hair upon their skins was singed , so that one might perceive that the lightning had run winding and turning strangely upon their bodies , leaving little marks no bigger then corns of gun-powder behind it . there was in the cart a chest which the lightning pierced through , as also through a quire of paper and twelve napkins , melting some pewter dishes that were under them . at another time in rocksborough , a thunder storm hapning , broke into the house of thomas bishop , striking off some clapboards , splitting two studs of the end spar , and running down by each side of the window , where stood a bed with three children in it . over the head of the bed were three guns and a sword , which were so melted with the lightning that they began to run . it made a hole through the floor , and coming into a lower room it beat down the shutter of the window , and running on a shelf of pewter , it melted several dishes there ; and descending lower , it melted a brass morter , and a brass kettle . the children in the bed were wonderfully preserved : for a lath at the corner of it was burnt , and splinters flew about their clothes and faces , and there was not an hands breadth between them and the fire , yet received they no hurt . on the 18 of may ( being the lords day ) a. d. 1673. the people at wenham ( their worthy pastor mr. antipas newman being lately dead ) prevailed with the reverend mr. higginson of salem , to spend that sabbath amongst them . the afternoon sermon being ended , he with several of the town went to mr. newman his house ; w●●lest they were in discourse there , about the word and works of god , a thunder storm arose . after a while a smart clap of thunder broke upon the house , and especially into the room where they were sitting , and discoursing together ; it did for the present deafen them all , filling the room with smoke , and a strong smell as of brimstone . with the thunder-clap , came in a ball of fire as big as the bullet of a great gun , which suddenly went up the chimney , as also the smoke did . this ball of fire was seen at the feet of richard goldsmith , who sat on a leather chair , next the chimney , at which instant he fell off the chair on the ground . as soon as the smoke was gone , some in the room endeavoured to hold him up , but found him dead ; also the dog that lay under the chair was found stone dead , but not the least hurt done to the chair . all that could be perceived by the man , was , that the hair of head near one of his ears was a little singed . there were seven or eight in that room , and more in the next ; yet ( through the merciful providence of god ) none else had the least harm . this richard goldsmith , who was thus slain , was a shoemaker by trade , being reputed a good man for the main ; but had blemished his christian profession by frequent breaking of his promise , it being too common with him ( as with too many professors amongst us ) to be free and forward in engaging but backward in performing . yet this must further be added , that half a year before his death , god gave him a deep sence of his evils , that he made it his business not only that his peace might be made with god , but with men also , unto whom he had given just offence . he went up and down bewailing his great sin in promise-breaking ; and was become a very conscientious and lively christian , promoting holy and edifying discourses , as he had occasion . at that very time when he was struck dead , he was speaking of some passages in the sermon he had newly heard , and his last words were , blessed be the lord. in the same year , on the 21. of iune , being saturday in the afternoon ; another thunder-storm arose ; during which storm iosiah walton ( the youngest son of mr. william walton late minister of marble-head ) was in a ketch coming in from sea , and being before the harbours mouth , the wind suddenly shifted to the northward ; a violent gust of wind coming down on the vessel , the seamen concluded to hand their sails , iosiah walton got upon the main-yard to expedite the matter , and foot down the sail ; when there hapned a terrible flash of lightning , which breaking forth out of the c●o●d , struck down three men who were on the deck , without doing them any hurt ; but iosiah walton being ( as was said ) on the main-yard , the lightning shattered his thigh-bone all in pieces , and did split and shiver the main-mast of the vessel , and scorcht the rigging . iosiah walton falling down upon the deck , his leg was broken short off . his brother being on the deck , did ( with others ) take him up , and found him alive , but sorely scorched and wounded . they brought him on shore to his mothers house . at first he was very sensible of his case ; and took leave of his friends , giving himself to a serious preparation for another world. his relations used all means possible for his recovery ; though he himself told them he was a dead man , and the use of means would but put him to more misery . his bones were so shattered , that it was not possible for the art of man to reduce them ; also , the violent heat of the weather occasioned a gangrene . in this misery he continued until the next wednesday morning ; and then departed this life ; he was an hopeful young-man . in the year 1678. on the 29 th . of iune , at cambridge in new-england ; a thunder-clap with lightning broke into the next house to the colledge . it tore away and shattered into pieces a considerable quantity of the tyle on the roof thereof . in one room there then hapned to be the wife of iohn benjamin ( daughter to thomas swetman , the owner of the house ) who then had an infant about two moneths old in her arms ; also another woman . they were all of them struck ; the child being by the force of the lightning carried out of the mothers arms , and thrown upon the floor some distance from her . the mother was at first thought to be dead , but god restored her , though she lost the use of her limbs for some considerable time . her feet were singed with the lightning , and yet no sign thereof appearing on her shoes . also the child and the other woman recovered . in the next room were seven or eight persons who received no hurt . it was above a quarter of an hour before they could help the persons thus smitten , for the room was so full of smoke ( smelling like brimstone ) that they could not see them . some swine being near the door as the lightning fell , were thrown into the house , and seemed dead awhile , but afterwards came to life again . a cat was killed therewith . a pewter candlestick standing upon a joynt-stool ; some part of it was melted and carried away before the lightning , and stuck in the chamber floor over head , like swan shot , and yet the candlestick it self was not so much as shaken off from the stool whereon it stood . iune 12. 1680. there was an amazing thunder-storm at hampton in new-england . the lightning fell upon the house of mr. ioseph smith , strangely shattering it in divers places . his wife ( the grand-daughter of that eminent man of god , mr. cotton , who was the famous teacher of the church of christ , first in old , and then in new boston ) lay as dead for the present ; being struck down with the lightning , near the chimney , yet god mercifully spared and restored her . but the said smith his mother ( a gracious woman ) was strvck dead and never recovered again . besides all these which have been mentioned , one or two in connecticut colony , and four persons dwelling in the northern parts of this countrey , were smitten with the fire of god , about sixteen years ago ; the circumstances of which providences ( though very remarkable ) i have not as yet received from those that were acquainted therewith ; and therefore cannot here publish them . also , some remarkables about thunder hapned the last year . a reverend friend in a neighbour colony , in a letter bearing august 3. 1682. writeth thus ; we have had of late great storms of rain and wind , and some of thunder and lightning , whereby execution has been done , though with sparing mercy to men : mr. jones his house in new-haven , was broken into by the lightning , and strange work made in one room especially , in which one of his children had been but a little before . this was done june 8. 1682. a little after which at norwalk , there were nine working oxen smitten dead at once , within a small compass of ground . the next moneth at greenwich , there were seven swine and a dog ●illed with the lightning , very near a dwelling house , where a family of children ( their parents not at home when lightning hapned ) were much frighted , but received no other hurt : what are these but warning pieces , shewing that mens lives may go next ? thus he , i proceed now to give an account of some late remarkables about thunder and lightning , wherein several vessels at sea were concerned . iuly 17. 1677. a vessel whereof mr. thomas berry was master , set sail from boston in new-england , bound for the island of madera●● about 3. h. p. m. being half way between cape cod and brewsters islands , they were becalmed ; and they perceived a thunder-shower arising in the north-northwest . the master ordered all their sails ( except their two courses ) to be furled . when the shower drew near to them , they had only the fore-sail abroad ; all the men were busie in lashing fast the long-boat ; the master was walking upon the deck , and as he came near the main-mast , he beheld something very black fly before him , about the bigness of a small mast , at the larboard side ; and immediately he heard a dreadful and amazing noise , not like a single canon , but as if great armies of men had been firing one against another ; presently upon which the master was struck clear round , and fell down for dead upon the deck , continuing so for about seven minutes ; but then he revived , having his hands much burnt with the lightning . the ship seemed to be on fire ; and a very great smoke having a sulphurous smell came from between the decks ; so that no man was able to stay there , for more than half an hour after this surprizing accident hapned . the main-mast was split from the top-gallant-mast head to the lower deck . the partners of the pump were struck up at the star-board side , and one end of two cabbins staved down betwixt decks . two holes were made in one of the pumps about the bigness of two musquet bullets . they were forced to return to boston again , in order to the fitting of the vessel with a new mast. through the mercy of the most high , no person in the vessel received any hurt , besides what hath been expressed . yet it is remarkable that the same day , about the same time , two men in or near wenham were killed with lightning , as they sat under a tree in the woods . on iune the sixth a. d. 1682. a ship called the iamaica merchant , captain ioseph wild commander , being then in the gulph of florida , lat. 27. gr . about 1 h. p. m. was surprized with an amazing thunder shower ; the lightning split the main-mast , and knocked down one of the sea-men , and set the ship on fire between decks , in several places . they used utmost endeavour to extinguish the fire , but could not do it ; seeing they were unable to overcome those flames , they betook themselves to their boat. the fire was so furious between the cabbin and the deck in the steeridge , that they could not go to the relief of each other , insomuch that a man and his wife were parted . the man leaped over-board into the sea , and so swam to the boat : his wife and a child were taken out of a gallery window into the boat. three men more were saved by leaping out of the cabbin window . there were aboard this vessel which heaven thus set on fire , thirty four persons ; yet all escaped with their lives : for the gracious providence of god so ordered , as that captain iohn bennet was then in company , who received these distressed and astonished creatures into his ship : so did they behold the vessel burning , until about 8 h. p. m. when that which remained sunk to the bottom of the sea. the master with several of the seamen were by captain bennet brought safe to new-england , where they declared how wonderfully they had been delivered from death which god both by fire and water had threatned them with . march 16. 1682 , 3. a ship whereof robert luist is master being then at sea ( bound for new-england ) in lat. 27. gr . about 2. h. a. m ▪ it began to thunder and lighten . they beh●ld three corpusants ( as mariners call them ) on the yards : the thunder grew fiercer , and thicker than before . suddenly their vessel was filled with smoke , and the smell of brimstone , that the poor men were terrified with the apprehension of their ships being on fire . there came down from the clouds a stream or flame of fire as big as the ships mast , which fell on the middle of the deck , where the mate was standing , but then was thrown flat upon his back with three men more that were but a little distance from him . they that were yet untouched , thought , not only that their fellow mariners had been struck dead , but their deck broken in pieces by that blow , whose sound seemed ●o them to exceed the report of many great guns fired off at once . some that were less dangerously hurt , made an out-cry that their legs were scalded ; but the mate lay speechless and senseless . when he began to come to himself , he made sad complaints of a burden lying upon his back . when day came , they perceived their main-top-mast was split ▪ and the top-sail burnt . the lightning seemed like small coals of fire blown over-board . there is one remarkable more about thunder and lightning , which i am lately informed of by persons concerned therein ; some circumstances in the relation being as wonderfull , as any of the preceding particulars ▪ thus it was : on iuly 24. in the year 1681 ▪ the ship called albemarl ( whereof mr. edward lad was then master ) being an hundred leagues from cape cod , in lat. 48. about 3 h. p. m. met with a thunder storm . the lightning burnt the main-top-sail , split the main-cap in pieces , rent the mast all along . there was in special one dreadful clap of thunder , the report bigger than of a great gun , at which all the ships company were amazed ; then did there fall something from the clouds upon the stern of the boat , which broke into many small parts ; split one of the pumps , the other pump much hurt also . it was a bituminous matter , smelling much like fired gun-powder . it continued burning in the stern of the boat , they did with sticks dissipate it , and poured much water on it , and yet they were not able by all that they could do to extinguish it , until such time as all the matter was consumed . but the strangest thing of all , is yet to be mentioned . when night came , observing the stars , they perceived that their compasses were changed . as for the compass in the biddikil , the north point was turned clear south . there were two other compasses unhung in the locker , in the cabbin . in one of which the north point stood south , like that in the biddikil ; as for the other , the north point stood west . so that they sailed by a needle whose polarity was quite changed . the seamen were at first puzled how to work their vessel right , considering that the south point of their compass was now become north , but after a little use , it was easie to them . thus did they sail a thousand leagues . as for the compass wherein the lightning had made the needle to point westward , since it was brought to new-england the glass being broke , it has by means of the air coming to it , wholly lost its virtue . one of those compasses which had quite changed the polarity from north to south , is still extant in boston ; and at present in my custody . the north point of the needle doth remain fixed to this day , as it did immediately after the lightning caused an alteration . the natural reason of which may be enquired into in the next chapter : but before i pass to that , it may be , it will be grateful to the reader , for me here to commemorate some parallel instances , which have lately hapned in other parts of the world , unto which i proceed , contenting my self with one or two examples , reserving others for the subsequent chapter ; where we shall have further occasion to take notice of them . the authors ephemeridum medico-physicarum germanicarum , have informed the world , that on august 14. 1669. it thundred and lightned as if heaven and earth would come together . and at the house of a gentleman who lived near bergen , the fiery lightning flashed through four inner rooms at once , entring into a beer cellar , with its force it threw down the earthen vessels , with the windows and doors where it came : but the tin and iron vessels were partly melted , and partly burnt with black spots remaining on them . where it entred the cellar , the barrels were removed out of their right places ; where it went out , it left the taps shaking . in one room the binding was taken off from the back of a bible , and the margin was accurately cut by the lightning without hurting the letters , as if it had been done by the hands of some artists : beginning at the re●elation , and ( which is wonderful ) ending with the twelfth chapter of 1 epistle to the corinthians , which chapter fell in course to be expounded in publick the next lords day . six women sitting in the same chimney filled with a sulphurous and choaking mist , that 〈◊〉 could scarce breathe ; not far from the bed of a woman that was then lying in , were struck down , the hangings of the room burnt , and the mother of the woman in child-bed lay for dead at present ; but after a while , the other recovering their sences , examined what hurt was done to the woman thought to be dead : her kerchief was burnt as if it had been done with gun-powder ; she had about her a silver chain , which was melted and broke into five parts : her under garments were not so much as singed ; but just under her paps she was very much burnt . after she came to her self , she was very sensible of pain in the place where the lightning had caused that wound . to lenifie which womens milk was made use of . but blisters arising , the dolour was increased , until a skilful physician prescribed this unguent . r. mucilag . sem. cydoniorum c. aq . malv . extract half an ounce . succ. planta● . rec . an ounce and half . lytharg . aur . subt . pert . half a drachm . m. ad fict . whereby the inflamation was allayed . by the same authors , it is also related , that in iune a. d. 1671. an house was struck with lightning in four places , in some places the timber was split , and in other places had holes made in it , as if bored through with an awger , but no impression of fire 〈◊〉 any where to be seen . a girl fifteen years old , sitting in the chimney , was struck down and lay for dead , the space of half an hour . and it is probable , that she had never recovered , had not an able physician been sent for , who viewing her , perceived that the clothes about her breast were made to look blewish by the lightning : it had also caused her paps to look fiery and blackish , as if they had been scorched with gun-powder . under her breast the lightning had left creases , a cross her body , of a brownish colour . also some creases made by the lightning as broad as ones finger run along her left leg reaching to her foot. the physician caused two spoonfuls of apoplectick water to be poured down her throat , upon which she instantly revived , complaining of a great heat in her jaws and much pain , in the places hurt by the lightning . half a drachm of pulvis bezoarticus anglicus , in the water of sweet chervil was given to her , which caused a plentiful sweat , whereby the pain in her jaws was dimi●ished . being still feave●ish , an emulsion made with poppy seed , millet , carduus benedictus , &c. was made use of , upon which the patient had ease and recovered . it appears by this as well as other instances , that great care should be had of those that are thunde-struck , that they be not given up for quite dead , before all means be used in order to their being revived . paulus zacchias in questionibus medicis giveth rules whereby it may be known whether persons smitten with lightning be dead , past all recovery or no. and the history put forth by iaccbus iavellus in an epistle emitted with his medicinae compendium , describes the cure of persons struck with lightning . i have not my self seen those books ; but whoso shall see cause to obtain and consult them , will i suppose find therein things worth their reading and consideration . something to this purpose i find in the scholion on the germ. ephem . for the year 1671. obs . 37. p. 69. the reader that is desirous to see more remarkable instances about thunder and lightning , wherein persons living in former age were concerned , if he please to look into zuinger his theatrum vit . human. vol. 2. lib. 2. p. 322. & lib. 7. p. 475 , 545. & vol. 3. lib. 1. p. 631. & vol. 5. lib. 4. p. 1371. he will find many notable and memorable passages which that industrious author hath collected . though none more awful ( to my remembrance ) than that which hapned a. d. 1546. when meckelen ( a principal city in brabant ) was set on fire , and suffered a fearful conflagration by lightning : so it was , that at the very time . when this thunder-storm hapned , an inn-keeper ( whose name was croes ) had in his house some guests , who were playing at cards . the inn-keeper going into his wine-celler to fetch drink for his merry guests , at that moment the furious tempest plucked up the house and carried it a good way off . every one of the men that were playing at cards were found dead with their cards in their hands ; only the inn-keeper himself , being in the wine-cellar ( which was arched ) escaped with his life . this brings to mind a strange passage related by cardan ( de variet lib. 8. c. 43. ) who saith , that eight men sitting down together under an oak , as they were at supper , a flash of lightning smote and ●lew them all ; and they were found in the very posture that the lightning surprized them in : one with the meat in his mouth , another seemed to be drinking , another with a cup in his hand , which he intended to bring to his mouth , &c. they looked like images made black with the lightning . as for scripture examples of men slain by lightning ; it is the judgement of the judicious and learned zuinger , that the sodomites & those 250 that being with corab in his conspiracy presumed to offer incense ▪ numb . 16. 35. and nadab and abihu , and th●● two semicenturions with their souldiers , who came to apprehend the prophet elijah , were all killed by lightning from heaven . chap. iv. some philosophical meditations . concerning antipathies and sympathies . of the loadstone . of the nature and wonderful effects of lightning . that thunder-storms are often caused by satan ; and sometimes by good angels . thunder is the voice of god , and therefore to be dreaded . all places in the habitable world are subject to it more or less . no amulets can preserve men from being hurt thereby . the miserable estate of wicked men upon this account , and the happiness of the righteous , who may be ●●●ve all disquieting fears , with respect unto such terrible accidents . having thus far related many remarkable providences , which have hapned in these goings down of the sun ; and some of the particulars , ( especially in the last chapter ) being tragical stories : the reader must give me leave upon this occasion a little to divert and recreate my mind , with some philosophical meditations ; and to conclude with a theological improvement thereof . there are wonders in the works of creation as well as providence , the reason whereof the most knowing amongst mortals , are not able to comprehend . dost thou know the ballancings of the clouds , the wondrous works of him who is perfect in knowledge ? i have not yet seen any who give a satisfactory reason of those strange fountains in new spain , which ebb and flow with the sea , though far from it ; and which fall in rainy weather , and rise in dry ; or concerning that pit near st. bartholmew's into which if one cast a stone though never so small , it makes a noise as great and terrible as a clap of thunder . it is no difficult thing to produce a world of instances , concerning which the usual answer is , an occult quality is the cause of this strange operation , which is only a fig-lea● whereby our common philosophers seek to hide their own ignorance . nor may we ( with erastus ) deny that there are marvelous sympathies and antipathies in the natures of things . we know that the horse does abominate the camel ; the mighty elephant is afraid of a mouse : and they say that the lion , who scorneth to turn his back upon the stoutest animal , will tremble at the crowing of a cock. some men also have strange a●tipathies in their natures against that ●ort of food which others love and live upon . i have read of one that could not endure to eat either bread or flesh. of another that fell into a swoonding fit at the smell of a rose . others would do the like at the smell of vineger , or at the sight of an eel or a frog . there was a man that if he did hear the sound of a bell , he would immediately die away . another if he did happen to hear any one sweeping a room , an inexpressible horror would sieze upon him . another if he heard one whetting a knife his gumms would fall a bleeding . another was not able to behold a knife that had a sharp point , without being in a strange agony . quercetus speaketh of one that died as he was sitting at the table , only because an apple was brought into his sight . there are some who if a cat accidentally come into the room , though they neither see it , nor are told of it , will presently be in a sweat and ready to die away . there was lately one living in stow-market , that when ever it thundred would fall into a violent vomiting , and so continue until the thunder-storm was over . a woman had such an antipathy against cheese that if she did but eat a piece of bread , cut with a knife , which a little before had cut cheese , it would cause a deliquium , yet the same woman when she was with child delighted in no meat so much as in cheese . there was la●ely ( i know not but that he may be living still ) a man that if pork , o● any thing made of swines flesh were brought into the room , he would fall into a convulsive sardonian laughter ; nor can he for his heart leave as long as that object is before him , so that if it should not be removed , he would certainly laugh himself to death . it is evident that the peculiar antipathies of some persons are caused by the imaginations of their parents . there was one that would fall into a syncope if either a calves-head or a cabbage were brought near him . there were n●●vi materni upon the hypocondria of this person , on his right side there was the form of a calves head , on his left side a cabbage imprinted there by the imagination of his longing mother . most wonderful is that which libavius and others report , concerning a man that would be surprized with a lipothymy at the sight of his own son ; nay , upon his approaching near unto him , though he saw him not , for which some assigned this reason , that the mother when she was with child , used to feed upon such meats as were abominable to the father ( concerning the rationality of this conjecture see sr. kenelm digby's disco●●●e of bodies , p. 409 , 410. ) but others said that the midwife who b●ought him into the world was a witch . nor are the sympathies in nature less wonderful than the antipathies . there is a mutual friendship between the olive tree and the myrtle . there is a certain stone called pantarbe which draws gold unto it . so does the adamas hairs and twigs . the sympathy between the load-stone and iron , which do mutually attract each other , is admirable . there is no philosopher but speaketh of this . some have published whole treatises ( both profitable and pleasant ) upon this argument ; in special gilbert , ward , cabeus , kepler , and of late kircherus . i know many fabulous things have been related concerning the load-stone by inexperienced philosophers , and so believed by many others , e. g. that onions , or garlick , or ointments will cause it to lose its vertue . iohnston , ( and from him dr. brown in his vulgar errors ) hath truly asserted the contrary . every one knoweth that the head of a needle touched therewith will continue pointing towards the north pole : so that the magnet leaveth an impression of its own nature and vertue upon the needle , causing it to stand pointed as the magnet it self doth : the loadstone it self is the hardest iron ; and it is a thing known that such mines are naturally so ( notwithstanding the report of one who saith , that lately in devonshire , load-stones were found otherwise ) posited in th● earth . just under the line the needle lieth parallel with the horizon , but sailing north or south it begins to incline and increase according as it approacheth to either pole , and would at last endeavour to erect it self , whence some ascribe these strange effects to the north star , which they suppose to be very magnetical . there is reason to believe that the earth is the great magnet . hence ( as mr. seller observes ) when a bar of iron has stood long in a window , that end of it which is next to the earth will have the same vertue which the load-stone it self has . some place the first meridian at the azores , because there the needle varies not : but the like is to be said of some other parts of the world ; yea under the very same meridian in divers latitudes there is a great variation as to the pointing of the needle . it is affirmed , that between the shore of ireland , france , spain , guiny , and the azores , the north point varies towards the east , as some part of the azores it deflecteth not . on the other side of the azores , and this side of the aequator , the north point of the needle wheeleth to the west ; so that in the lat. 36. near the shore , the variation is about 11 gr . but on the other side of the aequator it is quite otherwise , for in brasilia the south point varies 12 gr . unto the west , but elongating from the coast of brasilia toward the shore of africa it varies eastward , and arriving at the cape d●las aquilas , it rests in the meridian and looketh neither way . dr. brown in he psudodoxia epidemica p. 63. does rationally suppose that the cause of this variation may be the inequality of the earth variously disposed , and indifferently mixed with the sea. the needle driveth that way where the greater and most powerful part of the earth is placed . for whereas on this side the isles of azores the needle varies eastward , it may be occasioned by that vast tract , viz. europe , asia and africa , seated towards the east , and disposing the needle that way . sailing further it veers its lilly to the west , and regards that quarter wherein the land is nearer or greater ; and in the same latitude , as it approacheth the shore augmenteth its variation . hence at rome there is a less variation ( viz. but five degrees ) than at london , for on the west side of rome are seated the great continents of france , spain , germany ; but unto england there is almost no earth west , but the whole extent of europe and asia lies eastward , and therefore at london the variation is 11 degrees . thus also , by reason of the great continent of brasilia , the needle deflects towards the land 12 degrees ▪ but at the straits of magellan , where the land is narrowed , and the sea on the other side , it varies but 5 or 6. so because the cape of de las agullas hath sea on both sides near it , and other land remote , and as it were aequidistant from it , the needle conforms to the meridian . in certain creeks and vallies it proveth irregular ; the reason whereof may be some vigorous part of the earth not far distant . thus d. brown , whose arguings seem rational . some have truly observed of crocus martis or steel corroded with vineger , sulphur , or otherwise , and after reverberated by fire , that the load-stone will not at all attract it : nor will it adhere , but ly therein like sand. it is likewise certain , that the fire will cause the load-stone to lose its vertue ; inasmuch as its bituminous spirits are thereby evaporated . porta ( lib. 7. cap. 7. ) saith that he did to his great admiration see a sulphurous flame brake out of the load-stone which being dissipated , the stone lost it 's attractive vertue . moreover , the load-stone by being put into the fire may be caused quite to change its polarity . the truly noble and honourable robert boyle esq , many of whose excellent observations and experiments have been advantagious , not only to the english nation but to the learned world ; in his book of the usefulness of experimental ; natural philosophy , page 15. hath these words ; taking an oblong load-stone , and heating it red hot , i found the attractive faculty in not many minutes , either altogether abolish● , or at least so impaired and weakened , that i was scarce if at all able to discern it . but this 〈◊〉 been observed , though not so faithfully re●ated , by more than one ; wherefore i shall add , that by refrigerating this red hot load-stone either north or south , i found that i could give its extream● a polarity ( if i may so speak ) which they would readily display upon an 〈◊〉 needle freely placed in aequilibrium : and not only so ▪ but i could by refrigerating the ●●me end , sometimes north , and sometimes south , in a very short time change the poles of the load-stone a● pleasure , making that which was a q●arter of 〈◊〉 hour before the north pole , become● the south ; and on the contrary , the formerly southern pole become the northern . and this change was wrought on the load-stone , not only by cooling it directly north and south , but by cooling it perpendicularly : that end of it which was contiguous to the ground growing the northern pole and so ( according to the laws magnetical ) drawing to it the south end ; and that which was remotest from the contrary one : as ●f indeed the terrestial globe were as some magnetic philosophers have supposed it , but a great magnes , since its effluvium's are able in some cases to impart a magnetic faculty to the load-stone it self , thus far mr. boyle ; also d. brown shews , that if we erect a red hot wire until it cool , then hang it up with wax and untwisted silk where the lower end and that which cooled next the earth does rest , that is the northern point . and if a wire be heated only at one end , according as the end is cooled upwards or downwards , it respectively requires a verticity . he also observes , if a load-stone be made red hot in the fire , it amits the magnetical vigor it had before , and acquireth another from the earth , in its refrigeration , for that part which cooleth next the earth will acquire the respect of the north ; the experiment whereof he made in a load-stone of parallelogram or long square figure , wherein only inverting the extreams as it came out of the fire , he altered the poles or faces thereof at pleasure . unto some such reason as this , must the wonderful change occasioned by the lightning in the compasses of mr. lad's vessel be ascribed : probably the heat of the lightning caused the needle to lose its vertue , and the compass in the bidikle might stand pointed to the south , and that unhung in the locker to the west , when they grew cold again , and accordingly continue pointing so ever after . there is also that which is very mysterious and beyond humane capacity to comprehend , in thunder and lightning . the thunder of his power , who can understand ? also , can any understand the spreadings of the clouds , or the noise of his tabernacle ? hence elihu said ( some interpreters think there was a thunder-storm at the very instant when those words were spoken ) in iob 37. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he thundreth marveils . it is indeed manifest that these wonderful meteors are generated out of a nitrous and sulphurous matter . hence it is commonly out of dark and thick clouds that hail and coals of fire break forth , psal. 18. 11 , 12. the scent which the lightning useth to leave behind it , in places where it falls , is a sufficient evidence of its being of a sulphurous nature . nay the persons ( as well as places ) smitten there with have sometimes smelt strong of brimstone . two years ago there was a ship riding at anchor in a place in france ; and a furious tempest suddenly arising , the main-mast wes split in pieces with a clap of thunder ; the pendant on the top of the main-top-mast was burnt to ashes , twelve men were beat upon the deck , five of which lay for dead a considerable time , no pulse or breath being perceived , their eyes and teeth immovable , yet had they no visible wound , only an intolerable smell of brimstone ; about half an hour after by rubbing and forceing open their mouths , and pouring down some cordials , they recovered . at the same time six others were miserably burnt , their flesh being scorched , yet their garments not so much as singed ; their skin much discoloured . see mr. burton's miracles of nature , page 181. likewise , august 23. 1682. a man walking in the field near darkin in england , was struck with a clap of thunder . one who was near him , ran to take him up , but found him dead , and his body exceeding hot● and withal smelling so strong of sulphur that he was forced to let him ly a considerable time ere he could be removed . it is reported , that sometimes thunder and lightning has been generated out of the sulphurous and bituminous matter which the fiery mountain aetna hath cast forth , we know that when there is a mixture of nitre , sulphur , and unslaked lime , water will cause fire to break out . and when unto nitre brimstone is added , a report is caused thereby . and unquestionably , nitre is a special ingredient in the matter of thunder and lightning ; this we may gather from the descension of the flame , which descends not only obliquely but perpendicularly , and that argues it does so not from any external force , but naturally● mr. william clark in his natural history of nitre , observes that if the quantity of an ounce be put in a fire-shovel , and a live coal put upon it , the fire-shovel in the bottom will be red hot , and burn through whatever is under it ; which demonstrates that this sort of fire does naturally burn downwards , when as all other fires do naturally ascend . for this cause stella cadens is rationally concluded to be a nitrous substance ; the like is to be affirmed of the lightning . hence also is its terrible and irresistable force . the nitre in gunpowder is as the aforesaid author expresseth it anima pyrii pulveris , sulphur without salt peter has no powerful expulsion with it . the discharging great pieces of ordnance is f●tly called artificial thundring and lightning , since thereby men do in a moment blow up houses , beat down castles , batter mountains in pieces . so that there is nothing in nature does so admirably and artificially resemble the thunder and lightning , both in respect of the report , and the terrible , and sudden and amazing execution done thereby : flammas iovis & sonitus imitatu● olympi : hence as those that are shot with a bullet do not hear the gun , being struck before the report cometh to their ears ; so is it usually with them that are thunder-struck , the lightning is upon them before the noise is heard . men commonly tremble at the dreadful crack when as , if they hear any thing , the danger useth to be past as to that particular thunder-clap ; though another may come and kill them before they hear it . the nitre in the lightning may likewise be esteemed the natural cause of its being of so penetrating and burning a nature . for there is not the like fiery substance in the world again as nitre is . many have been of the opinion that there is a bolt or stone de●cending with the thunder , but that 's a vulgar error , the fulmen or thunder-bolt is the same with the lightning , being a nitro-sulphurious spirit . it must needs be a more subtile and spiritual body than any stone is of , that shall penetrate so as these meteors do . it s true that our translation reads the words in psal. 78. 41. he gave their flocks to hot thunder-bolts : but the original word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 translated thunderbolts , signifieth burning coals ; so that lightning is thereby intended . avicenn● doth indeed say , that he saw a thunder-bolt which fell at corduba in spain , and that it had a sulphurous smell , and was like a●moni●● . it is possible that not only sulphurous and bituminous but stony substances may be generated in the clouds with the lightning . george agricola writeth that near lurgea , a mass of iron being fifty pound in weight , fell from the clouds , which some attempted to make swords of , but the fire could not melt it , nor hammers bring it into form . in the year 1492. at ensishemium , a stone of three hundred pound weight fell from the clouds , which is kept as a monument in the temple there . and in 1581 , a stone came out of the clouds in thuringia , which was so hot that it could not be touched , with which one might strike fire as with a flint . there is now to be seen at dresden a stone which descended out of a cloud ; and is reserved amongst the admiranda belonging to the elector of saxony : some lately living were present at the fall of that stone . again an● 1618. in bohemia , a considerable quantity of brass●mettal fell from the clouds . no longer since than may 28. 1677. at a village near 〈◊〉 in germany , there was a tempes● of lightning , and a great multitude of stones of a green and partly caerulean colour fell therewith , and a considerable mass of mineral matter , in tast like vitriol , being pondrous and friable , having also metallick sparks like gold intermixed . that which is by some called the rain-stone or thunder-bolt , was by the antients termed ceraunia , because of the smell like that of an horn when put into the fire , which does attend it . learned gesner . ( who in respect of his vast knowledge in the works of god , may be called the solomon of the former age ) saith that a gentleman gave him one of those stones , supposing it to be a thunder-bolt , and that it was five digits in length , and three in breadth . this sort o● stone is usually in form like unto an iron wedge , and has an hole quite through it . ioh. de laet in his treatise de gemmis lib. 2● gap. 24. relates that he saw another of those stones . boetius ( de gemmis lib. 2. cap. 261. ) reports that many persons worthy of credit , affirmed that when houses or trees had been broken with the thunder , they did by digging find such stones in the places where the stroke was given . nevertheless , that ful●inous stones or thunderbolts do alwayes descen● out of the clouds , when such breache● are made by the lightning , is ( as i said ) 〈◊〉 vulgar err●r . the effects produced by the lightning are exceeding marvelous , sometimes gold , silver , brass , iron has been melted thereby , when the things wherein they have been kept , received no hurt ; yea , when the wax on the bags which contained them , has not been so much as melted . liquors have been thereby exhausted out of vessels , when the vessels themselves remained untouched : and ( which is more wonderful ) when the cask has been broken by the lightning , the wine has remained as it were included in a skin , without being spilt ; the reason whereof sennertus supposeth to be , in that the heat of the lightning did condense the exterior parts of the wine . it is also a very strange thing , which histories report concerning marcia ( a roman princess ) that the child in her body was smitten and killed with lightning , and yet the mother received no hurt in her own body . it is hard to give a clear and satisfactory reason why if a piece of iron be laid upon the cask it prevents the thunder from marring the wine contained therein , and also keeps milk from turning . the virtuosi of france in their philosophical conferences ( vol. 2. p. 427. ) suppose a sympathy between iron and the gross vapors of thunder and lightning . they say that which is commonly called the thunder-bolt does sometimes resemble steel , as it were to shew the correspondence that there is between iron and thunder : so that the air being impregna●e by those noisome vapours which are of the same nature with iron , meeting with some piece of it laid on a vessel , is joyned to the iron by sympathy , the iron by its attractive vertue receives them , and by its retentive retains them , and by that means prevents the effects . this conjecture is ingenious nor is it easie to give a solid reason why the lightning should hurt one creature rather than another . naturalists observe that it is 〈◊〉 feles canes & capras magis illorum obnoxios 〈◊〉 observatio sedula dedit , saith iohnston . bart●●linus conjectures the reason to be the hali●●s in the bodies of those creatures , which are●●it nutriment for the fulminious spirits to p●● upon . when fire is set to a train of gunpowder ; it will run accordingly straight or crooked , upwards or downwards as the matter it feeds upon is disposed : so proportionably here : but this is a subject for ingenious minds further to inquire into . it is moreover difficult to determine how men are killed therewith , when no visible impression is made upon their bodies . some think it is by meer instantaneous suffocation of their a●mal spirits . that poysonful vapours do sometimes● attend the lightning is manifest . seneca saith , that wine which has been congealed with the lightning , after it is dissolved , and in appearance returned to its pristine state , it causeth the persons that shall drink of it , either to die or become mad . naturalists observe , that venemous creatures being struck with lightning lose their poyson ; the reason of which may be , not only the heat but the venome of those vapours attracting the poyson to themselves . and that vapors will kill in a moment is past doubt . in the philosophical transactions for the year 1665. ( p. 44. ) it is related that seven or eight persons going down stairs into a coal-pit , they fell down dead as if they had been shot : there being one of them whose wife was informed that her husband was stifled , she went near to him without any inconvenience ; but when she went a little further , the vapors caused her instantly to fall down dead . and it is famously known , concerning the lake avernus in campania , that if birds attempt to fly over it , the deadly vapors thereof kill them in a moment . but the lightning doth more than meerly suffocate with mortiferous vapors . it sometimes penetrates the brain , and shrivels the heart and liver when nothing does appear outwardly . and it does ( as dr. goodwin in his lately published judicious discourse about the punishment of sinners in the other world ( p. 44. ) aptly expresseth ) lick up . the vital and animal spirits that run in the body , when yet the body it self remains unburnt . those spirits are the vinculum , the tye of union between the soul and body , which the lightning may consume without so much as singing the body or cloaths there● nevertheless , upon some it leaveth direful marks , and breaketh their very bones in pieces , and sometimes tears away the flesh from the bones . there are some remarkable instances confirming this , published in the philosophical transactions . dr. wallis in a letter written at oxford , may. 12. 1666. giving an account of a very sad accident which had then newly hapned there . he saith , that two schollars of wadham colledge , being alone in a boat ( without a waterman ) having newly thrust off from shore , at medley to come homewards , standing near the head of the boat , were presently with a stroke of thunder or lightning , both struck off out of the boat into the water , the one of them stark dead , in whom though presently taken out of the water ( having been by relation scarce a minute in it ) there was not discerned any appearance of life , sense or motion : the other was stuck fast in the mud ( with his feet downwards , and his upper parts above water ) like a post not able to help himself out ; but besides a present astonying or numness had no other hurt : but was for the present so disturbed in his senses that he knew not how he came out of the boat , nor could remember either thunder or lightning that did effect it : and was very feeble and faint upon it ( which though presently put into a warm bed ) he had not throughly recovered by the next night ; and whither since he have or no , i know not . others in another boat , about ten or twenty yards from these ( as by their description i estimate ) felt a disturbance and shaking in their boat , and one of them had his chair struck from under him , and thrown upon him , but had no hurt . these immediately made up to the others , and ( some leaping into the water to them ) presently drew them into the boat or on shore ; yet none of them saw these two fall into the water ( not looking that way ) but heard one of them cry for help pesently upon the stroke , and smelt a very strong stinking smell in the air ; which , when i asked him that told it me , what kind of stink ? he said , like such a smell , as is perceived upon the striking of flints together . he that was dead ( when by putting into ( a warm bed , and rubbing , and putting strong waters into his month , &c. no life could be brought into him ) was the next morning brought to town ; where among multitudes of others , who came to see ; dr. willis . dr. mellington , dr. lower , and myself , with some others , went to view the corps , where we found no wound at all in the skin ; the face and neck swart and black , but not more than might be ordinary , by the setling of the blood : on the right side of the neck was a little blackish spott about an inch long , and about a quarter of an inch broad at the broadest , and was as if it had been seared with a hot iron : and as i remember , one somewhat bigger on the left side of the neck below the ear . streight down the breast , but towards the left side of it , was a large place , about three quarters of a foot in length , and about two inches in breadth ; in some places more , in some less which was burnt and hard , like leather burnt with the fire , of a deep blackish red colour , not much unlike the scorched skin of a rosted pig : and on the forepart of the left shoulder such another spot about as big as a shilling ; but that in the neck was blacker and seemed more seared . from the top of the right shoulder , sloping downwards towards that place in his breast , was a narrow line of the like scorched skin ; as if somewhat had come in there at the neck , and had run down to the breast and there spread broader . the buttons of his dublet were most of them off , which some thought might have been torn off with the blast , getting in at the neck , and then bursting its way out , for which the greatest presumption was ( to me ) that besides four or five buttons wanting towards the bottom of the breast , there were about half a dozen together clear off from the bottom of the collar downwards , and i do not remember that the rest of the buttons did seem to be near worn out , but almost new . the collar of his doublet just over the fore-part of the right shoulder was quite broken asunder , cloth and stiffening , streight and downwards , as if cut or chopt asunder , but with a blunt tool ; only the inward linnen or ●ustian lining of it was whole , by which , and by the view of the ragg'd edges , it seemed manifest to me , that it was from a stroke inward ( from without ) not outwards from within . his hat was strangely torn , not just on the crown , but on the side of the hat , and on the brim . on the side of it was a great hole , more than to put in ones fist through it : some part of it being quite struck away , and from thence divers gashes every way , as if torn or cut with a dull tool , and some of them of a good length , almost quite to the edges of the brim . and besides these , one or two gashes more , which did not communicate with that hole in the side . this also was judged to be by a stroke inwards ; not so much from the view of the edges of those gashes ( from which there was scarce any judgement to be made either way ) but because the lining was not torn , only ript from the edge of the hat ( where it was sown on ) on that side where the hole was made . but his hat not being found upon his head , but at some distance from him , it did not appear against what part of his head that hole was made . another sad disaster hapned ianuary 24 1665 , 6. when one mr. brooks of hampshire going from winchester towards his house near andover , in very bad weather , was himself slain by lightning , and the horse he rode on under him . for about a mile from winchester he was found with his face beaten into the ground , one leg in the stirrup , the other in the horses main ▪ his cloathes all burnt off his back , not a piece as big as an hankerchief left intire , and his hair and all his body singed . with the force that struck him down , his nose was beaten into his face , and his chin into his breast ; where was a wound cut almost as low as to his navil ; and his clothes being as aforesaid torn , the pieces were so scattered and consumed , that not enough to fill the crown of a hat could be found . his gloves were whole , but his hands in them singed to the bone. the hip-bone and shoulder of his horse burnt and bruised , and his saddle torn in little pieces . very remarkable also was that which hapned forty five years ago at another place in england , viz. withycomb in devonshire , where on october 21. a. d. 1638. being sabbath day , whilest the people were attending the publick worship of god , a black cloud coming over the church , there was suddenly an amazing clap of thunder , and with it a ball of fire came in at the window , whereby the house was very much damnified , and the people many of them struck down . some of the seats in the body of the church were turned upside down , yet they that sa● in them received no hurt . a gentleman of note there ( one mr. hill ) sitting in his seat by the chancil , had his head suddenly smitten against the wall , by which blow he died that night . another had his head cloven , his skull rent in three pieces , and his brains thrown upon the ground whole . the hair of his head through the violence of the blow stuck fast to the pillar that was near him . a woman attempting to run out of the church , had her clothes set on fire ; and her flesh on her back torn almost to the very bone . see mr. clarks examples vol. 1. chap. 104. p , 501. it is not heresie to believe that satan has sometimes a great operation in causing thunder-storms . i know this is vehemently denied by some . the late witch-advocates call it blasphemy . and an old council did anathematize the men that are thus perswaded : but by their favour ; an orthodox & rational man may be of the opinion , that when the devil has before him the vapors and materials out of which the thunder and lightning are generated , his art is such as that he can bring them into form . if chymists can make their aurumfulminans , what strange thing● may this infernal chymist effect ? the holy ptures intimate as much as this cometh to in the sacred story concerning iob , we find that satan did raise a great wind which blew down the house where iob's children were feasting . and it is said , chap. 1. ver . 16. that the fire of god fell from heaven , and burnt up the sheep and the servants ; this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fire of god was no doubt thunder and lightning ; and such as was extraordinary , and is therefore expressed with the name of god , as is usual amongst the hebrews . satan had a deep policy in going that way to work , thereby hoping to make iob believe god was his enemy . mr. caryl ( according to his wonted manner ) does both wittily and judiciously paraphrase upon the place ; the fire of god ( saith he ) here is conceived to have been some terrible flash of lightning ; and it is the more probable because it is said to fall down from heaven , that is , cut of the air. there satan can do mighty things , command much of the magazine of heaven , where that dreadful artillery which makes men tremble , those fiery meteors , thunder and lightning are stored and lodged . satan let loose by god can do wonders in the air ; he can raise storms , he can discharge the great ordnance of heaven , thunder and lightning ; and by his art can make them more terrible and dreadful than they are in their own nature . satan is said to be the prince of the power of the air , eph. 2. 2. and we read of the working of satan with all power and signs , and lying words , 2 thess. 2. 9. it is moreover predicted in the revelation , that antichrist should cause fire to come down from heaven , rev. 13. 13. accordingly we read in history , that some of the popes have by their skill in the black art , caused balls of fire to be seen in the air. so then it is not beyond satans power to effect such things , if the great god give him leave , without whose leave he cannot blow a feather : much less raise a thunder-storm . and as the scriptures intimate satan's power in the air to be great , so histories do abundantly confirm it by remarkable instances . one of the scholars of empedocles has testified , that he saw his master raising winds and laying them again ; and there were once many witnesses of it , whence they called empedocles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 clemens alexandrinus mentions this as unquestionably true . our great rainold ( de libris apoeryphis lect. 202. ) saith , that we may from iob conclude , it was not impossible for empedocles by the devils aid , to do as has been reported of him . dio relates that when the roman army in the dayes of the emperour cl●udius , pursuing the africa● , was in extream danger of perishing by drought : a magician undertook to procure water for them , and presently upon his incantations , an astonishing shower fell . iovianus pontanus reports , that when king ferdinand besieged the city suella , all the waters in the cisterns being dried up , the citizens had like to have lost their lives by the prevailing drought . the popish priests undertook by conjuration to obtain water . the magical ceremonies by them observed were most horrid and ridiculous . for they took an asse , and put the sacrament of the eucharist into his mouth , sang funeral verses over him , and then buried him alive before the church doors ; as soon as these rites , so pleasing to the devil were finished , the heavens began to look black , and the sea to be agitated with winds , and anon it rained , and lightned , after a most horrendous manner . smetius in his miscellanies , lib. 5. relates that a girl foolishly imitating the ceremonies of her nurse , whom she had sometimes seen raising tempests , immediately a prodigious storm of thunder and lightning hapned , so as that a village near lipsia was thereby set on fire ▪ this relation is mentioned by sennertus , as a thing really true . at some places in denmark , it is a common and a wicked practice to buy winds , when they are going to sea● if satan has so far the power of the air as to cause winds , he may cause storms also livy reports concerning romulus , that he was by a tempest of thunder and lightning transported no man knew whither , being after that never heard of . meurerus ( in comment meteorolog . ) speaketh of a man , that going between lipsia and torga , was suddenly carried out of sight by a thunder-storm , and never seen more . and the truth of our assertion , seems to be confirmed by one of those sad effects of lightning mentioned in the precedeing chapter . for i am informed that when matthew cole was killed with the lightning at north-hampton , the d●mon● which disturbed his sister ann cole ( forty miles distant ) in hartford , spoke of it ; intimating their concurrence in that terrible accident . the iewish rabbins affirm , that all great and suddain destructions are from satan , the angel of death . that he has frequently a● hand therein is past doubt . and if the fallen angels are able ( when god shall grant the● a commission ) to cause fearful and 〈◊〉 thunders , it is much more true concerning the good and holy angels , 2 king. 1. 14 , 〈◊〉 when the law was given at mount 〈◊〉 there were amazing thundrings and lightnings , wherein the great god saw meet to make use of the ministry of holy angels , act. 7. 53. gal. 3. 19. heb. 2. 2. some think that sodom was destroyed by extraordinary lightning . it s certain that holy angels had an hand in effecting that desolation , gen. 19. 13. we know that one night the angel of the lord smote in the camp of the assyrians an 185000. it is not improbable , but that those assyrians were killed with lightning : for it was with respect to that tremendous providence , that those words were uttered , who amongst us shall dwell with the devouring fire , isai. 33. 14. ecclesiastical history informs us that the iews being encouraged by the apostate iulian , were resolved to re-build their . temple ; but lightning from heaven consumed not only their work , but all their tools and instruments wherewith that cursed enterprize was to have been carried on , so was their design utterly frustrate . why might not holy angels have an hand in that lightning ? there occurs to my mind , a remarkable passage mentioned by dr. beard in his chapter about the protection of holy angels over them that fear god ( p. 443. ) he saith , that a certain man travelling between two woods in a great tempest of thunder and lightning , rode under an oak to shelter himself , but his horse would by no means stay under that oak , but whither his master would or no , went from that tree and stayed very quietly under another tree not far off ; he had not been there many minutes before the first oak was torn all to fitters with a fearful clap of thunder and lightning . surely there was the invisible guardianship of an holy angel in that providence . but though it be true , that both natural causes and angels do many times concurre when thunder and lightning , with the awful effects thereof , happen ; nevertheless , the supream cause must not be disackno●ledged . the eternal himself has a mighty hand of providence in such works . he thundreth with the voice of his excellency . among the greeks thunder was stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the scripture calls it the voice of the lord. the god of glory thundereth . the voice of the lord is very powerful , the voice of the lord is full of majesty , the voice of the lord breaketh the cedars , the voice of the lord divideth the flames of fires : lightnings are also said to be the arrows of god , psal. 18. 14. upon which account the children of men ought to dread the hand of the highest therein . and the more for that all places in the habitable world are exposed unto dangers and destruction by this artillery of heaven ; though some parts of the earth are naturally subject thereunto more than others . acosta saith , that it seldom thunders about brasil ; but such lightnings are frequent there , as make the night appear brighter than the noon day . travell●rs report , that there are some snowy mountains in africa , on which the cracks of thunder are so loud and vehement , as that they are heard fifty miles off at sea. in some parts of tartaria , it will both snow and thunder at the same time . in the northern climates , there use to be vehement thunders , and men are often struck dead thereby ; in the province of terravara in spain , grows the wood for the cross , to which superstious papists attribute a power to preserve men from thunder . so did the gentiles of old , vainly think to secure themselves from heavens gun-shot , by carrying those things about them , which they supposed would be as amulets to defend them from all harm . the tents of the old emperors were made of seal-leather , because they imagined that the sea-calf could not be thunder-struck . tyberius wore a crown of lawrel upon his head , for that the philosophers told him that the lightning could not hurt the bay tree . r●diginus affirms the like concerning the fig-tree . but others declare that they have seen the laurel smitten and withered with the lightning : therefore the conimbricensian philosophers acknowledge this immunity to be fictitious . the like vanity is in their opinion , who suppose that the stone by philosophers called brontias ( i. e. ) the thunder-bolt will secure them from harm by lightning . to conclude , most miserable is the state of all christless sinners , who know not but that every thunder-storm which comes , may send them to hell in a moment . hi sunt qui trepidant & ad omnia fulgur● pallent , cum tonat , exanimes primo quoque murmure coeli . the psalmist alludes to a thunder● storm , when he saith , the lord will rain upon the wicked snares ( the lightning cometh suddenly , and taketh men as birds in snare before they think of it ) fire and brimstone ▪ and a tempest of horrors , psal. 11. 6. the atheism of epicurus of old , ( and of some i● these dayes ) who taught , that inasmuch 〈◊〉 thunder proceeds from natural causes , it is 〈◊〉 childish thing for men to have an awe upo● their hearts when they hear that voice , i say such atheism is folly and wickedness . for the great god maketh the way for the lightning of thunder ; nor does it ever miss or mistake its way , but alwayes lights where god has appointed it , iob 28. 26. he directs the lightning under the whole heaven , and unto the ends of the earth ; after it a voice roareth , that they may do whatsoever he commanded them upon the face of the world in the earth , iob 37. 3 , 12. yea , and good men should from this consideration be incited to endeavour that their garments be kept from defilement , and that they be alwayes walking with god , since they know not but that death may come upon them suddenly in such a way and by such means as this ; as to outward evils , there is one event to the righteous and to the wicked ; to him that sacrificeth & to him that sacrificeth not , as is the good so is the sinner . the examples mentioned in the proceding chapter do confirm it , since divers of those whom the thunder killed , were good men . and they that are in christ , and who make it their design to live unto god , need not be dismayed at the most terrifying thunder-claps , no more than a child should be afraid when he hears the voice of his loving father . notable is that passage related by mr. ambrose , in his treatise of angels ( p. 265. & by mr. clark , vol. 1. p. 512. ) a prophane man , who was also a persecutor of mr. bolton , riding abroad , it thundred very dreadfully ; at the which the man greatly trembled ; his wife , who was eminent for godliness being with him , asked , why he was so much afraid ? to whom he replied ; are not you afraid to hear these dreadful thunder claps ? no ( saith she ) not at all , for i know it is the voice of my heavenly father ; and should a child be afraid to hear , his fathers voice ? at the which the man was amazed , concluding with himself , these puritans have a divine principle in them , which the world seeth not , that they should have peace and serenity in their souls when others are filled with dismal fears and horrors . he thereupon went to mr. bolton , bewailing the wrong he had done him , begging his pardon and prayers , and that he would tell him what he must do that so his soul might be saved : and he became a very godly man ever after . this was an happy thunder-storm . chap. v. concerning things preternatural which have hapned in new-england . a remarkable relation about ann cole of hartford . concerning several witches in that colony . of the possessed maid at groton . an account of the house in newberry lately troubled with a daemon . a parallel story of an house at tedworth in england . concerning another in hartford . and of one in portsmouth in new-england lately disquieted by evil spitits . the relation of a woman at barwick in new-england molested with apparitions , and sometimes tormented by invisible agents . inasmuch as things which are praeternatural , and not accomplished without diabolical operation , do more rarely happen , it is pity but that they should be observed . several accidents of that kind have hapned in new-england ; which i shall here faithfully relate so far as i have been able to come unto the knowledge of them . very remarkable was that providence wherein ann cole of hartford in new-england was concerned . she was , and is accounted a person of real piety and integrity . nevertheless , in the year 1662. then living in her fathers house ( who has likewise been esteemed a godly man ) she was taken with very strange fits , wherein her tongue was improved by a daemon to express things which she her self knew nothing of . sometimes the discourse would hold for a considerable time . the general purpose of which was , that such and such persons ( who were named in the discourse which passed from her ) were consulting how they might carry on mischievous designs against her and several others , mentioning sundry wayes they should take for that end , particularly that they would afflict her body , spoil her name , &c. the general answer made amongst the daemons , was , she runs to the rock . this having been continued some hours , the d●mons said , let us confound her language , that she may tell n● more tales . she uttered matters unintel●igible . and then the discourse passed into a dutch-tone ( a dutch family then lived in the town ) and therein an account was given of some afflictions that had befallen divers ; amongst others , what had befallen a woman that lived next neighbour to the dutch family , whose arms had been strangely pinched in the night , declaring by whom ▪ and for what cause that course had been taken with her . the reverend mr. stone ( then teacher of the church in hartford ) being by , when the discourse hapned , declared , that he thought it impossible for one not familiarly acquainted with the dutch ( which ann cole had not in the least been ) should so exactly imitate the dutch-tone in the pronunciation of english. several worthy persons , ( viz. mr. iohn whiting , mr. samuel hooker , and mr. ioseph hains ) wrote the intelligible sayings expressed by ann cole , whilest she was thus amazingly handled . the event was that one of the persons ( whose name was greensmith ) being a lewd and ignorant woman , and then in prison on suspicion for witch-craft ) mentioned in the discourse as active in the mischiefs done and designed , was by the magistrate sent for ; mr. whiting and mr. haines read what they had written ; and the woman being astonished thereat , confessed those tings to be true , and that she and other persons named in this preternatural discourse , had had familiarity with the devil : being asked whether she had made an express covenant with him ; she answered , she had not , only as she promised to go with him when he called , which accordingly she had sundry times done ; and that the devil told her that at christmass they would have a merry meeting , and then the covenant between them should be subscribed . the next day she was more particularly enquired of concerning her guil●●especting the crime she was accused with . she then acknowledged , that though when mr. hains began to read what he had taken down in writing , her rage was such that she could have torn him in pieces , and was as resolved as might be to deny her guilt ( as she had done before ) yet after he had read awhile , she was ( to use her own expression ) as if her flesh had been pulled from her bones , and so could not deny any longer : she likewise declared , that the devil first appeared to her in the form of a deer or fawn , skipping about her , where with she was not much affrighted , and that by degrees he became very familiar , and at last would talk with her . moreover , she said that the devil had frequently the carnal knowledge of her body . and that the witches had meetings at a place not far from her house ; and that some appeared in one shape , and others in another ; and one came flying amongst them in the shape of a crow . upon this confession , with other concurrent evidence , the woman was executed ; so likewise was her husband , though he did not acknowledge himself guilty . other persons accused in the discourse made their escape . thus doth the devil use to serve his clients . after the suspected witches were either executed or fled , ann cole was restored to health , and has continued well for many years , approving her self a serious christian. there were some that had a mind to try whither the stories of witches not being able to sink under water , were true ; and accordingly a man and woman mentioned in an cole's dutch-toned discourse , had their hands and feet tyed , and so were cast into the water , and they both apparently swam after the manner of a buoy , part under , part above the water . a by-stander imagining that any person bound in that posture would be so born up , offered himself for trial , but being in the like maner gently laid on the the water , he immediately sunk right down . this was no legal evidence against the suspected persons ; nor were they proceeded against on any such account ; however doubting that an halter would choak them , though the water would not ; they very fairly took their flight , not having been seen in that part of the world since . whether this experiment were lawful , or rather superstitious and magical , we shall ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) enquire afterwards . another thing which caused a noise in the countrey , and wherein satan had undoubtedly a great influence , was , that which hapned at groton . there was a maid in that town ( one elizabeth knap ) who in the moneth of october , anno. 1671. was taken after a very strange manner , sometimes weeping , sometimes laughing , sometimes roaring hideously , with violent motions and agitations of her body , crying out money , money , &c. in november following , her tongue for many hours together was drawn like a semicircle up to the roof of her mouth , not to be removed , though some tried with their fingers to do it . six men were scarce able to hold her in some of her fits , but she would skip about the house yelling and looking with a most frightful aspect . december 17. her tongue was drawn out of her mouth to an extraordinary length ; and now a daemon began manifestly to speak in her . many words were uttered wherein are the labial letters , without any motion of her lips , which was a clear demonstration that the voice was not her own . sometimes words were spoken seeming to proceed out of her throat , when her mouth was shut . sometimes with her mouth wide open , without the use of any of the organs of speech . the things then uttered by the devil were chiefly railings and revilings of mr. willard ( who was at that time a worthy and faithful pastor to the church in groton . ) also the daemon belched forth most horrid and nefandous blasphemies , exalting himself above the most high. after this she was taken speechless for some time . one thing more is worthy of remark concerning this miserable creature . she cried out in some of her fits , that a woman , ( one of her neighbours ) appeared to her , and was the cause of her affliction . the person thus accused was a very sincere , holy woman , who did hereupon with the advice of friends visit the poor wretch ; and though she was in one of her fits , having her eyes shut , when the innocent person impeached by her came in ; yet could she ( so powerful were satans operations upon her ) declare who was there , and could tell the touch of that woman from any one 's else . but the gracious party thus accused and abused by a malicious devil , prayed earnestly with and for the possessed creature ; after which she confessed that satan had deluded her ; making her believe evil of her good neighbour without any cause . nor did she after that complain of any apparition or disturbance from such an one . yea , she said , that the devil had himself in the likeness and shape of divers tormented her , and then told her it was not he but they that did it . as there have been ●●veral persons vexed with evil spirits , so divers houses have been wofully haunted by them . in the year 1679 , the house of william morse in newberry in new-england , was strangely disquieted by a daemon . after those troubles began , he did by the advice of friends write down the particulars of those unusual accidents . and the account which he giveth thereof is as followeth ; on december 3. in the night time , he and his wife heard a noise upon the roof of their house , as if sticks and stones had been thrown against it with great violence ; whereupon ●e rose out of his bed , but could see nothing . lo●k●ng the doors fast , he returned to bed again . about midnight they heard an hog making a great noise in the house , so that the man rose again , and found a great hog in the house , the door being shut , but upon the opening of the door it ran●out . on december 8. in the morning , the●● were five great stones and bricks by an invisible hand thrown in at the west end of th● house while the mans wife was making the bed , the bedstead was lifted up from the floor , and the bedstaff flung out of the window , and a cat was hurled at her ; a long staff danced up and down in the chimney ; a burnt brick , and a piece of a weather-board were thrown in at the window : the man at his going to bed put out his lamp , but in the morning found that the saveall of it was taken away , and yet it was unaccountably brought into its former place . on the same day , the long staff but now spoken of , was hang'd up by a line , and swung to and fro , the man's wife laid it in the fire , but she could not hold it there , inasmuch as it would forcibly fly out ; yet after much ado with joynt strength they made it to burn . a shingle flew from the window , though no body near it , many sticks came in at the same place , only one of these was so scragged that it could enter the hole but a little way , whereupon the man pusht it out , a great rail likewise was thrust in at the window , so as to break the glass . at another time an iron crook that was hanged on a nail , violently flew up and down ▪ also a chair flew about , and at last lighted on the table where victuals stood ready for them to eat , and was likely to spoil all , only by a nimble catching they saved some of their meal with the loss of the rest , and the overturning of their table . people were sometimes barricado'd out of doors , when as yet there was no body to do it : and a chest was removed from place to place , no hand touching it . their keys being tied together , one was taken from the rest , & the remaining two would fly about making a loud noise by knocking against each other . but the greatest part of this devils feats were his mischievous ones , wherein indeed he was sometimes antick enough too , and therein the chief sufferers were , the man and his wife , and his grand-son . the man especially had his share in these diabolical molestations . for one vvhile they could not eat their suppers quietly , but had the ashes on the hearth before their eyes thrown into their victuals ; yea , and upon their heads and clothes , insomuch that they were forced up into their chamber , and yet they had no rest there ; for one of the man's shoes being left below , 't was filled vvith ashes and coals , and throvvn up after them . their light was beaten out , and they being laid in their bed with their little boy betvveen them , a great stone ( from the floor-of the loft ) vveighing above three pounds vvas throvvn upon th● mans stomach , and he turning it down upon the floor , it was once more thrown upon him . a box , and a board were likewise thrown upon them all . and a bag of hops was taken out of their chest , wherewith they were beaten , till some of the hops were scattered on the floor , where the bag was then laid , and left . in another evening , when they sat by the fire , the ashes were so whirled at them , that they could neither eat their meat , nor endure the house . a peel struck the man in the face . an apron hanging by the fire , was flung upon it , and singed before they could snatch it off . the man being at prayer with his family , a beesom gave him a blow on his head behind , and fell down before his face . on another day , when they were winnowing of barley , some hard dirt was thrown in , hitting the man on the head , and both the man and his wife on the back ; and when they had made themselves clean , they essayed to fill their half bushel but the foul corn was in spite of them often cast in amongst the clean , and the man being divers times thus abused was forced to give over what he was about . on ianuary 23 ( in particular ) the man had an iron pin twice thrown at him , and his inkhorn was taken away from him while he was writing , and when by all his seeking it he could not find it , at last he saw it drop out of the air , down by the fire : a piece of leather was twice thrown at him ; and a shoe was laid upon his shoulder , which he catching at , was suddenly rapt from him . an handful of ashes was thrown at his face , and upon his clothes : and the shoe was then clapt upon his head , and upon it he clapt his hand , holding it so fast , that somewhat unseen pulled him with it backward on the floor . on the next day at night , as they wer● going to bed , a lost ladder was thrown against the door , and their light put out ; and when the man was a bed , he was beaten with an heavy pair of leather breeches , and pull'd by the hair of his head and beard , pinched and scratched , and his bed-board was taken away from him ; yet more in the next night , when the man was likewise 〈◊〉 bed ; his bed-board did rise out of its place , notwithstanding his putting forth all hi● strength to keep it in ; one of his 〈◊〉 brought out of the next room into his bed ▪ and did prick him ; the clothes wherewith he hoped to save his head from blows we●● violently pluckt from thence . within a nig●●● or two after , the man and his wife received both of them a blow upon their heads , but it was so dark that they could not see the stone which gave it ; the man had his cap pulled off from his head while he sat by the fire . the night following , they went to bed undressed , because of their late disturbances , and the man , wife , boy , presently felt themselves pricked , and upon search found in the bed a bodkin , a knitting needle , and two sticks picked at both ends . he received also a great blow , as on his thigh , so on his face , which fetched blood : and while he was writing a candlestick was twice thrown at him , and a great piece of bark fiercely smote him , and a pail of water turned up without hands . on the 28 of the mentioned moneth , frozen clods of cow-dung were divers times thrown at the man out of the house in which they were ; his wife went to milk the cow , and received a blow on her head , and sitting down at her milking-work had cow-dung divers times thrown into her pail , the man tried to save the milk , by holding a piggin side-wayes under the cowes belly , but the dung would in for all , and the milk was only made fit for hogs . on that night ashes were thrown into the porridge which they had made ready for their supper , so as that they could not eat it ; ashes were likewise often thrown into the man's eyes , as he sat by the fire . and an iron hammer flying at him , gave him a great blow on his back ; the man's wife going into the cellar for beer , a great iron peel flew and fell after her through the trap-door of the cellar ; and going afterwards on the same errand to the same place , the door shut down upon her , and the table came and lay upon the door , and the man was forced to remove it e're his wife could be released from where she was ; on the following day while he was writing , a dish went out of its place , leapt into the pale , and cast water upon the man , his paper , his table , and disappointed his procedure in what he was about ; his cap jumpt off from his head , and on again , and the pot-lid leapt off from the pot into the kettle on the fire . february 2. while he and his boy were eating of cheese , the pieces which he cut were wrested from them , but they were afterwards found upon the table under an apron , and a pair of breeches : and also from the fire arose little sticks and ashes , which flying upon the man and his boy , brought them into an uncomfortable pickle ; but as for the boy which the last passage spoke of , there remains much to be said concerning him , an● a principal sufferer in these afflictions : for on the 18. of december , he sitting by his grandfather , was hurried into great motions and the man thereupon took him , and made him stand between his legs , but the chair danced up and down , and had like to have cast both man and boy into the fire : and the child was afterwards flung about in such a manner , as that they feared that his brains would have been beaten out ; and in the evening he was tossed as afore , and the man tried the project of holding him , but ineffectually . the lad was soon put to bed , and they presently heard an huge noise , and demanded what was the matter ? and he answered that his bed-stead leaped up and down : and they ( i. e. the man and his wife ) went up , and at first found all quiet , but before they had been there long , they saw the board by his bed trembling by him , and the bed-clothes flying off him , the latter they laid on immediately , but they were no sooner on than off ; so they took him out of his bed for quietness . december 29. the boy was violently thrown to and fro , only they carried him to the house of a doctor in the town , and there he was free from disturbances , but returning home at night , his former trouble began and the man taking him by the hand ▪ they were both of them almost tript into the fire . they put him to bed , and he was attended with the same iterated loss of his clothes . shaking off his bed-board , and noises , that he had in his last conflict ; they took him up , designing to sit by the fire , but the doors clattered , and the chair was thrown at him , wherefore they carried him to the doctors house , and so for that night all was well . the next morning he came home quiet , but as they were doing somewhat , he cried out that he was prickt on the back , they looked , and found a three-tin'd fork sticking strangely there ; which being carried to the doctors house , not only the doctor himself said that it was his , but also the doctors servant affirmed it was seen at home after the boy was gone . the boys vexations continuing , they left him at the doctors , where he remained well till awhile after , and then he complained he was pricked , they looked and found an iron spindle sticking below his back ; he complained he was pricked still , they looked , and found pins in a paper sticking to his skin ; he once more complained of his back , they looked , and found there a long iron , a bowl of a spoon , and a piece of a pansheard . they lay down by him on the bed , with the light burni●g , but he was twice thrown from them , and the second time thrown quite under the bed ; in the morning the bed was tossed about with such a creaking noise , as was heard to the neighbours ; in the afternoon their knives were one after another brought , and put into his back , but pulled out by the spectators ; only one knife which was missing seemed to the standers by to come out of his mouth : he was bidden to read his book , was taken and thrown about several times , at last hitting the boys grandmother on the head . another time he was thrust out of his chair and rolled up and down with out cries , that all things were on fire ; yea , he was three times very dangerously thrown into the fire , and preserved by his friends with much ado . the boy also made for a long time together a noise like a dog , and like an hen with her chickens , and could not speak rationally . particularly , on december 26. he barked like a dog , and clock't like an hen , and after long distraining to speak , said , there 's powel , i am pinched ; his tongue likewise hung out of his mouth , so as that it could by no means be forced in till his fit was over , and then he said 't was forced out by powel . he & the house also after this ●●d rest till the ninth of ianuary : at which time because of his intolerable ravings , and because the child lying between the man and his wife , was pulled out of bed , and knockt so vehemently against the bed-stead boards , in a manner very perillous and amazing . in the day time he was carried away beyond all possibility of their finding him . his grandmother at last saw him creeping on one side , and drag'd him in , where he lay miserable lame , but recovering his speech , he said , that he was carried above the doctors●house , and that powel carried him , and that the said powel had him into the barn , throwing him against the cart-wheel there , and then thrusting him out at an hole ; and accordingly they found some of the remainders of the threshed barley which was on the barn-floor hanging to his clothes . at another time he fell into a swoon , they forced somewhat refreshing into his mouth , and it was turned out as fast as they put it in ; e're long he came to himself , and expressed some willingness to eat , but the meat would forcibly fly out of his mouth ; and when he was able to speak , he said powel would not let him eat : having found the boy to be best at a neighbours house , the man carried him to his daughters , three miles from his own . the boy was growing antick as he was on the journey , but before the end of it he made a grievous hollowing , and when he lighted , he threw a great stone at a maid in the house , and fell on eating of ashes . being at home afterwards , they had rest awhile , but on the 19 of ianuary in the morning he swooned , and coming to himself , he roared terribly , and did eat ashes , sticks , rug-yarn . the morning following , there was such a racket with the boy , that the man and his wife took him to bed to them . a bed-staff was thereupon thrown at them , and a chamber pot with its contents was thrown upon them , and they were severely pinched . the man being about to rise , his clothes were divers times pulled from them , himself thrust out of his bed , and his pillow thrown after him . the lad also would have his clothes plucked off from him in these winter nights , and was wofully dogg'd with such fruits of devilish spite , till it pleased god to shorten the chain of the wicked daemon . all this while the devil did not use to appear in any visible shape , only they would think they had hold of ▪ the hand that sometimes scratched them ; but it would give them the slip . and once the man was discernably beaten by a fist , and an hand got hold of his wrist which he saw , but could not catch ; and the likeness of a blackmore child did appear from under the rugg and blanket , where the man lay , and it would rise up , fall down , nod & slip under the clothes when they endeavoured to clasp it , never speaking any thing . neither were there many words spoken by satan all this time , only once having put out their light , they heard a scraping on the boards , and then a piping and drumming on them , which was followed with a voice , singing revenge ! revenge ! sweet is revenge ! and they being well terrified with it , called upon god ; the issue of which was , that suddenly with a mournful note , there were six times over uttered such expressions as alas ! alas ! me knock no more ! me knock no more ! and now all ceased . the man does moreover affirm , that a seaman ( being a mate of a ship ) coming often to visit him , told him that they wronged his wife who suspected her to be guilty of witchraft ; and that the boy ( his grandchild ) was the cause of this trouble ; and that if he would let him have the boy one day , he would warrant him his house should be no more troubled as it had been ; to which motion he consented . the mate came the next day betimes , and the boy was with him until night ; after which his house he saith was not for some time molested with evil spirits . thus far is the relation concerning the daemon at william morse his house in newbery . the true reason of these strange disturbances is as yet not certainly known : some ( as has been hinted ) did suspect morse's wife to be guilty of witchcraft . one of the neighbours took apples which were brought out of that house and put them into the fire ; upon which they say , their houses were much disturbed . another of the neighbours , caused an horse-shoe to be nailed before the doors , & as long as it remained so , they could not perswade the suspected person to go into the house ; but when the horse-shoe was gone , she presently visited them . i shall not here inlarge upon the vanity and superstition of those experiments , reserving that for another place : all that i shall say at present is , that the daemons whom the blind gentiles of old worshipped , told their servants , that such things as these would very much affect them ; yea , and that certain characters , signs and charms would render their power ineffectual ; and accordingly they would become subject , when their own directions were obeyed . it is sport to the devils when they see silly men thus deluded and made fools of by them . others were apt to think that a seaman by some suspected to be a conjurer , set the devil on work thus to disquiet morse's family . or it may be some other thing as yet kept hid in the secrets of providence might be the true original of all this trouble . a disturbance not much unlike to this hapned above twenty years ago , at an house in tedworth , in the county of wilts in england , which was by wise men judged to proceed from conjuration . mr. mompesson of tedworth being in march 1661. at lungershall , and hearing a drum beat there , he demanded of the bailiff of the town what it meant , who told him , they had for some dayes been troubled with an idle drummer , pretending authority , and a pass under the hands of some gentlemen . mr. mompesson reading his pass , and knowing the hands of those gentlemen , whose names were pretended to be subscribed , discovered the cheat , and commanded the vagrant to put off his drum , and ordered a constable to secure him : but not long after he got clear of the constable . in april following , mr. momposson's house was much disturbed with knocking 's , and with drummings ; for an hour together a daemon would beat round-heads and cuckolds , the tattoo and several other points of war as well as any drummer . on november 5. the daemon made a great noise in the house , and caused some boards therein to move to and fro in the day time when there was an whole room full of people present . at his departure , he left behind him a sulphurous smell , which was very offensive . the next night , chairs walked up and down the room ; the childrens shoes were hurled over their heads . the minister of the town being there , a bed-staff was thrown at him , and hit him on the leg , but without the least hurt . in the latter end of december , 1662. they heard a noise like the jingling of money , the occasion of which was thought to be , some words spoken the night before , by one in the family ; who said that faires used to leave money behind them , and they wished it might be so now . in ianuary lights were seen in the house , which seemed blue and glimmering , and caused a great stiffness in the eyes of them that saw them . one in the room ( by what authority i cannot tell ) said , satan , if the drummer set thee a work give three knocks and no more , which was done accordingly . once when it was very sharp severe weather , the room was suddenly filled with a noisome smell , and was very hot though without fire . this daemon would play some nasty and many ludicrous foolish tricks . it would empty chamber-pots into the beds ; and fill porringers with ashes . sometimes it would not suffer any light to be in the room , but would carry them away up the chimney . mr. mompesson coming one morning into his stable , found his horse on the ground , having one of his hinder legs in his mouth , and so fastened there , that it was difficult for several men with a leaver to get it out . a smith lodging in the house , heard a noise in the room , as if one had been shoeing an horse , and somewhat come as it were with a pincers snipping at the smith's nose , most part of the night . the drummer was under vehement suspicion for a conjurer . he was condemned to transportation . all the time of his restraint and absence , the house was quiet . see mr. glanvil's collection of modern relations , p. 71. &c. but i proceed to give an account of some other things lately hapning in new-england , which were undoubtedly praeternatural , and not without diabolical operation . the last year did afford several instances , not unlike unto those which have been mentioned . for then nicholas desborough of hartford in new-england , was strangely molested by stones , pieces of earth , cobs of indian corn , &c. falling upon and about him , which sometimes came in through the door , sometimes through the window , sometimes down the chimney , at other times they seemed to fall from the floor of the chamber , which yet was very close ; sometimes he met with them in his shop , the yard , the barn , and in the field at work . in the house , such things hapned frequently , not only in the night but in the day time , if the man himself was at home , but never when his wife was at home alone . there was no great violence in the motion , though several persons of the family , and others also were struck with the things that were thrown by an invisible hand , yet they were not hurt thereby . only the man himself had once his arm somewhat pained by a blow given him ; and at another time , blood was drawn from one of his legs by a scratch given it . this molestation began soon after a controversie arose between desborough and another person , about a chest of clothes which the other said that desberough did unrighteously retain : and so it continued for some moneths ( though with several intermissions . ) in the latter end of the last year , when also the man's barn was burned with the corn in it ; but by what means it came to pass is not known . not long after , some to whom the matter was referred , ordered desberough to restore the clothes to the person who complained of wrong ; since which he hath not been troubled as before . some of the stones hurled were of considerable bigness ; one of them weighed four pounds , but generally the stones were not great , but very small ones . one time a piece of clay came down the chimney , falling on the table which stood at some distance from the chimney . the people of the house threw it on the hearth , where it lay a considerable time : they went to their supper , and whilest at their supper , the piece of clay was lifted up by an invisible hand , and fell upon the table ; taking it up , they found it hot , having lain so long before the fire , as to cause it to be hot . another providence no less remarkable than this last mentioned , hapned at portsmouth in new-england , about the same time : concerning which i have received the following account from a worthy hand . on iune 11. 1682. being the lords day , at night showers of stones were thrown both against the sides and roof of the house of george walton : some of the people went abroad , found the gate at some distance from the house , wrung off the hinges , and stones came thick about them : sometimes falling down by them , sometimes touching them without any hurt done to them , though they seemed to come with great force , yet did no more but softly touch them ; stones flying about the room the doors being shut . the glass-windows shattered to pieces by stones that seemed to come not from without but within ; the lead of the glass casements , window-bars , &c. being driven forcibly outwards , and so standing bent . while the secretary was walking in the room a great hammer came brusling along against the chamber floor that was over his head , and fell down by him . a candlestick beaten off the table . they took up nine of the stones and marked them , and laid them on the table , some of them being as hot as if they came out of the fire ; but some of those mark't stones were found flying about again . in this manner , abou● four hours space that night : the secretary then went to bed , but a stone came and broke up his chamber-door , being put to ( not lockt ) a brick was sent upon the like errand . the abovesaid stone the secretary lockt up in his chamber , but it was fetched out , and carried with great noise into the next chamber . the spit was carried up chimney , and came down with the point forward , and stuck in the back-log , and being removed by one of the company to one side of the chimney , was by an unseen hand thrown out at window . this trade was driven on the next day , and so from day to day , novv and then there would be some intermission , and then to it again . the stones vvere most frequent vvhere the master of the house vvas , vvhether in the field or barn , &c. a black cat vvas seen once vvhile the stones came , and vvas shot at , but she vvas too nimble for them . some of the family say , that they once savv the appearance of an hand put forth at the hall windovv , throvving stones tovvards the entry , though there vvas no body in the hall the vvhile : sometimes a dismal hollovv vvhistling vvould be heard ; sometimes the noise of the trotting of an horse , and snorting , but nothing seen . the man went up the great bay in his boat to a farm he had there , and while haling wood or timber to the boat he was disturbed by the stones as before at home . he carried a stirrup iron from the house down to the boat , and there left it ; but while he was going up to the house , the iron came jingling after him through the woods , and returned to the house , and so again , and at last went away , and was heard of no more . their anchor leapt over-board several times as they were going home and stopt the boat . a cheese hath been taken out of the press and crumbled all over the floor . a piece of iron with which they weighed up the cheese-press stuck into the wall , and a kittle hung up thereon . several cocks of english-hay mowed near the house , were taken and hung upon trees ; and some made into small whisps , and put all up and down the kitchin , cum multis aliis , &c. after this manner , have they been treated ever since at times ; it were endless to particularize . of late they thought the bitterness of death had been past , being quiet for sundry dayes and nights : but last week we●e some returnings again ; and this week ( aug. 2. 1682. ) as bad or worse than ever . the man is sorely hurt with some of the stones that came on him , and like to feel the effects of them for many dayes . thus far is that relation . i am moreover informed , that the daemon was quiet all the last winter , but in the spring he began to play some ludicrous tricks , carrying away some axes that were locked up safe . this last summer he has not made such disturbances as formerly . but of this no more at present . there have been strange and true reports concerning a woman now living near the salmon falls in barwick ( formerly called kittery ) unto whom evil spirits have sometimes visibly appeared ; and she has sometimes been sorely tormented by invisible hands : concerning all which , an intelligent person has sent me the following narrative . a brief narrative of sundry apparitions of satan unto and assaults at sundry times and places upon the person of mary the wife of antonio hortado , dwelling near the salmon falls : taken from her own mouth , aug. 13. 1683. in iune 1682. ( the day forgotten ) at evening , the said mary heard a voice at the door of her dwelling , saying , what do you here ? about an hour after , standing at the door of her house , she had a blow on her eye that settled her head near to the door-post , and two or three dayes after , a stone , as she judged about half a pound or a pound weight was thrown along the house within into the chimney , and going to take it up it was gone ; all the family was in the house , and no hand appearing which might be instrumental in throwing the stone . about two hours after , a frying-pan then hanging in the chimney was heard to ring so loud , that not only those in the house heard it , but others also that lived on the other side of the river near an hundred rods distant or more . whereupon the said mary and her husband going in a cannoo over the river , they saw like the head of a man new-shorn , and the tail of a white cat about two or three foot distance from each other , swimming over before the cannoo , but no body appeared to joyn head and tail together ; and they returning over the river in less than an hours time , the said apparition followed their cannoo back again , but disappeared at landing . a day or two after , the said mary was stricken on her head ( as she judged ) with a stone , which caused a swelling and much soreness on her head , being then in the yard by her house , and she presentl● entring into her house was bitten on both arms black and blue , and one of he● b●easts scratched ; the impressions of the teeth being like mans teeth , were plainly seen by many : whereupon deserting their house to sojourn at a neighbours on the other side of the river , there appeared to said mary in the house of her sojourning , a woman clothed with a green safeguard , a short blue cloak , and a white cap , making a profer to strike her with a fire-brand , but struck her not . the day following the same shape appeared again to her , but now arrayed with a gray gown , white apron , and white head-clothes , in appearance laughing several times , but no voice heard . since when said mary has been freed from those satanical molestations . but the said antonio being returned in march last with his family , to dwell again in his own house , and on his entrance there , hearing the noise of a man walking in his chamber , and seeing the boards buckle under his feet as he walked , though no man to be seen in the chamber ( for they went on purpose to look ) he returned with his family to dwell on the other side of the river ; yet planting his ground though he forsook his house , he hath had five rods of good log-fence thrown down at once , the feeting of neat cattle plainly to be seen almost between every row of corn in the field yet no cattle seen there , nor any damage done to his corn , not so much as any of the leaves of the corn cropt . thus far is that narrative . i am further informed , that some ( who should have been wiser ) advised the poor woman to stick the house round with bayes , as an effectual preservative against the power of evil spirits . this counsel was followed . and as long as the bayes continued green , she had quiet ; but when they began to wither , they were all by an unseen hand carried away , and the woman again tormented . it is observable , that at the same time three houses in three several towns should be molested by daemons , as has now been related . chap. vi. that there are daemons . and possessed persons . signs of such . some mad men are really possessed . notwithstanding many fabulous stories about witchcrafts . that there are witches proved by three arguments . that houses are sometimes troubled by evil spirits . witchcraft often the cause of it . sometimes by the devil without witchcraft ; ordered by providence as punishment for sin. the disturbance in waltons house further considered , with a parallel story . that the things related in the preceding chapter were undoubtedly praeternatural and diabolical . the sadduces of those dayes being like unto avic●nna , and averroes , and other atheistical philosophers in former times ; say that there are no spirits , and that all stories concerning them are either fabulous or to be ascribed unto natural causes . amongst many others , the learned voetius ( in disp . de operationibus daemonum ) has sufficiently refuted them . and as the experience of other ages and places of the world ; so the things which divine providence hath permitted and ordered to come to pass amongst our selves ( if the scriptures were silent ) make it manifest beyond all contradiction , that there are devils infesting this lower world. most true it is , that satan and all his wicked angels are limited by the providence of god : so as that they cannot hurt any man or creature , much less any servant of his , without a commission from him , whose kingdom is over all . it is a memorable passage , which chytraeus relateth concerning luther , that when he was sought after by his popish and implacable enemies ( being then hid by the duke of saxony ) they consulted with magicians that so they might find where luther absconded , but the wizzards confessed they could not discover him . undoubtedly the devils knew where luther hid himself ; only god would not suffer them to reveal it . nevertheless , the lord doth for wise and holy ends , sometimes lengthen the chain which the infernal lions are bound fast in . and as there are many tremendous instances confirming the truth hereof , so that of satan's taking bodily possession of men , is none of the least . sometimes indeed it is very hard to discern between natural diseases and satanical possessions ; so as that persons really possessed have been thought to be only molested with some natural disease , without any special finger of the evil spirit therein . fernelius ( de abditis rerum causis , lib. 2. cap. 16. ) speaketh of a certain young gentleman , that was taken with strange convulsions , which did surprize him at least ten times in a day . in his fits he had the use of his speech and reason free . otherwise his disease would have been judged no other than an ordinary epilepsy . much means was used by skilful physitians for his relief , but without success for three moneths together ; when all on a sudden , a daemon began to speak out of the miserable patient ; and that with not only latin but greek sentences , which the afflicted party himself had no knowledge of ; and the daemon discovered many secrets both of the physitians and of other persons that attended , deriding them for their vain attempts to cure a man whom he had the possession of . there are sundry authors ( in special balduinus in his cases of conscience , and darrel in his history of the seven possessed persons in lancashire ) who have endeavoured to describe and characterise possessed persons . and such particulars as these following are by them mentioned as signs of possession . 1. if the party concerned shall reveal secret things , either past or future , which without supernatural assistance could not be known , it argueth possession . 2. if he does speak with strange languages , or discover skill in arts and sciences never learned by him . 3. if he can bear burthens , and do things which are beyond humane strength . 4. uttering words without making use of the organs of speech , when persons shall be heard speaking , and yet neither their lips nor tongues have any motion , t is a sign that an evil spirit speaketh in them . 5. when the body is become inflexible . 6. when the belly is on a sudden puft up , and instantly flat again . these are thought to be certain arguments of an energumenical person . some other signs are mentioned by thyraeus ( de obsessis part 2. cap. 25 , 26. ) there are who conceive ( and that as they suppose upon scripture grounds : ) that men may possibly be daemoniacal , when none of those mentioned particulars can be affirmed of them . the excellently learned and judicious mr. mede , is of opinion , that the daemoniacks whom we read so frequently of in the new-testament , were the same with epilepticks , lunaticks , and mad men. the turks at this day have their mad men in great veneration , supposing them to be acted by a spirit , but they ( in that being themselves mad ) take it to be a good when as 't is an evil spirit that does operate in such persons . and that the iews of old did look upon maniacks to be possessed with an evil spirit , is evident from that expression of theirs , ioh. 10. 20. he hath a devil and is mad. moreover , we read of one , mat. 17. 15. that was lunatick , and did oft fall into the fire , and oft into the water . now that this lunatick person was a daemoniack is clear from ver . 18. where t is said , that iesus rebuked the devil and he departed out of him . and of the same person t is said , in luk. 9. 39 a spirit taketh him and teareth him . so beza and heinsius , in mat. 8. 16. & 17. 15. it has been commonly said that in christs time more persons were possessed with evil spirits than ever was known before or since ; but if that were so , the iews , and probably some historians would have noted it as a thing strange and extraordinary ; whenas we read of no such observation to be made on those times . and saith mr. mede , ( in his discourse on iohn 10. 20. ) if those possessed persons were not such as we now adayes conceive to be no other than mad men , the world must be supposed to be well rid of devils , which for my part i believe it is not . there is in special , a sort of melancholy madness , which is called lycanthropia , or lupina insania , h. e. when men imagine themselves to be turned into wolves or other beasts . hippocrates relates concerning the daughters of king praetus , that they thought themselves kine . wierus ( de praestigiis daemonum , l. 3. c. 21. ) speaketh of one in padua , that would not believe to the contrary but that he was a wolf : and of a spaniard , who thought himself a bear. euwichius ( and from him horestus ) writeth of a man that was found in a barn under the hay , howling and saying he was a wolf. the foolish rusticks , who surprized him , began to flay him , that so they might see if he had not hair growing on the inside of his skin .. forestus has many instances to this purpose . heurnius saith , that it is a disease frequent in bohemia and hungaria . no doubt but this disease gave occasion to pliny's assertion , that some men in his time were turned into wolves , and from wolves into men again . hence was ovid's fable of lycaon , and the tale of pausanias , being ten years a wolf , and then a man again . he that would see more instances , may read austin de civ . dei. l. 18. c. 5. burton of melancholly . pag. 9. they that are subject unto this malady , for the most partly hid all the day , and go abroad in the night , barking and howling at graves and in desarts . we may suppose that nebuchadnezzar was troubled with this disease . and that such persons are molested with a daemon is evident from luk 8. 27. with mark. 5. 3 , 4. the possessed person there spoken of was lycanthropos . there are that acknowledge the existence of spirits , and that the bodies of men are sometimes really possessed thereby ; who nevertheless will not believe there are any such woful creatures in rerum naturâ , as witches , or persons confoederate with the devil . i have read of a famous wizard , whose name was william de lure , that after he had laboured much in opposing their opinion , who think that there are men on earth joyned in an explicit confoederacy with the fiends of hell , was himself convicted and condemned for that crime which he designed to make the world believe that no man was or could be guilty of . i shall not suspect all those as guilty of witchcraft , nor yet of heresie , who call the received opinion about witches into question . there are four or five english writers , viz. mr. scot , ady , and of late wagstaff and webster , and another anonymous author ; who do with great vehemence affirm that never any did maintain that familiarity with the evil spirits , which is commonly believed . wierus ( otherwise a judicious author ) conceiveth that all those things supposed to be done by witches are done by the evil spirits themselves , without any confoederates . but he is sufficiently refuted by binsfieldius , bodinus , sennertus , and others . true it is , that many things have been looked upon as proceding from witchcraft , when it has not been so . the sympathies and antipathies of nature have sometimes been esteemed the effects of witchcraft . a sympathetical powder , made without any magical ceremonies has done strange things , so as that the artist which used it , has upon that account been suspected of witchcraft . a man may easily by such natural magick , as is described by porta , and by weckerus de secretis make the ignorant beheve he is a wizard . it is also true , that the world is full of fabulous stories concerning some kind of familiarities with the devil , and things done by his help , which are beyond the power of creatures to accomplish . what fables are there concerning incubi and succubae , and of men begotten by daemons ? no doubt but the devil may delude the fancy that one of his vassals shall think ( as the witch at hartford did ) that he has carnal and cursed communion with them , beyond what is real . nor is it impossible for him to assume a dead body , or to form a lifeless one out of the elements , and therewith to make his witches become guilty of sodomy . austin saith , they are impudent who deny this . but to imagine that spirits shall really generate bodies , is irrational . i am not ignorant , that that there have been men in the world ( more than one or two ) pretended to be thus begotten and born . thus doth niderius affirm concerning all the old inhabitants of the isle of cyprus . the like has been reported concerning arcturus , and concerning our british merlin . yea , the gentiles believed that homer , aeneas , hercules , and others were begotten by daemons ; whom thereupon they esteemed as semidei . and olympias the mother of alexander the great , supposed her self to be with child by iupiter hammon . when her husband king philip of macedon was absent from her , nectanebus ( an egyptian prince and a great magician ) sent her word that iupiter would embrace her , and that he would come to her such a night in the form of a dragon ; at the time appointed nectanebus himself by his magical impostures made olympias believe that a dragon was in the room , and so did himself do that which the deluded queen thought iupiter had done . i doubt not but that merlin and others imagined to come into the world not in the usual way , were the sons of daemons just as alexander was . it has been a received maxim , that though the devil may by his art produce insects and vermin ( to the generation whereof a seminal vertue is not alwayes necessary ) yet he cannot bring forth a perfect animal . how then is it consistent with reason , that he should produce a real man , who is of all animals the most perfect , and noble ? it is also extreamly fabulous , that witches can transform themselves or others into another sort of creatures , e. g. into horses , wolves , cats , mice , &c. carminibus circe socios mutavit ulyssis . a blind heathenish phansie : and yet stories of this nature have been generally believed ; and i have not without wonderment seen grave authors relating them , as if the things had been really so . but it is beyond the power of all the devils in hell to cause such a transformation ; they can no more do it than they can be the authors of a true miracle ( see horstius inst. med. disp. 3. exercit. 9. quest. 9. ) though i deny not but that the devil may so impose upon the imagination of witches as to make them believe that they are transmuted into beasts . sennertus ( in pract. med. l. 6. part 9. cap. 5. ) reports that a noble person , and one worthy of credit , gave him an account of a strange passage to this purpose , which himself was particularly acquainted with . the story is this ; a certain woman , being in prison on suspicion for witchcraft ; pretneding to be able to turn her self into a wolf , the magistrate before whom she was brought promised her , that she should not be put to death , in case she would then in his presence so transform her self . which she readily consented unto . accordingly she anointed her head , neck and arm-pits ; immediately upon which she fell into a most profound sleep , for three hours ; after which she suddenly rose up , declaring that she had been turned into a wolf , and been at a place some miles distant , and there killed first a sheep , and then a cow ; the magistrate presently sent to the place ; and found that first a sheep and then a cow had there been killed . wierus and baptista porta have divers stories to the same purpose . it is then evident , that the devil himself did that mischief , and in the mean time the witches who were cast into so profound a sleep by him , as that they could not by any noises or blows be awakened , had their phansies imposed upon by dreams and delusions according to the pleasure of their master satan . it must moreover , be sadly confessed , that many innocent persons have been put to death under the notion of witch-craft , whereby much innocent blood hath been shed . especially it hath been so in popish times and places . superstitious and magical wayes of trying wtiches have been a bloody cause of those murders . sometimes persons have been tried for witch-craft by hot , sometimes by cold water ( of which more in the eighth chapter of th●s essay ) sometimes by pricking them ; sometimes by sticking awls under their seats , sometimes by their ability , or otherwise to repeat the lords prayer . an irish witch which was tried at youghall , sept. 11. 1661. being by the court put upon repeating the fifth petition , alwayes left out the words forgive us our trespasses . another witch tried at taunton 1663. could not repeat the last petition , but though she was directed to say it after one that repeated it distinctly , would say lead us into temptation , and could never repeat it right , though she tried to do it half a score times . but judge archer did wisely admonish the jury , that they were not in the least measure to guid their verdict by that , since it was no legal evidence . the author of the advertisement to mr. glanvil's relations ( p. 171. ) saith that his curiosity led him to examine certain witches at the castle in cambridge , and that the most notorious witch of them all pleaded that she was no witch , because she was able to say the lords prayer and the creed , and though she was out in repeating the creed , and said the lords prayer right . but from such considerations as those which have been mentioned , wierus and some others not atheists but persons of worth , have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 run into an extream on the other hand , so as to question whether there were any persons really confoederate with the infernal spirits . nevertheless , that there have been such , the following arguments do manifest . 1. the argument by many insisted on from the scriptures is irrefragable . therein witch-crafts are forbidden . and we often read in the scripture of metaphorical bewitchings , nahum 3. 4. gal. 3. 1. which similitudes are undoubtedly taken from things that have a real existence in rerum natura . yea , the scripture makes particular mention of many that used those cursed arts and familiarities with the devil , e. g. iannes , and iambres , balaam , manasseh , simon , elymas . nor is the relation which the scripture giveth of the witch of endor , and the reasons from thence deduced , to prove the being of witches , sufficiently confuted by any of our late witch-advocate● . though ( as one speaketh ) some men to elude the argument from that instance , play more hocus-pocus tricks in the explication of that passage than the witch her self did in the raising deceased samuel . it is a poor evasion in those who think to escape the dint of this argument , by pretending that the witches and familiar spirits spoken of in the scripture , were only iuglers , or men that by legerdemain would do strange feats of activity . the divine law requires that such witches should be cut off by the sword of justice ; which may not be affirmed of every one that shall without any confoederacy with the devil play tricks of legerdemain . 2. experience has too often made it manifest that there are such in the world as hold a co respondence with hell. there have bin known wizards ; yea such as have taught others what ceremonies they are to use in maintaining communion with devils . trithemius his book de septem intelligentiis , and cornelius agrippa's books of occult philosophy , wherein too much of these nefandous abominations is described , are frequently in the hands of men . several other books there are extant , which do professedly teach the way of familiarity with daemons . the titles whereof , as also the names of the authors that have published them , i designedly forbear to mention , lest haply any one into whose hands this discourse may come , should out of wicked curiosity seek after them to the ruine of his soul. there are famous histories of several , who had their paredri or familiar spirits , some in one likeness , some in another , constantly attending them . thus had apollonius thyanaeus of old . and of later times mich. scot , and iosephus niger . likewise cardanus ( de subtilitate , lib. 19. p. 963. ) writeth , that his own father had such a familiar for thirty years together . so had christopher waganeer a familiar in the form of an ape for seven years attending him ; so had folpardus , which two were at last carried away body and soul by the devil ; unto whose service they had devoted their lives . there is also a true ( as well as a romantick ) story of faustus . the excellent camerarius in his horae subs●civae cent. 1. cap. 70. relateth strange things of him , which he received from those who knew faustus , and were ey-witnesses of his magical and diabolical impostures : he also had a familiar devil in form of a monk accompanying of him for the space of twenty four years . housdor●ius , and lonicer ad 2 praec . p. 167. speak of faustus . melancthon declares that he knew the man : so that naudeus is to be convinced of vanity , in denying that ever there was such a person in the world. in a word , it is a thing known , that there have been men who would discourse in languages , and reason notably about sciences which they never learned ; who have revealed secrets , discovered hidden treasures , told whither stolen goods have been conveyed , and by whom ; and that have caused bruit creatures , nay statues or images to speak , and give rational answers . the iews teraphims oftentimes did so : vide r. sol. iarchi in hos. 3. 4. selden de diis syriis . part 1. cap. 2. thom. contra gentes lib. 3. cap. 104. such things as these cannot be done by the help of meer natural causes . it must needs be then , that the practisers of them are in confoederacy with satan . 3. there have been many in the world , who have upon conviction confessed themselves guilty of familiarity with the devil . a multitude of instances this way are mentioned by bodinus , codron●hus , delrio , iacquerius , remigius , and others . some in this countrey have affirmed , that they knew a man in another part of the world , above fifty years ago , who having an ambitious desire to be thought a wise man ; whilest he was tormented with the itch of his wicked ambition , the devil came to him , with promises that he should quickly be in great reputation for his wisdom , in case he would make a covenant with him ; the conditions whereof were , that when men came to him for his counsel , he should labour to perswade them that there is no god , nor devil , nor heaven , nor hell ; and that such a term of years being expired , the devil should have his soul. the articles were consen●ed to . the man continuing after this to be of a very civil conversation , doing hurt to none , but good to many ; and by degrees began to have a name to be a person of extraordinary sagacity , and was sought unto far and near for counsel , his words being esteemed oracles by the vulgar . and he did according to his covenant upon all occasions secretly disseminate principles of athe●sm , not being suspected for a wizard . but a few weeks before the time indented with the devil was fulfilled ; inexpressible horror of conscience surprized him , so that he revealed the secret transactions which had passed betwixt himself and the devil . he would sometimes , with hideous roarings tell those that came to visit him , that now he knew that there was a god and a devil , and an heaven , and an hell. so did he die a miserable spectacle of the righteous and fearful judgement of god. and every age does produce new examples of those that have by their own confession made the like cursed covenants with the prince of darkness . in the year 1664 , several who were indicted at the assizes held at taunton in somersetshire , confessed that they had made an explicit league with the devil , and that he did baptise pictures of wax with oyl , giving them the names of those persons they did intend mischief unto . anno. 1678. one iohn stuart , and his sister annabil stuart , at the assizes held at paysley in scotland , confessed that they had been in confoederacy with the devil ; and that they had made an image of wax , calling it by the name of sr. george maxwel , sticking pins in the sides and on the breast of it . such an image with pins in it , was really found in the witches houses ; and upon the removal of it , the pins being taken out , sir george had immediate ease , and recovered his health . there is lately published ( by dr. horneck ) the history of the witches in sweden , by whose means that kingdom was fearfully plagued : upon examination they confessed their crime , & were executed in the year 1670. and no longer since than the last year , viz. on aug. 25. 1682. three women who were executed at exon in devonshire , all of them confessed that they had had converses and familiarities with the devil . but the instance of the witch executed in hartford , here in new-england ( of which the preceding chapter giveth an account ) considering the circumstances of that confession , is as convictive a proof as most single examples that i have met with . it is a vain thing , for the patrons of witches to think that they can sham off this argument , by suggesting that these confessions did proceed from the deluded imaginations of mad and melancholly persons . some of them were as free from distemperature in their brains , as their neighbours . that divers executed for witches have acknowledged things against themselves which were never so , i neither doubt or deny . and that a deluded phansie may cause persons verily to think they have seen and done these things which never had any existence , except in their own imaginations is indisputable . i fully concur with a passage which i find , in worthy dr. owen's late excellent discourse about the work of the spirit in prayer ( page 202. ) where he has these words : we find by experience that some have had their imaginations so fixed on things evil and noxious by satanical delusions , that they have confessed against themselves things and crimes that have rendred them obnoxious to capital punishment , whereof they were never really and actually guilty . this notwithstanding , that persons whose judgement and reason has been free from disturbance by any disease , should not only voluntarily acknowledge their being in cursed familiarities with satan , but mention the particular circumstances of those transactions , and give ocular demonstration of the truth of what they say , by discovering the stigmata made upon their bodies , by the devils hand : and that when more than one or two have been examined apart , they should agree in the circumstances of their relations , and yet that all this should be the meer effect of melancholly or phrensie , cannot without offering violence to reason and common sense be imagined . and as there are witches so many times they are the causes of those strange disturbances which are in houses haunted by evil spirits , such as those mentioned in the former chapter . instances concerning this may be seen in mr. glanvils collections , together with the continuation thereof ; published the last year by the learned dr. henry more . sometimes providence permits the devil himself ( without the use of instruments ) to molest the houses of some as a punishment for sin committed . most commonly either for the sin of murder . plutarch writes that the house of pusanias was haunted by an evil spirit after he had murdered his wife . many like instances , have been reported and recorded by credible authors . or else for the sin of theft . as for walton the quaker of portsmouth , whose house has been so strangely troubled , he suspects that one of his neighbours has caused it by witchcraft , she ( being a widow-woman ) chargeth him with injustice in detaining some land from her . it is none of my work to reflect upon the man , nor will i do it ; only if there be any late or old guilt upon his conscience it concerns him by confession and repentance to give glory to that god , who is able in strange wayes to discover the sins of men. i shall here take occasion to commemorate an alike notable scene of providence , which was taken notice of in another part of the world s●il . at brightling in sussex in england : the minister in that town ( viz. mr. ioseph bennet ) has given a faithful account of that strange providence , which is published by mr. clark in his examples , vol. 2. page 593 , &c. i shall relate it in his words , thus he writeth concerning it : anno christi 1659. there was at brightling an amazing providence , containing many strange passages . a wonderful hand of god , by what instrument or instruments soever ; which was , a fire strangely kindled , which burnt down a mans house , and afterwards kindled in another , to which the mans goods were carried , and to which , himself , and his wife , and his servant girl were removed ; and several things were thrown by an invisible hand , powerfully convincing , and thereby discovering the hypocrisie and theft of the man , and for a warning to others to take heed of the like . november 7. in the evening . the fire first kindled in this man's milk-house , and november 9. there was dust thrown upon this man and his wife , as they lay in bed together , and there was knocking several times and the same morning divers things were thrown about , and the fire again kindled in the milk-house , which was yet put out by the woman her self ; then it kindled in the eves of the house , in the thatch , which was put out by a man which was their next neighbour . that night as the man had a pot of beer in his hand , a stone fell into the pot : then did he set down the pot upon the table . when some men came to be with them that night , they were speaking how convenient it would be to have a tub filled with water , to stand ready , in case they should have occasion to use it , and as they were going out of the door to prepare it , the fire again kindled in the milk-house , and suddenly the whole house was on fire , but most of the goods and household-stuff were carried out and preserved : the fire was a strange fire , very white , and not singing their hands when they pulled the things out of it . the next day the houshold-stuff was carried to another house , wherein was a family : but those were to be in one end of the house , and the other , in the other end . but before the man and his wife went to bed , there was dust thrown upon them , which so troubled them , that the man having another man with them , and a candle and lanthorn in his hand , came up to me ( saith my author ) who was in bed , and asleep , but when i was awakened , i heard him say , the hand of god still pursues me , and so he intreated me to go down with him , and accordingly i and my brother went down , where we found them in the house , greatly troubled by reason of things that were thrown about , and some things were thrown presently after we came in . hereupon we went to prayer , and as i was kneeling down , dust was thrown upon me , but afterwards all was quiet , so long as we were at prayer . when we arose from prayer , i applied my self to the reading of a portion of scripture , which was psal. 91. the man standing by me , and holding the candle , but presently something did beat out the light ; whereupon the man said , that some body else must hold it . presently a knife was thrown at me , which fell behind me ; my brother said , he saw it come . then a chopping knife was thrown ( i think at the man's wife ) whereupon the man said , things are thrown at others for my sake . at length he fell upon his knees , and confessed that he had been an hypocrite , and a pilfering fellow , and that he had robbed his master , &c. and he was willing to separate the things which he had taken wrongfully from the rest , which he did accordingly ; laying forth several things which he said , were none of his , naming the persons from whom he had taken them : and as a great chest was carrying forth , trenchers , platters , and other things were thrown about in so dreadful a manner , that one not much noted for religion , said , pray you let us go to prayer ; and indeed that was our only refuge , so to go to god ; and so we spent our time as well as we could , in prayer , reading some portions of scripture , and singing of psalms : and though divers things were thrown , as a dish several times , so that once i had a smart blow on the cheek with a dish , and the man that lived in the house had his boots thrown at him , and a chopping knife twice , crabs out of a tub standing in the midst of the room , a fire brand though without fire , and an hammer thrown twice , and a bible . the man's wife who lived in the house , usually took up the things thus thrown ; yet still in time of prayer , all was quiet . in the morning after i had prayed ( before which prayer i was hit with a dish ) my brother and i came away , and as we were coming near home , we turned aside to speak with a friend , but before we got home , we heard that the house was on fire : hereupon they sent for me again , and in the mean time , they carried out their goods , pulled off the thatch , and quenched the fire ; yet ( as i heard ) it kindled again , and again , till all the man's goods were carried out : and when these people whose house was burnt down to the ground , together with all their goods , were removed into the field , all was quiet in this second house ; but somethings were thrown in the field ; and in the afternoon , when another minister and i went to them , some assured us that some things had been thrown . this was november 11. the night following some noise was heard among the houshold-stuff , as was testified to me . thus these poor creatures were distressed , their house was burned down , that to which they were removed several times fired , so that neither they nor their goods might stay any longer there , nor durst any other receive them : but they , with their goods were forced to lie in the open field for divers dayes and nights together ; being made a sad spectacle to all sorts of people that came far and near , to see and hear of the business . hereupon i sent to some neighbouring ministers , to joyn with us in keeping a fast on november 15. and four spent the time in prayer and preaching . the sermons were upon these texts , iob 11. 13. if thou prepare thine heart , and stretch out thine hands towards him : if iniquity be in thine hand , put it far away , and let not wickedness dwell in thy tabernacles . for then shalt thou lift up thy face without spot ; yea , thou shalt be stedfast , and shalt not be afraid , &c. amos 3. 6. shall a trumpet be blown in the city , and the people not be afraid ? shall there be evil in a city and the lord hath not done it ? luk. 13. 2 , 3. &c. suppose ye that these galileans were sinners above all the galileans , because they suffered such things ? i tell you nay : but except ye repent , ye shall all likewise perish : or those eighteen , &c. isai. 33. 14 , 15 , 16. the sinners in sien are afraid , fearfulness hath surprized the hypocrites . who among us shall dwell with devouring fire ? who among us shall dwell with everlasting burnings ? he that walketh righteously and speaketh uprightly : he that despiseth the gain of oppression , that shaketh his hand from holding bribes , that stoppeth his ears from hearing of blood , and shutteth his eyes from seeing of evil : he shall dwell on high . his place of desire shall be the munitions of rocks : bread shall be given him , his water shall be sure . the distressed persons attended diligently , and a great congregation was assembled . these providential dispensations were not ordinary ; yet there was a seeming blur cast , though not on the whole yet upon some part of it ; for their servant girl was at last found throwing some things : and she afterwards confessed that an old woman came to her , november 7. a little before these things come to pass , and told her that her master and dame were bewitched , and that they should hear a great fluttering about their house for the space of two dayes ; she said also , that the old woman told her , that she must hurl things at her master and dame , and withal bad her not to tell , for if she did the devil would have her : and she confessed that she hurled the fire-brand , an hammer , and an iron tack ; and said , that she did it because the old woman bad her , and said to her , that if she hurled things about the house it would be the better . but besides the throwing of the things about , there were other passages of providence very observable an remarkable . one house was at several times strangely fired , and notwithstanding the warning they had , at last quite burned down : and another house to whom they removed , greatly molested , and at length fired . besides the efficacy of prayer is most observable , for the encouragement of the duty , and god's omniscient and omnipotent providence wonderfully magnified , thus to discover the hypocrisie and theft of the man , and yet withall , graciously and mercifully delivering them . for though they were not wholly delivered when the fast was first appointed , yet after the fast they were fully freed , and not at all any more troubled in that manner . thus far is mr. bennets relation . that the things which have been related in the chapter immediately praeceding , came not to pass without the operation of daemons is so manifest , as that i shall not spend many words concerning it . though whether the afflicted persons were only possessed , or bewitched , or both , may be disputed . as for the maid at groton , she was then thought to be under bodily possession : her uttering many things ( some of which were diabolical railings ) without using the organs of speech , and being able sometimes to act above humane strength , argued an extraordinary & satanical operation . concerning the woman in berwick . evil spirits without being set on work by instruments , have sometimes caused the like molestation ; but commonly such things are occasioned by witchcraft . dr. balthasar han ( who was chief physitian to the prince elector of saxony ) relates concerning one of his patients : that in november 1634. she was to the amazement of all spectators , pricked and miserably beaten by an invisible hand ; so as that her body from head to foot was wounded , as if she had been whipped with thorns . sometimes a perfect sign of the cross was imprinted on her skin ; sometimes the usual configurations whereby astronomers denote the caelestial bodies , such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and their conjunctions , and oppositions by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the characters used by chymists 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. ( in which sciences , though that be not usual for those of her sex , she was versed ) these characters would remain for several weeks after the invisible hand had violently impressed them on her body ; also a needle was thrust into her foot , which caused it to bleed . once she took the needle & put it into the fire ; & then an old woman to whom she had given some of her wearing linnen , appeared to her with a staff in her hand , striking her with a cruel blow , & saying give me my needle . at last the miserable patient by constant attendance to prayer and other religious exercises was delivered from her affliction . many instances of an alike nature to this , are to be seen in the writings of those that treat upon subjects of this kind . sometimes ( as voetius and others observe ) bodily possessions by evil spirits are an effect of witch-craft . examples confirming this , are mentioned by hierom , in the life of hilarion ; theodoret in his history of the fathers , and by anastasius . and there are more instances in sprenger , and in tyraeus de daemoniacis . it may be ann cole of hartford might be subject to both of these miseries at the same time . though she be ( and then was ) esteemed a truly pious christian ; such amazing afflictions may befall the righteous as well as the wicked in this world. the holy body of iob , that so his patience might be tried ; was sorely handled by satan . we read in the gospel of a daughter of abraham , whom satan had bound for eighteen years , luk. 13. 16. mary magdalen , and several others who had been molested and possessed by evil spirits , yet belonged to god , and are now in heaven . so might ann cole be a true christian , and yet be for a time under satan's power as hath been related . and that her malady was not a meer natural disease , is past all doubt , inasmuch as in those strange paroxysmes wherewith she was at times surprized , the tone of her discourse would sometimes be after a language unknown to her . lemnius indeed supposeth that melancholly humors may cause persons not only to divine , but to speak with strange tongues ; and forestus lib. 10. observat 19. ) does not contradict his opinion . but the unreasonableness of that phansie has been sufficiently evinced by sundry learned men. vide iohnston , thaumatograph , sect. 10. chap. 7. art. 1. la torr , disp. 27. how shall that be in the mouth which never was in the mind ; and how should that be in the mind , which never came there through the outward senses ? this cannot be without some supernatural influence . as when things destitute of reason , have given rational answers unto what hath been demanded of them ; it must needs have proceded from the operation of a supernatural agent . it is reported that one of the popes in way of pleasancy , saying to a parrat , what art thou thinking of ? the parrat immediately replied , i have considered the dayes of old , the years of antient times ▪ at the which , consternation fell upon the pope and others that heard the words , concluding that the devil spake in the parrat ▪ abusing scripture expressions ; whereupon they caused it to be killed . de la cerda speaketh of a crow , that did discourse rationally ; undoubtedly , it was acted by a caco-daemon : some write of achilles his horse , and that simon magus had a dog that would discourse with him ; yea , it is storied concerning the river causus , and the keel of ship argus ; and of many statues , that they have been heard speaking . the image of memnon in aegypt , as the rising sun shined upon its mouth began to speak . the image of iuno moneta , being asked if she would be removed to rome : replied , that she would . the image of fortune being set up , said rite me consacrastis . valer. maxim. lib. 1 capult . a gymnosophist in ethiopia caused an elm with a low and soft voice to salute apollonius . such things must needs be the operation of caco-daemons . the like is to be concluded , when any shall utter themselves in languages which they were never learned . it is not they but a spirit which speaketh in them . the noble man whom fernelius writeth of , was first known to be possessed by a daemon , inasmuch as many sentences uttered by him were greek , in which language the diseased person had no knowledge . a maid in frankford was concluded to be possessed , it that when in her fits , she could speak the high dutch language perfectly , though she never learned it . manlius writeth of a possessed woman , who used to speak latin , and greek to the admiration of all that heard it . i remember an honourable gentleman told me , that when he was at somers in france a woman there was possessed with a devil ; many learned divines , both protestants and papists discoursing with her ; she would readily answer them , not only in the french tongue , but in latin , greek or hebrew . but when one mr. duncan , after he had discoursed and received answers in more learned languages , spake to her in the british tongue , the daemon made no reply ; which occasioned great wonderment , and too much sporting about a sad and serious matter . chap. vii . concerning apparitions . that they are not so frequent in places where the gospel prevaileth as in dark corners of the earth . that good angels do sometimes visibly appear . confirmed by several histories . that caco-daemons oftentimes pretend to be good angels . that satan may appear in the likeness of holy men ; proved by notable instances . concerning the appearance of persons deceased . the procuring cause thereof is usually some sin committed . some late remarkable examples . of mens covenanting to appear after their death . it is an heavy judgement when places are infested with such doleful spectres . as yet no place , nor any person in new-england ( excepting the instances before mentioned ) have been troubled with aparitions : some indeed have given out , that i know not what spectres were seen by them ; but upon enquiry , i cannot find that there was any thing therein , more than phansie , and frightful apprehensions without sufficient ground . nevertheless , that spirits have sometimes really ( as well as imaginarily ) appeared to mortals in the world , is amongst sober men beyond controversie . and that such things were of old taken notice of , we may rationally conclude from that scripture , luk. 24. 37. where it is said , that the disciples were terrified and affrighted , and supposed that they had seen a spirit . it is observable , that such frightful spectres do most frequently shew themselves in places where the light of the gospel hath not prevailed . some have propounded it as a question worthy the inquiring into ; what should be the reason that daemons did ordinarily infest the gentiles of old , as also the east and west indians of later times , and that popish countries are still commonly and grievously molested by them ; but in england , and scotland , and in the united provinces , and in all lands where the reformed religion hath taken place , such things are more rare . popish authors do acknowledge that as to matter of fact it is really thus ; and the reason which some of them assign for it , is , that the devils are so sure of their interest in heretical nations , as that they pass over them , and come & molest papists , whom they are most afraid of losing . but they should rather have attributed it to the light of the gospel , and the power of christ going along therewith . iustin martyr , tertullian , and others observe that upon the first promulgation of the gospel , those diabolical oracles , whereby satan had miserably deceived the nations , were silenced ; in which respect the word of christ luk. 10. 17. was wonderfully fulfilled . the like may be said as to protestant being less imposed upon then popish nations , by deceitful daemons . it is moreover , sometimes very difficult to pass a true judgement of the spectres which do appear , whether they are good or evil angels , or the spirits of deceased men . that holy angels were frequently seen in old times , we are from the scriptures of truth assured . and that the angelical ministration doth still continue is past doubt , heb. 1. 14. but their visible appearance is less frequent than formerly . they do invisibly perform many a good office for the heirs of salvation continually . nor is it to be questioned , but they may still appear visibly , when the work which they are sent about cannot otherwise be performed . i would not reject as fabulous all those passages which are related by judicious authors referring to this subject . at a time when grynaeus , melancthon , and several other learned men were discoursing together at an house in spyres , there came a man of very grave and godly countenance into the house , desiring to speak with melancthon ; who going forth to him , he told him that within one hour some officers would be at that house to apprehend grynaeus , and therefore required melancthon to advise grynaeus to flee out of that city ; and having so spoken , he vanished out of sight . melancthon returning into the room , recounted the words of this strange monitor ; whereupon grynaeus instantly departed ; and he had no sooner boated himself upon the rhine , but officers came to lay hold of him . this story is mentioned by melancthon in his commentary upon dani●l . and he concludeth that the man who had appeared to him was indeed an angel , sent in order to grynaeus his being delivered from the bloody hands of them that sought his life . many instances like to this i could mention . but i shall only take notice of a strange providence which came to pass of late years ; the particulars whereof are known to some who i suppose may be still living . i find the history of the matter i intend in mr. clark's examples , vol. 2. page 18 , 19. it is in brief as followeth ; one samuel wallas of stamford in lincolnshire , having been in a consumption for thirteen years , was worn away to a very skeleton and lay bed-rid for four years . but april 7. 1659. being the lords day , about 6 h. p. m. finding himself somewhat revived , he got out of the bed , and as he was reading a book entituled , abraham's suit for sodom , he heard some body knock at the door . whereupon ( there being none then in the house but himself ) he took a staff in the one hand , and leaning to the wall with the other , came to the door , and opening it , a comely and grave old man of a fresh complexion , with white curled hair , entred ; and after walking several times about the room , said to him , friend , i perceive you are not well . to whom wallas replied , he had been ill many years , and that the doctors said his disease was a consumption , and past cure , and that he was a poor man , and not able to follow their costly prescriptions , only he committed himself and life into the hands of god , to dispose of as he pleased . to whom the man replied , thou sayest very well , be sure to fear god , and serve him ; and remember to observe what now i say to thee ; tomorrow morning go into the garden , and there take two leaves of red sage ▪ and one of blood-wort ; and put those three leaves into a cup of small beer , and drink thereof as oft as need requires ; the fourth morning cast away those leaves , and put in fresh ones , thus do for twelve dayes together ; and thou shalt find e're these twelve dayes be expired , through the help of god thy disease will be cured , and the frame of thy body altered . also he told him that after his strength was somewhat recovered , he should change the air , and go three or four miles off ; and that within a moneth he should find that the clothes which he had on his back would then be too strait for him : having spoken these things , he again charged samuel wallas to remember the directions given to him , but above all things to fear god , and serve him . wallas asked him , if he would eat anything ? unto whom he answered , no friend , the lord christ is sufficient for me . seldom do i drink any thing but what cometh from the rock . so wishing the lord of heaven to be with him , he departed . samuel wallas saw him go out of the door , and went to shut the door after him , at which he returned half way into the entry again , saying friend , remember what i have said to you , and do it , but above all fear god , and serve him . wallas beheld the man passing in the street , but none else observed him , though some were then standing in the doors opposite to wallas his house . and although it rained when this grave person came into the house , and had done so all that day , yet he had not one spot of wet or dirt upon him . wallas followed the directions prescribed , and was restored to his health within the dayes mentioned . the fame of this strange providence being noised abroad , sundry ministers met at stamford , to consider and consult about it , who concluded that this cure was wrought by a good angel , sent from heaven upon that errand . however it is not impossible , but that holy angels may appear , and visibly converse with some . yet for any to desire such a thing is unwarrantable , and exceeding dangerous . for thereby some have been imposed upon by wicked daemens , who know how to transform themselves into angels of light. bodinus hath a strange relation of a man that prayed much for the assistance of an angel ; and after that for above thirty years together , he thought his prayer was heard ; being often admonished of his errors by a caelestial monitor , as he apprehended , who once appeared visibly in the form of a child ; otherwhile in an orb of light. would sometimes speak to him when he saw nothing . yet some fear that this spirit which he took to be his good genius was a subtle cacodaemon . plato writeth concerning socrates , that he had a good genius attending him , which would still admonish him if he were about to do any thing that would prove ill or unhappy . the story of the familiarity which was between dr. dee and kellet , with the spirits which used to appear to them , is famously known . those daemons would pretend to discover rare mysteries to them , and at times would give them good advices in many things , so that they verily thought they had had extraordinary communion with holy angels , when as it is certain they were deceived by subtile and unclean devils , since the spirits they conversed with , did at last advise them to break the seventh commandment of the moral law. satan to insinuate himself and carry on a wicked design , will sometimes seem to perswade men unto great acts of piety . remigius ( and from him others ) write of a young man whose name was theodore maillot , unto whom a daemon appearing , advised him to reform his life , to abstain from drunkenness , thefts , uncleanness , and the like evils ; and to fast twice a week , to be constant in attendance upon publick worship , and to be very charitable to the poor . the like pious advice did another daemon follow a certain woman with , unto whom he appeared . could a good angel have given better counsel ? but this was satans policy , hoping that thereby he should have gained an advantage to take silly souls alive in his cruel snare . like as thieves upon the road will sometimes enter into religious discourse , that so their fellow-travellers may have good thoughts of them , and be the more easily dispoyled by them . and as the evil spirit will speak good words , so doth he sometimes appear in the likeness of good men , to the end that he may the more effectually deceive and delude all such as shall be so unhappy as to entertain converses with him . no doubt but that he knows how to transform himself into the shape of not only an ordinary saint , but of an apostle , or holy prophet of god , 2 cor. 11. 13 , 14. this we may gather from the sacred history of dead samuel's appearing to saul . some are of opinion that real samuel spake to saul , his soul being by magical incantations returned into his body , so divers of the fathers and school-men ; also mendoza , delrio , and other popish authors . of late m. glanvil and dr. windet , do in part favour that notion . but tertullian , and the author of the quest. and respons . which pass under the name of iustin martyr are of the judgement , that a lying daemon appeared to saul in samuel's likeness . our protestant divines generally are of this judgment . it was customary amongst the gentiles for magicians and necromancers to cause dead persons to appear , and they would bring whomsoever they were desired to call for . thus did a wizard by pompeys command , call a dead souldier , of whom he enquired of the event of the pharsalic war , vide lucan lib. 6. many examples to this purpose , are recorded in the histories of former times ; and mentioned by the old poets . those apparitions were cacodaemons , which feigned themselves to be the spirits of men departed . i see no cogent reason why we should not conclude the like with respect unto samuel's appearing unto saul . most certain it is , that the souls of holy men departed , are not under the power of devils , much less of magicians to bring them hither when they please . as for those that are gone into the other world , there is a gulf fixed , that if men would they cannot pass into this world again without leave , luk. 16. 26. if dives could not bring lazarus his soul out of abraham's bosome , how the witch of endor should be able to bring samuel's soul from thence i know not . lyra ( and from him others ) pretends that god then interposed and sent real samuel as he unexpectedly appeared to baalam , when imployed about his magical impostures . but i dare not believe that the holy god , or the true samuel would seem so far to countenance necromancie or psycomancy as this would be , should the soul of samuel really return into the world , when a witch called for him , saul desiring that it might be so . this opinion establisheth necromancy , the main principal upon which that cursed and lying art is built , being this , that it is possible for men to cause the souls of dead persons to be brought back again . this seeming samuel did not at all ascribe his appearance to the extraordinary providence of god , but rather to the devil , since he complained that saul had by the witch disquieted him . the appearing samuel was seen ascending out of the earth , whenas the true samuel would rather have appeared as descending from heaven . moreover the words of the witches , samuel , when he said , tomorrow thou and thy sons shall be with me , 1 sam. 29. 18. are hardly consistent with truth . nor is it likely , that the true samuel would preach nothing but desperation to saul , without so much as once exhorting him in a way of repentance , to endeavour that his peace might be made with that god whom he had provoked by his sins , v. p. martyr . in 1 sam. 28. p. 161 , 162. and voet. de spectris page 1006. this instance then , doth suffic●ently prove that satan may appear in the shape of an holy man. some acknowledge that he may do so as to persons that are dead , but that he cannot personate good and innocent men who are still living . it is by some reported , that mr. cotton did once deliver such a notion . nothing is more frequent , then for the judgment of worthy men to be misrepresented after they are gone , and not capable of clearing themselves . i know mr. cotton was a man of great reading , and of deep judgment . i shall therefore rather suppose that they who relate mr. cotton's opinion , did themselves mistake him , then believe that a man so learned and wise , would express himself , as some say he did . sure i am , that authentick historians mention examples to the contrary . memorable is that which lavater ( de spectris part. 1 cap. 19. p. mihi 86. ) hath testified , sc. that the praefect of zurick travelling abroad with his servant betimes in the morning , they saw an honest citizen committing nefandous villany , at the which being astonished , they returned back , and knocking at the citizens door , they found him in his own house , nor had he been abroad that morning , so that what the praefect and his servant beheld , appeared to be nothing else but a diabolical illusion ; a spiteful daemon designing to blast the credit , and take away the life of an innocent man. it is also reported by albertus granzius ( lib. 4. cap. 5. ) that kunegund the empress , was for some time thought to be guilty of adultery , by reason that a noble person was frequently seen going out of her chamber ; but it after appeared that the suspected noble person had not been there , only a daemon in his shape . i concern not my self , with the authentickness of that relation . the matter in hand is sufficiently confirmed by a thing that hapned more lately , and nearer home : for if any of the old puritans , who lived in colchester in england , fifty years ago , be yet surviving , they can doubtless remember the strange things which hapned to one mr. earl , a young man in those dayes . the devil did then frequently appear to him in the shape of some of his acquaintance , and would perswade him to three things . 1. that he should abstain from praying . 2. that he should not frequent church-meetings . 3. that he should never marry . but he did not hearken to these suggestions . the night wherein he was married , soon after he and his wife were bedded , the devil came into the room , and pulled two of his teeth out of his head , which put him to great pain ; whereupon he cried out , and when his friends came in , they found his mouth bloody , and used means to ease his pain . this mr. earl was afterwards for the space of ten years ever and anon assaulted by the devil , who under many appearances of his friends , did endeavour to seduce him . there were then two famous men ministers of those parts , viz. mr. iohn rogers of dedham , ( who was father to the late eminent mr. nathaniel rogers of ipswich in new-england ) and mr. liddal of colchester . with these mr. earl did converse for comfort and instruction ; but chiefly with mr. liddal , then whom there was not a man more eminent for godliness . it fell out once that the devil came to mr. earl in mr. liddal's shape , and as mr. earl's custom was , he did propose to the seeming mr. liddal his cases of conscience , but found that mr. liddal did not discourse after his ordinary rate , which made him suspect whether he was not imposed upon by a deceitful daemon . the next day going to mr. liddal's house , he enquired whether he was with him the day before , mr. liddal told him that he was not ; then said mr. earl it was my enemy in your shape . what a miserable man am i , that know not when i speak with my enemy or with my friend ? to which mr. liddal replied , if you would know when you speak with a spirit or with a man , remember and follow the advice of christ ; who when he appeared to his disciples after his resurrection , and they thought he had been a spirit , and were therefore troubled ; he said to them , handle me and see , for a spirit hath not flesh and bones as you see me have , luk. 24. 39. this advice mr. earl followed . for not long after the devil coming to him in mr. liddal's shape , he went to take hold on his arms , but could feel no substance , only a vanishing shadow . it seems that this mr. earl was once an athiest , that did not believe that there was either god or devil , & would often walk in solitary and dismal places , wishing for the sight of a spirit ; and that he was first assaulted by a devil in a church-yard . and though god mercifully gave him repentance yet he was miserably haunted with an evil spirit all his dayes . i find that mr. clark in his first vol. of examples , chap. 104. p. 510. hath some part of this strange providence , but he mentions not mr. earl's name . a gentleman worthy of credit affirmed this relation to be most certainly true , according to the particulars which have been declared . i have thought it therefore not unworthy the publication . there is another remarkable passage to this purpose , which hapned of later years , wherein the turkish chaous baptized at london , ianuary 30. a. d. 1658. was concerned . this chaous being alone in his chamber , 3. h. p. m. a person in the likeness of mr. dury , the minister with whom he did most ordinarily converse , came and sat by him . this seeming mr. dury told him , that he had waited with a great deal of patience as to the matter of his baptism ; and that himself had endeavoured by all means possible to procure it , to be performed with publick countenance ; and to that effect , had dealt with richard , and several of his counsel , but that now he perceived that it was in vain to strive or wait longer . and therefore advised him not to be much troubled at it , but setting his mind at rest , to leave these thoughts , and take up his resolution another way . when the chaous heard this discourse , being much perplexed in his spirit , he lifted up his hands and eyes to heaven , uttering words to this effect . o my lord iesus christ , what a miserable thing is this , that a true christian cannot be owned by other christians ; that one who believeth on thee cannot be baptized into thy name . when he had so spoken , looking down , he saw no body , the appearance of mr. dury being vanished , which was at first an amazement to him ; but recollecting himself , he began to rejoyce , as hoping that satan would be disappointed of his plot. about 8 h. at night , the true mr. dury met with the chaous who acquainted him with what hapned to him , so did he more fully understand how he had been imposed upon by satan . the mentioned instances , are enough to prove that the devil may possibly appear in the shape of good men , and that not only of such as are dead , but of the still living . it might as a further confirmation of the truth we assert , have been here noted , that the devil doth frequently amongst the papists visibly appear , pretending to be christ himself , as their own authors do acknowledge . they affirm , that he came in the shape of christ to pachomius and to st. martin . so hath he often appeared in the form of the virgin mary , whereby miserable souls have been seduced into gross idolatries . it is likewise reported , that when luther had spent a day in fasting and prayer , there appeared to him one seeming to be christ ; but luther said to him , away thou confounded devil , i will have no christ but what is in my bible , whereupon the apparition vanished . as for the spirits of men deceased , it is certain they cannot reassume their bodies , nor yet come to men in this world when they will , or without a permission from him , in whose hand they are . chrysostom in his second sermon concerning lazarus , saith that daemons would oftentimes appear , falsly pretending themselves to be the souls of some lately dead . he saith , that he himself knew many daemoniacks , that the spirits in them would feign the voices of men lately killed , and would discover the secrets of such persons , professing that they were the souls of those very men . but those were no other then devilish lies . upon which account men had need be exceeding wary what credit they give unto , or how they entertain communion with such spectres . i do not say that all such apparitions are diabolical . only that many of them are so . and as yet i have not met with any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereby the certain appearance of a person deceased , may be infallibly discerned from a meer diabolical illusion . the rules of judging in this case described by malderus are very fallible . as for the moving and procuring cause of such apparitions , commonly it is by reason of some sin not discoverable in any other way . either some act of injustice done , or it may be some murder committed . platina , nauclerus , and others relate , that pope benedict . 8. did after his death appear sitting upon a black horse before a bishop of his acquaintance , declaring the reason to be , in that he had in his life time nefariously consumed a great sum of money , which belonged to the poor . and there are fresh examples to this purpose lately published in the second edition of mr. glanvils sadducismus triumphatus . he there speaks of a man in guilford , unto whom belonged some copy-hold land , which was to descend to his children , he dying , leaving no child born , his brother took possession of the estate . so it hapned that the deceased man's wife conceived with child but a little before her husbands death , which after she perceived , by the advice of her neighbours , she told her brother in law how matters were circumstanced ; he railed upon her , calling her whore , and said he would not be fooled out of his estate so . the poor woman went home troubled , that not only her child should lose the land , but which was worse , that she should be thought an whore. in due time she was delivered of a son. some time after which , as her brother in law was going out of the field , his dead brother ( the father of the injured child ) appeared to him at the stile , and bid him give up the land to the child , for it was his right . the brother being greatly affrighted at this spectre , ran away , and not long after came to his sister , saying , she had sent the devil to him , and bid her take the land ; and her son is now possessed of it . the same author relates , that the wife of dr. bretton of deptford ( being a person of extraordinary piety ) did appear after her death . a maid of hers , whose name was alice ( for whom in her life time she had a great kindness ) married a near neighbour . as this alice was rocking her infant in the night , some one knocking at the door , she arose and opened it , and was surprized by the sight of a gentlewoman , not to be distinguished from her late mistriss . at the first sight she expressed great amazement , and said were not my mistress dead i should conclude you are she . the apparition replied , i am she which was your mistriss ; and withal added , that she had a business of great importance to imploy her in , and that she must immediately go a little way with her . alice trembled , and entreated her to go to her master , who was fitter to be employed than she . the seeming mistriss replied , that she had been in the chamber of him who was once her husband , but he was asleep ; nor had she any commission to awake him . alice then objected that her child was apt to cry vehemently , and should she leave it , some hurt might come to him . the apparition replied , the child shall sleep until you return . seeing there was no avoiding it ; alice followed her over the style into a large field , who said , observe how much of this field i measure with my feet , and when she had took a good large leisurly compass , she said , all this belongs to the poor ; it being gotten from them by wrongful means , and charged her to go and tell her brother , whose it was at that time , that he should give it up to the poor again forthwith as he loved her and his deceased mother . this brother was not the person that did this unjust act , but his father . she added , that she was the more concerned , because her name was made use of in some writing that related to this land. alice asked her how she should satisfie her brother that this was no cheat or delusion of her phansie ? she replied , tell him this secret which he knows that only himself and i am privy to , and he will believe you . alice promised her to go on this errand . she entertained her the rest of the night with divine discourse , and heavenly exhortations . but when the twilight appeared , the spectre said , i must be seen by none but your self , and so disappeared . immediately alice makes hast home , being thoughtful for her child , but found it as the spectre said , fast asleep in the cradle . that day she went to her master , the doctor , who amazed at the account she gave , sent her to his brother in law. he at the first hearing of alice's story , laughed at it heartily ; supposing her to be troubled with strange whimsies . but then she told him of the secret , which her appearing mistriss the gentleman's sister , had revealed ; upon which he presently changed his countenance , and told her he would give the poor their own , which accordingly he did , and they now enjoy it . d. bretton himself ( being a person of great sincerity ) gave a large narrative of his wives apparition , to several ; and amongst others to dr. whichcot . and this narrative was attested unto by mr. edward fowler , feb. 16. 1680. see mr. glanvil's collection of relations , p. 197. in the same book , p. 243. he relates concerning one francis taverner , that in september 1662. riding late at night from hilbrough in ireland there appeared to him one in the likeness of iames haddock , formerly an inhabitant in malone , where he died five years before . taverner asked him who he was ? the spectre replied , i am iames haddock ; you may call me to mind by this token , that about five years ago , i and two other friends were at your fathers house , and you by your fathers appointment brought us some nuts , therefore be not afraid . and told him if he would ride along with him he would acquaint him with a business he had to deliver to him . which taverner refused to do ; upon his going from the spectre , he heard hideous scrieches and noises , to his great amazement . the night after there appeared again to him , the likeness of iames haddock ; telling him , that the woman , who had been his wife , when living ; was now married unto one davis in malone ; and that the said davis and his wife wronged the son of iames haddock ; and that the will of haddock , who had given a lease to his son , was not fulfilled ; and therefore he desired taverner to acquaint them therewith , and to see his son righted . taverner neglected to deliver his message , whereupon the spectre appeared again unto him in divers formidable shapes , threatning to tear him in pieces , if he did not do as he was required . this made him leave his house where he dwelt in the mountains and remove to the town of belfast , where it appeared to him again in the house of one pierce , severely threatning of him . upon which taverner being much troubled in his spirit , acquainted some of his friends with his perplexity . they take advice from dr. downs , then minister in belfast . and mr. iames south , chaplain to the lord chichester , who went with taverner to the house of davis , and in their presence he declared to her , that he could not be quiet for the ghost of her former husband iames haddock , who threatned to tear him in pieces , if he did not tell her she must right iohn haddock her son by him , in a lease wherein she and davis her now husband had wronged him . two nights after the spectre came to him again , looking pleasantly upon him , asking if he had done the message ? he answered , he had . then he was told , he must do the like to the executors . the day following dr. ieremie taylor bishop of down , conner , and dromore , being to keep court at dromore ; ordered his secretary ( thomas alcock ) to send for taverner , who accordingly came , and was strictly examined . the bishop advised him , the next time the spectre appeared to him , to ask him these questions : when●● are you ? are you a good or a bad spirit ? where is your abode ? what station do you hold ? how are you regimented in the other world ? and what is the reason that you appear for the relief of your son in so small a matter , when so many widows and orphans are oppressed in the world , and none of their relations appear as you do to right them ? that night taverner lodged at my lord conways , where he saw the spectre coming over a wall ; and approaching near to him , asked if he had done his message to the executor also ? he replied , he had , and wondred that he should be still troubled . the apparition bid him not be afraid , for it would not hurt him , nor appear to him any more , but to the executor , if the orphan were not righted . taverners brother being by , put him in mind to propound the bishops questions to the spirit . which he did ; but the spectre gave no answer to them ; only seemed to crawl on his hands and feet over the wall again , and vanished with a melodious harmony . the pe●sons concerned about the lease ( much against their wills ) disposed of it for the use of haddock's son , only for fear lest the apparition should molest them also . thus concerning this . before i pass to the next relation , i cannot but animadvert upon what is here expressed , concerning the questions which the bishop would needs have propounded to , and resolved by this spectre . i am perswaded , that the apostle paul who speaks of a mans intruding into those things which he hath not seen , col. 2. 18. would hardly have given such counsel as the bishop did . one of his questions , ( viz. are you a good or a bad spirit ? ) seems to be a needless and impertinent enquiry . for good angels never appear in the shape of dead men ; but evil and wicked spirits have oftentimes done so . his other queries favour too much of vain curiosity . they bring to mind what is by that great historian thuanus ( lib. 130. page 1136. ) reported concerning peter cotten the jesuit , who having a great desire to be satisfied about some questions which no man living could resolve him in ; he applied himself to a maid who was possessed with a devil , charging the spirit in her to resolve his proposals . some of which were relating to this world , e. g. he desired the devil , if he could , to tell him when calvinism would be extinguished ; and what would be the most effectual means to turn the kingdome of england from the protestant to the popish religion . what would be the issue of the wars and great designs then on foot in the world ? other of his enquiries respected the old world , e. g. how noah could take the living creatures that were brought into the ark ? who those sons of god were that loved the daughters of men ? whether serpents went upon feet before adam's fall , &c. some of his questions respected the other world ; he would have the spirit to resolve him , how long the fallen angels were in heaven before they were cast down from thence ? and what is the most evident place in the scripture to prove that there is a purgatory ? who are the seven spirits that stand before the throne of god ? who is the king of the arch-angels ? where paradise is ? now let the reader judge whether d. taylors questions , when he would have the spectre resolve him , where is your abode ? what station do you hold ? how are you regimented in the other world ? &c. be not as curious as some of these of the jesuits . wise men thought it tended much to the disreputation of peter cotton when through his incogitant leaving the book wherein his enquiries of the daemon were written with a friend ; the matter came to be divulged . i cannot think that dr. taylors secretary his publishing these curiosities of his lord , hath added much to his credit amongst sober and judicious persons . there is a tragical passage related in the story of the daemon which for three moneths molested the house of mr. perreaud a protestant minister in matiscon . one in the room would needs be propounding needless questions for the devil to answer , though mr. perreaud told him of the danger in it . after a deal of discourse ; the devil said to him , you should have hearkened to the ministers good counsel , who told you that you ought not to ask curious questions of the devil , yet you would do it , and now i must school , you for your pains . presently upon which , the man was by an invisible hand plucked up by his thumb , and twirled round , and thrown down upon the floor , and so continued in most grievous misery . i hope then , that none will be emboldened from the bishops advice , to enquire at the mouth of devils or of apparitions , until such time as they know whether they are devils or no. but to pass on . that the ghosts of dead persons have sometimes appeared that so the sin of murder ( as well as that of theft ) might be discovered , is a ●●hing notoriously known . i shall only mention two or three examples for this ; and the rather because some who are very unapt to believe things of this nature , yet have given credit to those relations . two of the stories are recited by mr. webster in his book of witchcraft . he saith , ( p. 298. ) that about the year 1623. one fletcher of rascal , a town in the north-riding of yorkshire , a yeoman of a good estate married a woman from thornton brigs , who had formerly been naught with one ralph raynard , who kept an inn , within half a mile from rascal , in the high road betwixt york and thuske , his sister living with him ; this raynard continuing in unlawful lust with fletcher's wife , and not being content therewith , conspired the death of fletcher ; one mark dunn being made privy , and hired to assist in the murther ; which raynard and dunn accomplished upon may day , by drowning him , as they were travelling all three together , from a town called huby , and acquainted the wife with the deed , she gave them a sack , therein to convey his body , which they did , and buried it in raynard's back side , or croft , where an old oak had been stubbed up , and sowed mustard-seed in the place , thereby to hide it ; they then continued their wicked course of lust and drunkenness ; and the neighbours did much wonder at fletchers absence , but his wife excused it , and said , he was only gone aside for fear of some writs being served upon him , and so it continued till about iuly 7 th . after , when raynard going to topcliff-fair , and setting up his horse in the stable , the spirit of fletcher in his usual shape and habit , did appear unto him , and said , o ralph , repent , repent , for my revenge is at hand ; and ever after , until he was put in the goal the spirit seemed continually to stand before him , whereby he became sad and restless , and his own sister over-hearing his confession and relation of it to another person , did through fear of losing her own life , immediately reveal it to sr. william sheffield , who lived in rascal ; whereupon raynard , dunn , and the wife , were all three apprehended , and sent to the goal at york , where they were condemned and executed , near the place where raynard lived ; and fletcher was buried ; the two men being hung up in chains , and the woman burned under the gallows . i have recited this story punctually , as a thing that hath been very much fixed on my memory ( being then but young ) and a certain truth , i being ( with many more ) an ear-witness of their confessions , and eye-witness of their executions , and likewise saw fletcher when he was taken up , where they had buried him in his clothes , which were a green fustian doublet pinckt upon white , and his walking boots , and brass spurs , without rowels . thus mr. webster . again , the same author ( p. 308. ) relates that about the year 1632. there lived one walker , near chester , who was a yeoman of a good estate , and a widower ; he had a young kins-woman to keep his house , who was by the neighbours suspected to be with child , and was sent away one evening in the dark , with one mark sharp a collier , and was not heard of , nor little notice taken of her , till a long time after one iames grayham a miller , who lived two miles from walker's house , being one night alone very late in his mill , grinding corn , about twelve a clock at night , the doors being shut , there stood a woman in the midst of the floor , with her hair hanging down all bloody , and five large wounds in her head ; he was very much frighted , yet had the courage to ask her who she was , and what she wanted ? to whom she answered , i am the spirit of such a woman , who lived with walker , and being got with child by him , he promised to send me to a private place , where i should be well lookt to , till i was brought a bed , and well , and then i should come again and keep his house , and accordingly ( said the apparition ) i was one night late sent away with one mark sharp , who upon a moor , ( naming a place which the miller knew ) slew me with a pick ( such as men dig coals withal ) and gave me these five wounds , and after threw my body into a coal-pit hard by , and hid the pick under the bank , and his shoes and stockins being bloody , he endeavoured to wash them , but seeing the blood would not wash off , he left them there ; and the apparition further told the miller , that he must be the man to reveal it , or else she must still appear and haunt him . the miller returned home very sad , and heavy , but spake not one word of what he had seen , yet eschewed as much as he could to stay in the mill in the night without company , thinking thereby to escape the seeing this dreadful apparition ; but notwithstanding , one night when it began to be dark , the apparition met him again , and seemed very fierce and cruel , threatning him , that if he did not reveal the murder , she would continually pursue and haunt him ; yet for all this , he still concealed it , until st. thomas eve before christmas , when being soon after sun-set walking in his garden , she appeared again , and then so threatned and affrighted him , that he promised faithfully to reveal it the next morning : in the morning he went unto a magistrate , and discovered the whole matter , with all the circumstances , and diligent search being made , the body was found in a cole-pit , with five wounds in the head , and the pick , and shoes , and stockins yet bloody , and in every circumstance as the apparition had related to the miller● ▪ whereupon walker and mark sharp were both apprehended , but would confess nothing . at the assizes following , ( i think it was at durham ) they were arraigned , found guilty , and hanged ; but i could never hear that they confessed the fact. it was reported that the apparition did appear to the judge , or the fore-man of the jury , but of that i know no certainty . there are many persons yet alive that can remember this strange murder , and i saw and read the letter which was sent to serjeant hutton about it , from the judge before whom they were tried , which maketh me relate it with greater confidence . thus far we have mr. webster's relations . it is also credibly attested that a thing no less remarkable than either of the former , hapned but nine years ago at another place in england . the sum of the story as it is published in mr. glanvil's collection of relations , p. 172. is this : on the ninth of november 1674. thomas goddard of marlborough in the country of wilts , as he was going to ogborn , about 9. h. a. m. he met the apparition of his father in law edward avon , who had beed dead about half a year . he seemed to stand by the stile , which goddard was to go over . when he came near , the spectre spake to him with an audible voice , saying , are you afraid ? to whom he answered , i am , thinking of one who is dead and buried , whom you are like . to which the apparition replied , i am be ; come near me i will do you no harm ; to which goddard replied , i trust in him who hath bought my soul with his precious blood , you shall do me no harm . then the spectre said , how stand cases at home ? goddard askt what cases ? then it asked him , how doth william and mary ? meaning belike , his son william and his daughter mary , whom this goddard had married . and it said , what ? taylor is dead ; meaning as goddard thought , one of that name in london , who had married another of avon's daughters , and died in september before this . the spectre offered him some money , desiring it might be sent to his daughter that was lately become a widow ; but goddard answered , in the name of iesus christ i refuse all such money . then the apparition said , i perceive you are afraid , i will meet you some other time : so it went away . the next night about 7 h. it came and opened his shop-window , and looked him in the face , but said nothing . and the next night after as goddard went into his back-side with a candle light in his hand , but he being affrighted ran into his house , and saw it no more at that time . but on thursday november 12. as he came from chilton , the apparition met him again , and stood ( about eight foot ) directly before him , and said with a loud voice , thomas , bid william avon take the sword which he had of me , which is now in his house , and carry to the wood as we goe to alton to the upper end of the wood by the wayes side , for with that sword i did wrong above thirty years ago , & he never prospered since t was his . and do you speak with edward lawrence , and i desire you to pay him twenty shillings out of the money which you received of iames eliot at two payments ; for i borrowed so much money of edward lawrence , and said that i had paid him , but i did not pay it him . this money was received of iames eliot on a bond due to avon and goddard had it at two payments after avon had been dead several moneths . lawrence saith that he lent avon twenty shillings in money about twenty years ago , which was never paid him again . november 23. goddard did by order from the mayor of the town , go with his brother in law william avon , with the sword to the place where the apparition said it should be carried . and coming away thence goddard looking back saw the same apparition , whereupon he called to his brother in law , and said , here is the apparition of your father ; william replied , i see nothing , then goddard fell on his knees , and said , lord , open his eyes that he may see . but william said , lord grant i may not see it , if it be thy blessed will. then the ghost did to goddard's apprehension becken with his hand . to whom goddard said , what would you have me to do ? the apparition replied , take up the sword and follow me . to which he said , should both of us come ? or but one of us ? the spectre replied , thomas do you take up the sword. so he took it up and followed the apparition about ten poles into the wood . then the spectre coming towards goddard he stept back two steps ; but it said to him , i have a permission to you , and a commission not to touch you . then it took the sword , and wen● to the place at which before it stood , and pointed the top of the sword into the ground and said , in this place was buried the body of him whom i murdered in the year 1635. but it is now rotten and turned to dust. whereupon goddard said , for what cause did you murder him ? the seeming avon replied i took money from the man , and he contended with me , and so i murdered him . then goddard said , who was confederate with you in the murder ? the spectre answered , none but my self . what ( said goddard ) would you have me do in this thing ? the apparition replied , only to let the world know that i murdered a man , and buried him in this place , in the year 1635. then the spectre laid down the sword on the bare ground there , whereupon grew nothing , but seemed to goddard to be as a grave sunk in . all this while william avon remained where goddard left him , and said he saw no apparition , only heard goddard speak to the spectre , and discerned another voice also , making reply to goddard's enquiries , but could not understand the words uttered by that voice . the next day the mayor caused men to dig in the place where the spectre said the body was buried , but nothing could be found . these examples then , shew that the ghosts of dead men do sometimes appear , and that for such causes as those mentioned . there have been some in the world so desperate as to make solemn covenants with their living friends , to appear unto them after their death ; and sometimes ( though not alwayes ) it hath so come to pass . it is a remarkable passage which baronius relates concerning marsilius ficinus , and his great intimate michael mercatus . these two having been warmly disputing about the immortality of the soul , entred into a solemn vow , that if there were truth in those notions about a future state in another world , he which died first should appear to his surviving friend . not long after this , ficinus died. on a morning when mercatus was intent upon his studies , he heard the voice of ficinus his friend at his window with a loud cry , saying , o michael , michael , vera , vera sunt illa : o my friend michael , those notions about the souls of men being immortal they are true , they are true . whereupon , mercatus opened his window , and saw his friend marsilius ficinus , whom he called unto , but he vanished away . he presently sent to florence to know how ficinus did , and was informed that he died about the hour when his ghost appeared at mercatus his window . there are also later instances , and nearer home , not altogether unlike to this . for in mr. glanvil's late collection of relations , ( which we have had occasion more than once to mention . ) it is said , that dr. farrar and his daughter , made a compact , that the first of them which died , if happy , should after death appear to the surviver if possible ; his daughter with some difficulty consenting to the agreement . some time after , the daughter living then near salisbury , fell in labour , and having by an unhappy mistake a noxious potion given to her , instead of another prepared , suddenly died. that very night she appeared in the room where her father then lodged in london , and opening the curtains looked upon him . he had before heard nothing of her illness , but upon this apparition confidently told his servant that his daughter was dead , and two dayes after received the news . likewise one mr. watkinson , who lived in smithfield , told his daughter ( taking her leave of him , and expressing her fears that she should never see him more ) that should he die , if ever god did permit the dead to to see the living , he would see her again . now after he had been dead about half a year ; on a night when she was in bed but could not sleep , she heard musick , and the chamber grew lighter and lighter , she then saw her father by the bed-side . who said mall , did not i tell thee that i would see thee again ? he exhorted her to be patient under her afflictions , and to carry it dutiful towards her mother ; and told her that her child that was born since his departure should not trouble her long . and bid her speak what she would speak to him now , for he must go and she should see him no more upon earth , vid. glanvil's collections , p. 189 , 192. sometimes the great and holy god , hath permitted , and by his providence ordered such apparitions to the end that atheists might thereby be astonished and affrighted out of their infidelity . nam primus timor fecit in orbe deos. remarkable and very solemn is the relaon of the appearance of major sydenbam's ghost , mentioned in the book but now cited ( p. 181. ) it is in brief this . major george sydenham of delverton in somerset , and captain william dyke of skillgate in that county ; used to have many disputes about the being of god , and the immortality of the soul : in which point they continued unresolved . to issue their controversies , they agreed that he that died first should the third night after his funeral , between the hours of twelve and one , appear at a little house in the garden . after sydenham was dead , captain dyke repairs to the place appointed between them two . he acquainted a near kinsman , dr. thomas dyke with his design , by whom he was earnestly disswaded from going to that place at that time ; and was told , that the devil might meet him and be his ruine , if he would venture on in such rash attempts . the captain replied , that he had solemnly engaged , and nothing should discourage him ; accordingly betwixt twelve and one he went into the garden-house , and there tarried two or three hours , without seeing or hearing any thing more than what was usual . about six weeks after , captain dyke rides to eaton , to place his son a scholar there . the morning before he returned from thence , after it was light , one came to his bed-side , and suddenly drawing back the curtains , calls cap. cap. ( which was the term of familiarity which the major when living used to call the captain by ) he presently perceived it was his major , and replieth , what my major ! on the table in the room there lay a sword which the major had formerly given to the captain . after the seeming major had walked a turn or two about the room , he took up the sword , and drew it out , and not finding it so bright and clean as it ought , cap. cap. ( said he ) this sword did not use to be kept after this manner , when it was mine . he also said to the captain , i could not come to you at the time appointed , but i am now come to tell you , that there is a god , and that he is a very just and a terrible god , and if you do not turn over a new leaf , you will find it so . so did he suddenly disappear . the captain arose , and came into another chamber ( where his kinsman dr. dyke lodged ) but in a visage and form much differing from himself , his hair standing , his eyes staring , and his whole body trembling , telling with much affection what he had seen . the captain lived about two years after this , but was much altered in his conversation , the words uttered by his majors ghost , ever sounding in his ears . thus of that remarkable providence . i have not mentioned these things , as any way approving of such desperate covenants . there is great hazard attending them . it may be after men have made such agreements , devils may appear to them , pretending to be their deceased friends , and thereby their souls may be drawn into woful snares ▪ who knoweth whether god will permit the persons , who have thus confederated , to appear in this world again after their death , and if not then the surviver will be under great temptation unto atheism ; as it fell out with the late earl of rochester , who ( as is reported in his life , p. 16. by dr. burn●t ) did in the year 1665. enter into a formal ingagement with another gentleman , not without ceremonies of religion , that if either of them died , he should appear and give the other notice of the future state , if there were any . after this the other gentleman was killed , but did never appear after his death to the earl of rochester , which was a great snare to him , during the rest of his life . though when god awakened the earl's conscience upon his death-bed , he could not but acknowledge , that one who had so corrupted the natural principles of truth as he had , had no reason to expect that such an extraordinary thing should be done for his conviction . or if such agreement should necessitate an apparition , how would the world be confounded with spectres ? how many would probably be scared out of their wits ? or what curious questions would vain men be proposing about things which are ( and it is meet they should be ) hid from mortals . i cannot think that men who make such covenants ( except it be with very much caution , as i have heard that mr. knewstubs and another eminent person did ) are duely mindful of that scripture , deut. 29. 29. the secret things belong to the lord ; but those things which are revealed belong to us . moreover , such sights are not desirable . for many times they appear as forerunners of notable judgements at hand . i could instance out of approved history , how particular families have found that things of this nature , have come to them as the messengers of death . lavater in his book de spectris , and goulartius in his select history , say , that spectres are the harbingers of publick mutations , wars , and calamitous times . voetius in his disputation de peste , sheweth that sometimes the plague or strange diseases follow after such appearances . there was lately a very formidable apparition at meenen ▪ we are advised , that there did appear in that place , a person all in white , with a mitre on his head , being followed with two more in black ; after him came four or five squadrons , who drew up as if they intended to storm the town . the souldiers there refused to stand their centry , having been so affrighted as that some of them fell down in their posts . these spectres appeared every night in iune , 1682. how it is there since that , or what events have followed in that place , i know not ▪ but i find in credible authors , that oftentimes mischief and destruction unto some or other hath been the effect of apparitions . luther tells us of a shepherd ( of whom also he speaketh charitably ) that being haunted with a spirit ; the apparition told him , that after eight dayes he would appear to him again , and carry him away , and kill him ; and so it came to pass : the ministers whom the poor man acquainted with his sorrowful estate , advised him not to despair of the salvation of his soul , though god should suffer the devil to kill his body . i have read of threescore persons all killed at once by an apparition . george agricola giveth an account of twelve men , that as they were digging in the mines , a spectre slew them . some have been filled with such anxiety at the appearance of a spectre , that in one nights time the hair of their heads has turned white . lavater speaketh of a man , who one night meeting with an apparition , the terror of it caused such a sudden change in him , as that when he came home , his own children did not know him . we may then conclude that the witlings of this drolling age know not what they do , when they make themselves sport with subjects of this nature . i shall only add this further here , that from the things which have been related , it is evident that they are mistaken who suppose devils cannot appear to men except with some deformities whereby they are easily discovered . the nymphs which deluded many of old , when the world was buried under heathenism ; were daemons , presenting themselves in shapes very formose . vide martinit lexic . in verbo nymphae . chap. viii . several cases of conscience considered . that it is not lawful to make use of herbs or plants to drive away evil spirits . nor of words or characters . an objection answered . whether it be lawful for persons bewitched , to burn things or to nail horse-shoes before their doors , or to stop urin in bottles , or the like , in order to the recovery of health . the negative proved by several arguments . whether it be lawful to try witches by casting them into the water . several reasons evincing the vanity of that way of probation . some other superstitions witnessed against . the preceding relations about witchcrafts and diabolical impostures give us too just occasion to make enquiry into some cases of conscience , respecting things of this nature . and in the first place the quaere may be ; whither it is lawful to make use of any sort of herbs or plants to preserve from witchcrafts , or from the power of evil spirits ? the answer unto which is ; that it is in no wise lawful , but that all attempts of that nature are magical , and diabolical , and therefore detestable superstition . as appears 1. in that if the devils do either operate or cease to do mischief upon the use of such things it must needs be in that they are signs which give notice to the evil spirits what they are to do ; now for men to submit to any of the devils sacraments is implicitly to make a covenant with him . many who practise these ne●arious vanities little think what they do . they would not for the world ( they say ) make a covenant with the devil , yet by improving the devils signals , with an opinion of receiving benefit thereby , they do the thing which they pretend to abhor . for , 2. angels ( bad as well as good ) are by nature incorporeal substances . there are some authors who by a corporal substance intend no more but a real being ; so that the term is by them used in opposition to meer phantasms in that sence , none but sadduces will deny angels to be corporeal . and in that respect the antient doctors , tertullian and others call them corpora . but commonly a body is set in opposition to a meer spiritual substance , mat. 10. 28. heb. 12. 13. and thus it is certain that daemons are incorporeal , eph. 6. 12. they are frequently , not only by authors , but in the holy scripture stiled spirits , because of their being incorporeal . and thence it is that they are not visible or palpable or any way incurring the outward sences , luk. 24. 39. homer saith that when the ghost of anticlea appeared to ulysses , he attempted three times to embrace that image , but could feel nothing ; for it had not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but as virgil expresseth it , tenues sine corporevitas . cajetan & vasquez affirm , that apparitions can at no time be felt . it is not to be doubted but that spirits may make use of vehicles , that are subject to the outward senses ; nevertheless , a meer spirit cannot be touched by humane hands . moreover , we read of a legion of daemons possessing one miserable body , luk. 8. 30. a legion is at least 6000 ; now if they were corporeal substances , it could not be that so many of them , should be in the same person at the same time . and if they are incorporeal substances , then it is not possible that herbs or any sensible objects should have a natural influence upon them , as they have upon elementary bodies . this argument is of such weight , as that porphyrius , & other heathenish authors who affirm that daemons are affected with smells , & with blood , &c. suppose them to have aereal bodies . so do some talmudical & cabalistical writers ; they hold that there are a middle sort of devils , made of fire and air , who live upon the liquidity of the air , and the smoke of fire , &c. these they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . munster in his notes on lev. 17. does out of r. abraham , cite many passages to this purpose . but such iewish fables are so foolish , as that they need no confutation . and as the argument we have mentioned is a sufficient refutation of them that imagine a natural vertue to be in herbs , whereby evil spirits are driven away ; so may it be improved against their superstition , who suppose that fumes are of force to expel daemons . the author of the book of tobit chap. 6. tells a tale , that the heart and liver of a fish , if a smoke be made therewith , the devil will smell it , and then be forced to flee away from any one that shall be troubled with an evil spirit ; and that tobit following the counsel which raphael gave him about these matters , the devil was fain to run for it , as far as to the utmost parts of aegypt , chap. 8 , ver . 2 , 3. this passage , is so far from being divine , as that indeed it is prophane and magical . whereas the author saith , that whoever is troubled with an evil spirit , shall by that means ●ind relief , he does expresly contradict the son of god , who has taught otherwise , mat. 17. 21. mark 9. 28. and his ascribing such vertue to the heart of a fish , is as true as what cornelius agrippa saith , who affirms that the gall of a black dog will drive away evil spirits , and free from witchcrafts . and there is as much credit to be given to these things as to another iewish fable , viz. that the clapping of a cocks wings will make the power of daemons to become ineffectual ; yet that this fable hath obtained too much credit in the world is evident by words of prudentius , who saith , ferunt vagantes daemonas laetos tenebres noctium gallo canente exterritos sparsim timere & cedere . 3. god in his holy word has forbidden his people to imitate the heathen nations . he requires , that those who profess his name should not learn the way of the heathen● nor do after their manners , lev. 20. 23. ier. 10. 2. but to attempt the driving away of evil spirits by the use of herbs , fumes , &c. is an heathenish custom . whoso shall read proclus his book de sacrificio & magia , will see how the ethnicks taught , that smells and smokes would cause daemons to depart . and the like they believed ( and practised accordingly ) with respect unto several sorts of herbs . see sennertus med. pract. l. 6. part. 9. cap. 7. dioscorides being deceived with the doctrine of that great magician pythagoras , saith , that the sea-onion being hung in the porch of an house , will keep evil spirits from entring therein . in that book which passeth under the name of albertus magnus de mirabilibus mundi , ( though picus mirandula in his disputation about magick is so favourable as to think albertus was not the author of it ) but that the true author has abusively prefixed albertus his name ) there are many superstitious vanities of this nature ; which in times of popish darkness were received from the arabians and other heathenish worshippers of the devil . it is true , that the iews did some of them practise this kind of magick . iosephus ( antiq. lib. 8. cap. 2. ) confesseth that those of their nation ( in special one whose name was eleazar ) did by holding an herb ( viz. that called solomons seal ) to the noses of daemoniacks , draw the devils out of them . he speaketh untruly , in saying , that they learned such nefarious arts from solomon , for they had them from the heathen , who received them from the devil himself ; as is evident from another passage in the mentioned iosephus . in his history of the wars with the iews , lib. 7. cap. 25. he says , that there is a root by the iews , called baaras , which if a man pluck it up , he dieth presently ; but to prevent that they make bare the root , and then tye it with a string to a dog , who going away to follow his master , easily plucks up the root , whereupon the dog dieth , but his master may then without danger handle the root , and thereby fright the devils out of persons possessed with infernal spirits : whom he ( in that also following the heathen ) supposes to be the spirits of wicked men deceased . and that the iews received these curious or rather cursed arts from ethnicks , is manifest , inasmuch as pliny taught that the herb called aglaophotis had power to raise the gods , ( so did they call the devils whom they served . ) now that was the same herb with baaras ; for as delacampius , rainold , and others have observed , both name● have the same signification . so then the making use of herbs to fright away devils , or to preserve from the power of witches , is originally an heathenish custome , and therefore that which ought to be avoided and abhorred by those that call themselves christians . it is no less superstitious , when men endeavour by characters , words or spells , to charm any witches , devils or diseases . such persons do ( as fuller speaks ) fence them selves with the devils shield against the devils sword , agrippa in his books de occulta phi●osophia has many of these impious curiosities . but in his book of the vanity of sciences , chap. 48. he acknowledgeth that he wrote his other book of occult philosophy , when he was a young man , and bewails his iniquity therein , confessing that he had sinfully mispent precious time in those unprofitable studies . there is also an horrid book full of conjurations and magical incantations , which the prophane author hath ventured to publish under the name of king solomon : there cannot be a greater vanity than to imagine that devils are really frighted with words and syllables : such practices are likewise of diabolical and heathenish original . they that have read subjects of this nature , are not ignorant of what is related concerning the strange things done by the incantations of that famous wizard apollonius . the like has been also noted of the brackmanes of old , who were much given to such unlawful arts. it is still customary amongst the heathenish africans , by incantations to charm serpents ; which when they are in that way brought to them by the devil , they use with the blood of such serpents to anoint their weapons , that so they may become the more mortiferous . and that the like incantations were practised amongst the gentiles of old is evident from that verse of virgil , in his 8 eclog. frigidus in pratis cantando rumpiter anguis . as also by that of ovid in metam . lib. 7. viperias rumpi verbis & carmina fauces . yea , the holy scriptures intimate , that such diabolical practices were used by some in the dayes of old , those words of david , psal. 58. 4 , 5. imply no less , as our excellent rainold has with great learning and judgement evinced . it must be acknowledged that the notion which many have from austin taken up , as if serpents to avoid the power of charms , would lay one ear to the ground , and with their tails stop the other ear , is to be reckoned amongst vulgar errors ; nevertheless , that there were then charmers in the world , the mentioned ( as well as other ) scriptures notifie . moreover , those inchanters had their formulae , whereby they did imprecate the persons whom they designed hurt unto ; and the devil ( when the great and holy god saw meet to permit him ) would upon the using of those words go to work , and do strange things . hence livy speaks of the devotaria carmina used by wizards . the truth of this is also manifest from some passages in aeschines his oration against ctesiphon . and of this nature were balaams curses , desired by baalak , as enchantments against iacob , numb . 22. 6. & 23. 23. if it had not been a thing famously known , that baalam ( a black wizard ) did mischief others by his incantations , the king of moab would never have sent to him for that end . and as witchcrafts of this kind were frequent among the gentiles who kn●w not god ; so in a more especial manner amongst the ephesians before they were enlightened by the gospel of jesus christ. upon their conversion to the christian faith , as many as had used curious ( i. e. as the syriac translation rightly interprets magical ) arts , brought their books together and burned them before all men , acts 19. 19. which sheweth that ephesus did once abound with these heathenish superstitions . they pretended that they could by certain words cure diseases , eject devils , &c. hence it became a proverbial phrase , to say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when magical spells and incantations were intended . hesychius mentions some of those charms being obscure & barbarous words ; such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. these words they would sometimes carry about with them , fairly written ; and then they were a sacrament for the devil to operate by . that insignificant word abr●dacara , is by sammonious mentioned as a magical spell ; which hobgoblin word the late miracle monger or mirabilarian stroaker , in ireland , valentin greatrix attempted to cure an ague by . porphyrius saith , that the egyptians had symbols , which serapis appointed them to use in order to the driving away d●mons . now he whom the egyptians called serapis , is by the greeks called pluto , and by the i●ws bel-zebub . and as the heathen learned such things from bel-zebub , so have the papists ( who are called gentiles in the scripture , rev. 11. 2. and well they may be so , since as to all manner of idolatry and superstition they gentilize ) from them learned to cure diseases , and drive away evil spirits by words and spells , exor●izations , &c. matthiolus reports that he knew a man that would and that without seeing the persons wounded , by charms heal those that were stung with deadly serpents ; and fernelius saith , that he has seen some curing a feaver only by muttering words , without the use of any natural means . not only professed heathen but papists , have by reciting certain verses , bin wont to cure other diseases . yea they have practised to free persons from the epilepsie ; by mentioning the names of the three kings of colon ( as the wise men which came from the east , are usually called ) hence are those celebrated verses : haec tria qui secum portabit nomina regum solvitur a morbo christi pietate caduco . it is too well known , that popish countries do still abound with such superstitious vanities as these mentioned . and as voetius ( in his dissertation de exorcismo ) truly tells them , the exorcizations of the papists are as like those of the heathen as milk is like to milk , or as one egg is like to another . i know that some popish authors ( who are more ingenious ) write against attempting the cure of diseases by words or charms . fernelius , benevenius and ( as i remember ) valesius disapprove of it . but few ( if any ) of them are against conjuring away evil spirits , by words , and i know not what formulae of their own , or rather of the devils inventing . one of them ( viz. hieronymus mengus ) having published a book filled with con●urations entituleth it , the scourge of devils . it adds to the abomination when men shall not only break the first and second commandment , but the third also , by making use of any of the sacred names or titles belonging to the glor●●●s god , or to his son jesus christ , as charms ; 〈◊〉 which nothing is more frequent amongst r●manists . to conclude , god in his word doth with the highest severity condemn all such practices , declaring not only that ●●chanters and charmers are not to be tolerated amongst his people ; but that all who do such things are an abomination to him , deut. 18. 10 , 11 , 12. the iews are wont to be extreamly charitable towards those of their own nation , affirming , that every israelite shall have a part in the world to come ; only they except such as shall by incantation heal diseases . there are some that practise such things in their simplicity , not knowing that therein they gratifie the devil . voetiu● in his disputation , de magia , p. 576. speak● of one that according to the vain conversation received by tradition from fo●e fathers would sometimes attempt things of this nature , but upon voetius his instructing him concerning the sin and evil which was there● in , the man durst never more do as formerly if this discourse fail into the hands of an● whose consciences tell them they have been guilty of the same iniquity ; god gran that it may have the same effect on them . it is a marvelous and an amazing thing , that in such a place as new-england , where the gospel hath shined with great power and glory , any should be so blind as to make attempts of t●●s kind ; yet some such i know there have been . a man in boston gave to one a sealed paper , as an effectual remedy against the tooth-ach , wherein were drawn several confused characters , and these words written , in nomine patris filii , & spiritus sancti , preserve thy servant , such an one . ( bodinus and others write of a convicted witch , whose name was barbary dore , that confessed she had often cured diseases , by using the like words unto those mentioned . ) not long since a man left with another in this town , as a rare secret a cure for the ague , which was this , five letters , viz. 〈…〉 , &c. were to be written successively on pieces of bread and given to the patient , on one piece he must write the word kalendant , and so on another the next day , and in five dayes ( if he did believe ) he should not fail of cure . these considerations have made me the more willing a little to inlarge upon the argument in hand . but before i proceed to handle the next case , it may not be amiss to answer that which seems the most considerable allegation against the arguments thus far insisted on . it is then by some objected that musick driveth away evil spirits . for when david took an harp and played with his hand , the evil spirit departed from saul , 1 sam. 16. 23. so that it seems the devils are driven away by sounds , and why not then by words , or fumes , or herbs ? ans● 1. it is confessed that satan does take great advantage from the ill humors and diseases which are in the bodies of men greatly to molest their spirits . especially it is true concerning melancholly , which has therefore been called balneum diaboli , the devils bath , wherein he delights to be stirring . 2. when bodily diseases are removed by the use of natural means , the matter upon which the evil spirit was wont to operate being gone , he does no more disturb and disquiet the minds of men as before that he did . the passive disposition in the body ceasing , the active affliction caused by the devil ceaseth also . rulandus writes of possessed persons who were cured by emetic medicines , clearing them of those melancholly humors , by means whereof the evil spirit had sometimes great advantages over them . this also po●p●natius does by many instances confirm . s●nn●rtus likewise has divers passages to the same purpose . also we see by frequent experience , persons strangely hurried by satan , have by the blessing of god upon the endeavou● of the physitian been delivered from those woful molestations . ferrarius , delrio , burgensis , and others , commenting on 1 sam. 16. conceive that the ingress and egress of evil s●irits depends upon the humors and dispositions of the body ; which assertion is not unive sally true : for sometimes the devil hath laughed at the physitians , who have thought by medicinal applications to dispossess him . examples for this may be seen in fernelius and codronchus . wherefore voetius in his disputation , de emergumenis , page 1025. speaketh cautiously and judiciously , in asserting that we may not suppose that the devils taking bodily possession of this or that person , depends wholly upon corporeal dispositions ; nevertheless that natural distempers sometimes are an occasion thereof . 3. it is also true that musick is of great efficacy against melancholly discomposures . this notwithstanding , there is no reason to conclude with mendozo , bodin , and others , that musick is so hateful to the devil , as that he is necessitated to depart when the pleasant sound is made . if that were so , how comes it to pass that appearing daemons do sometimes depart with a melodious sound ? or that in the conventicles of witches there is musick heard ? but la torr has notably confuted such imaginations . indeed the sweetness and delightfulness of musick has a natural power to lenifie melancholly passions . they say that pythagoras by musick restored a frantick man to his wits again . thus was saul's pensive spirit refreshed by david's pleasant harp , and when he was refreshed and well , the evil spirit which took advantage of his former pensiveness , upon his alacrity departed from him . so that it remains still a truth , that corporeal things have no direct physical influence upon infernal spirits , and that therefore for men to think that they shall drive away daemons by any such means is folly and superstition . i shall add no more in answer to the first quaere proposed . a second case , which we shall here take occasion to enquire into , is , whether it be lawful for bewitched persons to draw blood from those whom they suspect for witches , or to put urin into a bottle , or to nail an horse-shoe at their doors , or the like , in hopes of roc●vering health thereby ? ans. there are several great authors who have discovered and declared the evil of all such practices . in special voetius , sennertus , and our perkins disapprove thereof . there is another question much what of the same nature with this , viz. whether a bewitched person may lawfully cause any of the devils symbols to be removed in order to gaining health ? as suppose an image of wax in which needles are fixed , whereby the devil doth at the instigation of his servants , torment the diseased person whether this being discovered may be taken away , that so the devils power of operation may cease , and that the sick person may in that way obtain health again ? the affirmative of this quaestion is stiffly maintained by scotus , cajetan , delrio , malderus , and by popish authors generally . yet amongst them hesselius , estius , and sanchez , hold the negative . and so do all our protestant writers , so far as i have had occasion to observe . and although some make light of such practices , and others undertake to justifie them , yet it cannot justly be denied but that they are impious follies . for 1. they that obtain health in this way have it from the devil . the witch cannot recover them , but by the devils help . hence as it is unlawful to entreat witches to heal bewitched persons , because they cannot do this , but by satan , so is it very sinful by scratching , or burnings , or detention of urin , &c. to endeavour to constrain them to unbewitch any ; for this is to put them upon seeking to the devil . the witch does neither inflict nor remove the disease , but by the assistance of the devil ; therefore either to desire or force thereunto , is to make use of the devils help . the person th●s recovered cannot say , the lord was my heal●r , but the devil was my healer . certainly it were better for a man to remain sick all his dayes , yea ( as chrysostom speaks ) he had better die then go to the devil for health . hence 2. men and women have by such practices as these mentioned , black commerce and communion with the devil . they do ( though ignorantly ) concern and involve themselves in that covenant which the devil has made with his devoted and accursed vassals . for , whereas it is pleaded , that if the thing bewitched be thrown into the fire , or the urin of the sick stopped in a bottle , or an horse-shoe nailed before the door , then by vertue of the compact which is between the devil and his witches , their power of doing more hurt ceaseth ; they that shall for such an end so practise , have fellowship with that hellish covenant . the excellent sennertus argueth solidly , in saying , they that force another to do that which he cannot possibly do , but by vertue of a compact with the devil , have themselves implicitly communion with the diabolical covenant . and so is the case here . who was this art of unbewitching persons in such a way first learned of ? if due enquiry be made , it will be found that magicians and devils were the first discoverers . porphyrie saith , it was by the revelation of the daemons themselves that men came to know by what things they would be restrained from , and constrained to this or that : eujeb . praep . evan. l. 5. c. 7. dr. willet in ex. 7. quest. 9. to use any ceremonies in vented by satan , to attain a supernatural end , implies too great a concernment with him . yea , such persons do honour and worship the devil by hoping in his salvation . they use means to obtain health which is not natural , nor was ever appointed by god , but is wholly of the devils institution ; which he is much pleased with , as being highly honoured thereby . nay such practices do imply an invocation of the devil for relief , and a pleading with him the covenant which he hath made with the witch , and a declaration of confidence that the father of lies will be as good as his word . for the nefandous language of such a practice , is this : thou o devil , hast made a covenant with such an one , that if such a ceremony be used , thou wilt then cease to torment a poor creature that is now afflicted by thee . we have used that ceremony , and therefore now o satan we expect that thou shouldest be as good as they word which thou hast covenanted with that servant of thine , and cease tormenting the creature that has been so afflicted by thee . should men in words speak thus , what horrid impiety were it● therefore to do actions which import no less , is ( whatever deluded souls think of it ) great and hainous iniquity . 3. let such practitioners think the best of themselves , they are too near a kin to those creatures who commonly pass under the name of white witches . they that do hurt to others by the devils help , are called black witches : but there are a sort of persons in the world , that will never hurt any , but only by the power of the infernal spirits they will un-bewitch those that seek unto them for relief : i know that by constantius his law , black witches were to be p●nished , and white ones indulged : but m. perkins saith , that the good witch is a more horrible and detestable monster than the bad one . balaam was a black witch , and simon magus a white one . this later did more hurt by his cures , than the former by his curses . how persons that shall unbewitch others by putting u●●n into a bottle , or by casting excrements into the fire , or nailing of horse-shoes at mens doors , can wholly clear themselves from being white witches , i am not able to understand . 4. innocent persons have been extreamly wronged by such diabolical tricks . for sometimes ( as is manifest from the relation of the groton maid , mentioned in the fifth chapter of this essay ) the devil does not only himself inflict diseas●s upon men , but represent the visages of innocent persons to the phansies of the diseased , making them believe that they are tormented by them , when only himself does it . and in case they follow the devils direction , by observing the ceremonies which he has invented , hee 'l afflict their bodies no more . so does his malice bring the persons accused by him ( though never so innocent ) into great suspicion . and he will cease afflicting the body of one , in case he may ruin the credit of another , and withal endanger the souls of ●hose that hearken to him . if the devil upon scratchings , or burnings , or stoppings of urin , or the nailing of an horse-shoe , &c. shall cease to afflict the body of any , he does this either as being compelled thereto , or voluntarily . to imagine that such things shall constrain the evil spirit to cease afflicting , whether he will or no , is against all reason . but if he does this voluntarily , then instead of hurting their bodies , he does a greater mischief to souls . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the devil heals the body that he may wound the soul. he will heal them with all his heart , provided that he may but thereby draw men to look unto him for help , instead of seeking unto god alone , in the use of his own means , and so receive that honour ( the thing that he aspires after ) which is the lords due . how gladly will that wicked spirit heal one body upon condition that he may entangle many souls with superstition . and if men and women ( especially in places of light ) will hearken to him , it is a righteous thing with god to suffer it to be thus . it is past doubt that satan , who has the power of death , heb. 2. 14. has also ( by divine permission ) power to inflict , and consequently to remove diseases from the bodies of men . in natural diseases he has many times a great operation , and is willing to have them cured rather by the use of superstious then of natural means . it is noted in the germanic ephemeris for the year 1675. that a man troubled with a fistula , which the physitians by all their art could no way relieve ; a person that was esteemed a wizard undertook to cure him ; and applying a powder to the wound , within a few dayes the sick party recovered . the powder was some of the ashes of a certain woman who had been burnt to death for a witch . this was not altogether so horrid as that which is by authors worthy of credit reported to come to pass , in the days of pope adrian vi. when the plague raging in rome , a magician ( whose name was demetrius spartan ) caused it to be stayed by sacrificing a bull to the devil . see p. iovius histor. lib. 21. such power hath the righteous god given unto satan over the sinful children of men ; yea such a ruler hath he set over them as a just punishment for all their wickedness . his chief design is to improve that power which by reason of sin he hath obtained to seduce into more sin . and the holy god to punish the world for iniquity , often suffers the enemy to obtain his desires this way . what strange things have been done , and how have diseases been healed by the sign of the cross many times ? by which means satans design in advancing 〈◊〉 to the destruction of thousands of souls , has too successfully taken place . and this 〈◊〉 did he early and gradually advance amongst christians . i have not been able without astonishment to read the passages related by austin de civitate dei lib. 22. cap. 8. he there speaks of one innocentia , whom he calls a most religious woman , who having a cancer in her breast ; the most skilful physitians doubted of the cure . but in her sleep she was admonished to repair unto the font where she had been baptized , and there to sign that place with the sign of the cross , which she did , and was immediately healed of her cancer . in the same chapter , he reports that a friend of hesperius did from ierusalem send him some earth that was taken out of the place where our lord christ had been buried ; & that hesperius had no sooner received it but his house which before had been molested with evil spirits was rid of those troublesome guests . he giveth an account also , of strange cures wrought by the reliques of the martyrs . it was not ( he saith ) known where the bodies of protasius and gervas ( holy martyrs ) were buried ; but ambrose had it revealed to him in his sleep ; and a blind man approaching near unto th● bodies instantly received his sight . another was cured of blindness by the reliques of the martyr stephen . and a child playing abroad , a cart wheel run over him and bruised him , so that it was thought he would immediately expire ; but his mother carrying him into the house that was built to honour the memory of st. stephens life and health were miraculously continued . many other wonderful cures doth austin there mention , as done by stephen's reliques . but who seeth not that the hand of ioab was in all these things ? for by this means satan hath filled the world with superstition . the cross is worshipped ; the reliques of martyrs are adored ; the honour due to god alone is given to the creature . the same method has the grand enemy observed , that so he might bring that superstition of iconolatry or image worship , which is so provoking to the jealous god , into repute amongst christians . it would be endless to enumerate how many in popish countries have been cured of diseases which for their sins god hath suffered the devil to punish them with , by touching the image of this or that saint . nay , some whose bodies have been possessed with evil spirits , have in that way of superstition found relief ; in a more especial manner , when the image of the virgin mary hath been presented before persons possessed , the devil in them hath cried out , and shrieked after a fearful manner , as if he had been put to horrible torture at the sight of that image , and so hath seemed to depart out of the miserable creature molested by him ; and all this that so deluded papists might be hardened in their superstitious opinion of that image . many such devices hath satan to ensnare and ruin the souls of men. some report that the bodies of excommunicates in the greek churches at this day , are strangely handled by the devil , after death hath taken hold of them . m. ricaut in his relation of the present state of the greek churches , page 279. &c. saith that a grave kaloir told him that to his own certain knowledge , a person who fell under their church-censure , after he had been for some time buried , the people where his corps lay interred , were affrighted with strange apparitions , which they concluded arose from the grave of the accursed excommunicate , which thereupon was opened , and they found the body uncorrupted , and replete with blood , the coffin furnished with grapes , nuts , &c. brought thither by infernal spirits . the kaloirs resolved to use the common remedy in those cases , viz. to cut the body in several parts , and to boyl it in wine , as the approved means to dislodge the evil spirit , but his friends intreated rather that the sentence of excommunication might be reversed , which was granted . in the mean time prayers , and masses , and offerings were presented for the dead , and whilst they were performing these services , on a sudden was heard a rumbling noise in the coffin of the dead party . which being opened , they found the body consumed and dissolved into dust , as if it had been interred seven years . the hour and minute of this dissolution being compared with the date of the patriarchs release when signed at constantinople , was found exactly to agree with that moment . if there be truth in this relation , 't is a dreadful evidence of satans reigning amongst a superstitious people , who nevertheless call themselves christians ; and that he does by such means as these keep them under chains of darkness still . the devil hath played such reax as these are , not only amongst christians but amongst the gentiles of old . for titus latinus was warned in his sleep that he should declare unto the senate that they must reniew that stage-plays ; he neglecting to deliver his message , was again by the same daemon spoken unto in his sleep● and severely reproved for his omission , and his son died . still persisting in his omission the daemon again cometh to him , so that he was surprized with an acute and horrible disease . hereupon by counsel of his friends , he was carried in his bed into the senate , and as soon as he had declared what he had seen , his health was restored , that he returned home upon his feet : the issue was , stage-plays were more in fashion than ever before . augustin de civitate dei , lib. 4. cap. 26. learned men are not ignorant that strange● cures were effected amongst the heathen by the use of talismans , or images ; of which inventions zoroaster ( the father of magicians ) is supposed to be the first author . it is reported that virgil made a brazen fly , and a golden horse-leach , whereby flies were hindred from coming into naples , and the horse-leaches were all killed in a ditch . thus doth beelzebub draw miserable men into superstition . and although i am upon a serious subject , and my design in writing these things ; that is so i might bear witness against the superstition , which some in this land of light have been found guilty of ; and that ( if god shall bless what has been spoken to convince men of the error of their way ) the like evils may no more be heard of amongst us ; this notwithstanding ; it may not be improper here to recite some facetious passages , which i have met with in hemmingius his discourse , de superstitione magica , since they are to my present purpose , as discovering what delight the infernal spirits take in drawing men to make use of superstitious means for the recovery of health unto their bodies . the learned author mentioned , reports , that as he was instructing his pupils in the art of logic , he had occasion to recite a couple of verses consisting of nine hobgoblin words , fecana , cajeti , daphenes , &c. adding by way of joke , that those verses would cure a feaver , if every day a piece of bread were given to the sick person , with one of these words written upon it . a simple fellow that stood by , thought hemmingius had been in earnest in what he spoke , and not long after having a servant that fell sick of a feaver , he gave him the first day a bit of bread , with a paper wherein fecana was written , and so on for six dayes until he came to the word gebali ; and then on a sudden his servant was well again . others seeing the efficacy of the amulet did the like , and many were cured of feavers thereby . in the same chapter , p. 908. hemingius writeth of a knavish scholar , that a certain woman repairing to him for help , who was excedingly troubled with sore eyes , promising him a good reward for his cure , the knave , though he had no skill , yet for lucre sake , he promised to effect the cure ; and in order thereto taketh a piece of paper , and maketh therein characters , unto which he never saw the like before , only then devised them , and writeth in great letters these abominable words , diabolus eruat tibi oculos , & foramina stercoribus impleat . ( the papists say that their saint francis caused the devil to depart out of a possessed person by using an alike bruitish expression . ) he folded up the paper in a cloth , requiring the diseased party to wear it about her neck , which she did and her disease was healed . after two years , being desirous to know what was in the paper , she caused it to be opened and read ; and being greatly offended and inraged at this indignity , cast the paper away , immediately upon which her sore eyes returned again . without doubt then , the devils design in this cure , was to● encourage the prophane impostor to endeavour the removal of diseases by like superstitious and wicked practices , whereby his own and the souls of others unto whom he should impart the mystery , would be endangered . the like is to be affirmed concerning attempts to heal diseases , by scratching suspected witches , or stopping urin in bottles , nailing of horse ●shoes , &c. it may be the time will come , when they that have been thus foolish , will feel their own consciences smiting them for what they have done . let them remember the example of that gracious and famous gentlewoman , mrs. honeywood ; the occasion of whose sorrowful and doleful desertion , was , in that having a child sick , she asked counsel of a wizard about its recovery . certainly , it is better for persons to repent of sin the procuring cause of all affliction , and by the prayer of faith to betake themselves to the lord jesus , the great physitian both of body and soul , and so to wait for healing in the use of lawful means , until god shall see meet to bestow that mercy on them ; i say this is better , than to follow such dark methods as those declared against , wherein if they have found any success , they may fear it is in wrathful judgment unto them or theirs . some observe that persons who receive present healing in such unlawful wayes , usually come to unhappy ends at last . let me then conclude the answer unto the case propounded with the words which th angel bid the prophet elijah speak to ahaziah's messengers , 2 king. 1. 3. is it because there is no god in israel , that you go to baalzebub the god of ekron ? there is another case of conscience which may here be enquired into , viz. whether it be lawful to bind persons suspected for witches , and so cast them into the water , in order to making a discovery of their innocency or guiltiness ; so as that if they keep above the water , they shall be deemed as confoederate with the devil , but if they sink they are to be acquitted from the crime of witchcraft . as for this way of purgation it cannot be denied but that some learned men have indulged it . king iames approveth of it , in his discourse of witch-craft b. 3. chap. 6. supposing that the water refuseth to receive witches into its bosom , because they have perfidiously violated their covenant with god , confirmed by water in baptism . kornmannus and scribonius do upon the same ground justifie this way of tryal . but a worthy casuist of our own , giveth a judicious reply to this supposal , viz. that all water is not the water of baptism , but that only which is used in the very act of baptism . moreover , according to this notion the proba would serve only for such persons as have been baptized . wierus and bodinus have written against this experiment . so hath hemmingius ; who saith , that it is both superstitious and ridiculous . likewise , that learned physitian iohn heurnius has published a treatise , which he calls , responsum ad supremam curiam hollandiae , nullum esse aequae innatationem lamiarum indicium . that book i have not seen , but i find it mentioned in m●ursius his athenae batavae . amongst english authors , dr. cott hath endeavoured to shew the unlawfulness of using such a practice . also mr. perkins is so far from approving of this probation by cold water , as that he rather inclines to think that the persons who put it in practice are themselves after a sort practisers of witch-craft . that most learned , judicious , and holy man , gisbertus voetius in his forementioned exercitation de magia , p. 573. endeavours to evince that the custom of trying witches by casting them into the water is unlawful , a tempting of god , and indirect magic . and that it is utterly unlawful , i am by the following reasons convinced : 1. this practice has no foundation in nature , nor in scripture . if the water will bear none but witches , this must need proceed either from some natural or some supernatural cause . no natural cause is or can be assigned why the bodies of such persons should swim rather than of any other . the bodies of witches have not lost their natural properties , they have weight in them as well as others . moral changes and viceousness of mind , make no alteration as to these natural proprieties which are inseparable from the body . whereas some pretend that the bodies of witches are possessed with the devil , and on that account are uncapable of sinking under the water ; malderus his reply is rational , viz. that the allegation has no solidity in it , witness the gadarens hoggs , which were no sooner possessed with the devil but they ran into the water , and there perished . but if the experiment be supernatural , it must either be divine or diabolical . it is not divine ; for the scripture does no where appoint any such course to be taken to find out whether persons are in league with the devil or no. it remains then that the experiment is diabolical . if it be said , that the devil has made a compact with wizards , that they shall not be drowned , and by that means that covenant is discovered ; the reply is , we may not in the least build upon the devils word . by this objection the matter is ultimately resolved into a diabolical faith. and shall that cast the scale , when the lives of men are concerned ? suppose the devil saith these persons are witches , must the judge therefore condemn them ? 2. experience hath proved this to be a fallacious way of trying witches , therefore it ought not to be practised . thereby guilty persons may happen to be acquitted , and the innocent to be condemned . the devil may have power to cause supernatation on the water in a person that never made any compact with him . and many times known and convicted wizards have sunk under the water when thrown thereon . in the bohemian history mention is made of several witches , who being tried by cold water were as much subject to submersion as any other persons . delrio reports the like of another witch . and godelmannus speaks of six witches in whom this way of trial failed . malderus saith it has been known that the very same persons being often brought to this probation by water , did at one time swim and another time sink ; and this difference has sometimes hapned according to the different persons making the experiment upon them ; in which respect one might with greater reason conclude that the persons who used the experiment were witches , then that the persons tried were so . 3. this way of purgation is to be accounted of , like other provocations or appeals to the judgement of god , invented by men : such as camp-fight , explorations by hot water , &c. in former times it hath been customary ( and i suppose t is so still among the norwegians ) that the suspected party was to put his hand into s●alding water , and if he received no hurt thereby then was he reputed innocent ; but if otherwise , judged as guilty . also , the trial by fire ordeal has been used in our nation in times of darkness . thus emma the mother of king edward the confessor , was led barefoot and blindfold over certain hot irons , and not hapning to touch any of them , was judged innocent of the crime which some suspected her as guilty of . and kunegund wife to the emperour henry ii. being accused of adultery , to clear her self , did in a great and honourable assembly take up seven glowing irons one after on other with her bare hand , and had no harm thereby . these bloody kind of experiments are now generally banished out of the world. it is pity the ordeal by cold water is not exploded with the other . 4. this vulgar probation ( as it useth to be called ) was first taken up in times of superstition , being ( as before was hinted of other magical impostures ) propagated from pagans to papists , who would ( as may be gathered from bernards 66 serm. in cantica ) sometimes bring those that were under suspicion for heresie unto their purgation in this way . we know that our ancestors , the old pagan saxons had amongst them four sorts of ordeal ( i. e. trial or iudgement as the saxon word signifies ) whereby when sufficient proof was wanting , they sought ( according as the prince of darkness had instructed them ) to find out the truth concerning suspected persons , one of which ordeals was this , the persons surmised to be guilty , having cords tied under their arms , were thrown with it into some river , to see whether they would sink or swim . so that this probation was not originally confined to witches , but others supposed to be criminals were thus to be tried : but in some countries they thought meet thus to examine none but those who have been suspected for familiarity with the devil . that this custom was in its first rise superstitious is evident from the ceremonies of old used about it . for the proba is not canonical , except the person be cast into the water with his right hand tied to his left foot . also , by the principle , which some approvers of this experiment alledge to confirm their fansies ; their principle is , nihil quod per necromantian fit , potest in aqua fallere aspectum intuentium . hence william of malmsbury , lib. 2. p. 67. tells a fabulous story ( though he relates it not as such ) of a traveller in italy that was by a witch transformed into an asse , but retaining his humane understanding would do such feats of activity , as one that had no more wit than an asse could not do ; so that he was sold for a great price ; but breaking his halter he ran into the water , and thence was instantly unbewitched , and turned into a man again . this is as true as lucian's relation about his own being by witch-craft transformed into an asse ; and i suppose both are as true as that cold water will discover who are witches . it is to be lamented , that protestants should in these dayes of light , either practise or plead for so superstitious an invention , since papists themselves have of later times been ashamed of it . verstegan in his antiquities , lib. 3. p. 53. speaking of the trials by ordeal , and of this by cold water in particular , has these words ; these aforesaid kinds of ordeals , the saxons long after their christianity continued : but seeing they had their beginnings in paganism and were not thought fit to be continued amongst christians ; at the last by a decree of pope stephen ii. they were abolished . thus he . yea , this kind of trial by water , was put down in paris a. d. 1594. by the supream court there . some learned papists have ingenuously acknowledged that such probations are superstitious . it is confessed that they are so , by tyraeus , binsfeldius , delrio , and by malderus de magia , tract . 10. cap. 8. dub. 11. who saith , that they who shall practise this superstition , and pass a judgement of death upon any persons on this account , will ( without repentance ) be found guilty of murder before god. it was in my thoughts to have handled some other cases of the like nature with these insisted on : but upon further consideration , i suppose it less needful , the practices which have given occasion for them being so grosly superstitious , as that they are ashamed to show their heads openly . the chaldae●ns and other magicians amongst the heathen nations of old , practised a sort of divination by sieves ( which kind of magic is called coscinomantia ) the like superstition has been frequent in popish countries , where they have been wont to utter some words of scripture , and the names of certain saints over a sieve , that so they might by the motion thereof , know where something stollen or lost was to be found . some also have believed that if they should cast lead into the water , then saturn would discover to them the thing they enquired after . it is not saturn but satan that maketh the discovery , when any thing is in such a way revealed . and of this sort is the foolish sorcery of those women that put the white of an egg into a glass of water , that so they may be able to divine of what occupation their future husbands shall be . it were much better to remain ignorant than thus to consult with the devil . these kind of practices appear at first blush to be diabolical ; so that i shall not multiply words in evincing the evil of them . it is noted that the children of israel did secretly those things that are not right against the lord their god , 2 king. 17. 9. i am told that there are some who do secretly practise such abominations as these last mentioned , unto whom the lord in mercy give deep and unfeigned repentance and pardon for their grievous sin. chap. ix . a strange relation of a woman in weymouth in new-england , that has been dumb and deaf ever since she was three years old , who nevertheless has a competent knowledge in the mysteries of religion , and is admitted to the sacrament . some parallel instances of wayes to teach those that are naturally deaf and dumb to speak . another relation of a man in hull in new-england , under whose tongue a stone bred . concerning that petrification which humane bodies are subject unto . that plants and diverse sorts of animals have sometimes bred in the bodies of men. having dispatched the digression , which the things related in some of the preceding chapters did necessarily lead us into : i now proceed in commemorating some other remarkables , which it is pity but that posterity should have the knowledge of . i shall in this chapter only take notice of two particulars amongst our selves , with some parallel instances which have hapned in other parts of the world. i am informed that there is now at weymouth in new-england a man and his wife who are both of them deaf , and that the woman had been so from her infancy ; and yet that she understands as much concerning the state of the country , and of particular persons therein , and of observable occurrences , as almost any one of her sex ; and ( which is more wonderful ) though she is not able to speak a word , she has by sings made it appear that she is not ignorant of adam's fall , nor of man's misery by nature , nor of redemption by christ , and the great concernments of eternity , and of another world , and that she her self has had experience of a work of conversion in her own soul. i have made enquiry about this matter of some that are fully acquainted therewith , and have from a good hand received this following account . matthew prat aged about fifty five years , was in his minority by his godly parents educated religiously , and taught to read : when he was about twelve years old , he became totally deaf by sickness , and so hath ever since continued ; after the loss of his hearing he was taught to write : his reading and writing he retaineth perfectly , & makes much good improvement of both , but his speech is very broken , and imperfect , not easily intelligible ; he maketh use of it more seldom , only to some few that are wonted to it . he discourseth most by signs , and by writing . he is studious and judicious in matters of religion , hath been in church-fellowship , a partaker of all ordinances near thirty years , hath approved himself unto good satisfaction therein , in all wayes of church communion , both in publick and private ; and judged to be a well wrought convert and real christian. sarah prat his wife , being about forty three years old , was also quite deprived of hearing by sickness , when about the third year of her age , after she could speak , and had begun to learn letters , having quite lost hearing , she lost all speech ( doubtless all remembrance and understanding of words and language , ) her religious parents being both dead , her godly brother ephraim hunt ( yet surviving ) took a fatherly care of her , she also happily fell under the guardianship and tuition of the reverend mr. thomas thacher , who laboured with design to teach her to understand speech or language by writing , but it was never observed that any thing was really effected ; she hath a notable accuracy and quickness of understanding by the eye , she discourseth altogether by signs , they that are able to discourse with her in that way , will communicate any matter much more speedily ( and as full ) as can be by speech , and she to them . her children sign from the breast , and learn to speak by their eyes and fingers sooner than by their tongues . she was from her child-hood naturally sober , and susceptible of good civil education , but had no knowledge of a deity , or of any thing that doth concern another life and world . yet god hath of his infinite mercy , revealed himself , his son , and the great mysteries of salvation unto her by an extraordinary and more immoderate working of his spirit ( as t is believed ) in a saving work of conversion . an account of her experiences was taken from her in writing by her husband ; upon which she was examined by the elders of the church , they improving her husband and two of her sisters , intelligent persons , and notably skill'd in her artificial language ; by whose help they attained good satisfaction , that she understandeth all the principles of religion : those of the unity of the divine essence , trinity of persons , the personal union , the mystical union , they made most diligent enquiry about , and were satisfied that her knowledge and experience was distinct and ●ound , and they hoped saving . she was under great exercise of spirit , and most affectionately concerned for and about her soul , her spiritual and eternal estate . she imparted her self to her friends , and expressed her desire of help . she made use of the bible and other good books , and remarkt such places and passages as suited her condition , and that with tears ; she did once in her exercise , write with a pin upon a trencher three times over , ah poor s●ul ! and therewithal burst forth into tears , before divers of her friends . she hath been wont to enquire after the text , and when it hath been shewed to her to look and muse upon it . she knoweth most , if not all persons names that she hath acquaintance with . if scripture names , will readily turn and point to them in the bible . it may be conceived , that although she understands neither words , letters , nor language ; yet she understands things hieroglyphically . the letters and words are unto her but signs of the things , and as it were hieroglyphicks . she was very desirous of church-communion in all ordinances , and was admitted with general and good satisfaction , and hath approved her self to the best observation , a grave and gracious woman . they both attend publick worship with much reverence and constancy , and are very inoffensive ( and in divers respects ) exemplary in their conversation . thus far is that narrative , written iune 27. 1683. i suppose no one that rightly consider the circumstances of this relation will make a scruple about the lawfulness of admitting such persons to participate in the holy mysteries of christ's kingdom . all judicious casuists determine , that those who were either born , or by any accident made deaf and dumb , if their conversation be blameless , and they able by signs ( which are analogous to verbal expressions ) to declare their knowledge and faith ; may as freely be received to the lords supper , as any that shall orally make the like profession . of this judgement was luther . and melancthon ( in consil . part 1. page 268. ) gerhad loc. com. tom. 5. thes. 226. alting loc. gom. part 1. page 90. voetius disp. select . part 2. in appendice de surdis . balduinus in his cases of conscience ( lib. 2. c. 12. ) does confirm this by producing several instances of dump● persons admitted to the communion . it s certain that some such have been made to understand the mysteries of the gospel , so as to suffer martyrdome on that account . in the year 1620 , one that was deaf and dumb , being solicited by the papists to be present at masse , chose rather to suffer death . it is also a thing known , that men are able by signs to discourse , and to communicate their sentiments one to another . there are above thirty mutes kept in the ottoman court for the grand seignior to sport with : concerning whom mr. ricaut in his history of the present state of the ottoman empire ( p. 62. ) reports , that they are able by signs not only to signifie their sence in familiar questions , but to recount stories , and understand the fables of the turkish religion , the laws and precepts of the alcoran , the name of mahomet , and what else may be capable of being expressed by the tongue . this language of the mutes is so much in fashion in the ottoman court , that almost every one can deliver his sense in it . and that deaf persons have been sometimes able to write , and to understand what others say to them by the very motion of their lips is most certain . camerarius tells us of a young man and a maid then living at noremberg , who though deaf and dumb , could read and write , and cypher , and by the motion of a mans lips , knew his meaning . platerus speaketh of one deaf and dumb born , that yet could express his mind in a table-book , and understood what others wrote therein , and was wont to attend upon the ministry of o●colampadius , understanding many things by the motion of the lips of the preacher . mr. clark in his examples ( vol. 1. chap. 33. ) saith , that there was a woman in edinburg in scotland ( her name was ●●nnet lowes ) who being naturally deaf and dumb , could understand what people said meerly by the moving of their lips. it is famously known that mr. crisp of london , could do the like . borellus giveth an account of one that lost his hearing by a violent disease when he was five years old , yet if they did but whisper to him , he could by their lips perceive what they said . there is one now living ( or that not many years since was so ) in silesia in whom that disease of the small pox caused a total deafness ; who nevertheless , by exact observing the motion of mens lips , can understand what they say ; and if they do but whisper he perceives what they say better than if they vociferate never so loudly . he attends upon publick sermons , being able to give an account of what is delivered , provided he may but see the preacher speaking , though he cannot hear a word . it is consistent with reason that mutes should understand what others say by the motion of their lips , since it is evident that the lips are of great use in framing speech . hence iob calls his speech , the moving of his lips , chap. 16. ver. 5 , and we know that tongueless persons by the help of their lips and other organs of speech have been able to speak . ecclesiastical story informs us of several confessors of the truth , who after their tongues were cut out by bloody persecutors could still bear witness to the truth . honorichius ( that cruel king of the vandals ) caused the tongues of many to be violently pluckt out of their mouths ; who after that could speak as formerly : only two of them when they became guilty of the sin of uncleanness were able to speak no more ; this has been attested by three credible witnesses who knew the persons : see mr. baxter's church history , p. 130. there is lately published ( in latin ) a very strange relation of a child in france ( his name was peter durand ) who being visited with the small pox when he was about six years old , his tongue putrified , and was quite consumed . after which ( the uvula in his mouth being longer than it was before ) he could by the help of the other organs of speech discourse as plainly as if he had never lost his tongue . these things are marveilous . and yet i have lately met with a passage more strange than any of these related . there is ( or was in the year 1679. ) living near kerchem in germany , a man ( his name is iohn algair ) who suddenly lost the use of his speech : the case has been so with him , that fourteen years together , he can never speak but at one hour of the day , just as the sun cometh to the meridian he has the liberty of his speech for an hour and no more ; so that he knoweth exactly when it is twelve a clock , because then he can speak , and not a minute before that , nor a minute after one . this is related in the germanic ephemerides of miscellaneous curiosities , for the year 1679. observat. 188. it is evident that the sun has a marvelous influence as to some diseases , which the bodies of men are subject unto . for in egypt though the plague rage the day before , on that very day when the sun enters into leo , it ceaseth , when also the floods of nilus abate , as geographers inform us . moreover , it is possible by art to teach those that are by nature deaf and dumb to speak . the dectylogy of beda is pretty , whereby men speak as nimbly with the fingers as with the tongue ; taking five fingers of the one hand for vowels , and the several positions of the other for consonants . but that deaf persons may learn to speak , happy experience hath proved , and that by many instances . a castro has given an account of the method by him successfully observed in teaching a boy to speak that was born deaf . after the use of some purgative medicines , he caused the hair to be shaved off from his head , over the coronal ●uture ; and then frequently anointed the shaven place with a mixture of aqua vitae , salt peter , oyl of butter , almonds , &c. having done this , he began to speak to the deaf person ( not at his ear , but ) at his coronal ●uture ; and there after the use of unctions and emunctions the sound would pierce , when at his ears it could not enter , so did he by degrees teach him to speak ( vide ephem . german . anno 1670. observat. 35. ) but others have with good effect , followed another kind of method . there was a spanish noble man ( brother to the constable of castile ) who being born deaf and consequently dumb from his infancy , physitians had long in vain tried experiments for his relief . at last a certain priest undertook to teach him to speak . his attempt was at first laughed at , but within a while the gentleman was able ( notwithstanding his deafness still remained ) to converse and discourse with any friend . he was taught to speak by putting a cord about his neck , and straitning or losening the same , to advertise him when to open or shut his mouth , by the example of his teacher . nor was there any difference found between his speech and that of other men , only that he did not regulate his voice , speaking commonly too high ( vid. conferences of virtuosi p. 215. ) not long since fran. mercur. helmont , designing to teach a deaf man to speak , concluded it would be more easily practicable if the experiment were made with an eastern wide-mouthed language , which does remarkably expose to the eye the motions of the lips , tongue and throat . accordingly he tried with the hebrew tongue ; & in a short time his dumb schollar became an excellent hebrician . others have lately been as successful in their attempts to cause deaf persons to speak and understand the europaean languages . we need not go out of our own nation , for there we find living instances . in the philosophical transactions for the year 1670. numb . 61. an account is given concerning mr. daniel whaley of north-hampton in england ; who by an accident lost his hearing when he was about five years of age ; and so his speech , not at once , but by degrees in about half a years time . in the year 1661. the learned and ingenious dr. wallis of oxford , undertook to teach the deaf gentleman to speak and write . nor did the doctor fail in attaining his end . for in the space of one year , the dumb man had read over great part of the english bible , and had attained so much skill as to express himself intelligibly in ordinary affairs , to understand letters written to him , and to write answers to them . and when forreigners out of curiosity came to visit him , he was able to pronounce the most difficult words of their language ( even polish it self ) which any could propose unto him . nor was this the only person on whom the doctor shewed his skill , but he has since done the like for another ( a gentleman of a very good family ) who did from his birth want his hearing . likewise dr. holder in his late book about the natural production of letters , giveth rules for the teaching of the deaf and dumb to speak . i have the rather mentioned these things ; for that there are several others in this countrey who are deaf and dumb ; whenas if they had an ingenious instructor ; i am abundantly satisfied that they might be taught to speak , their deafness notwithstanding . nor is this more difficult than it is to learn those that are blind to write ; which though some may think it impossible and incredible , there is ( or at least three years ago there was ) a living instance to convince them . for in the weekly memorials for the ingenious , lately published at london ( in page 80. ) i find an observable passage which i shall here cause to be transc●ibed and inserted . from the journal des scavans , set forth march 25. 1680. an extract of a letter written from lyons , by m. spon . m. d. &c. concerning a remarkable particular . esther elizabeth van waldkirk , daughter of a merchant of shaffhausen , residing at geneva , aged at present nineteen years , having been blind from two moneths old , by a distemper falling on her eyes , nevertheless hath been put on to the study of learning by her father , so that she understands perfectly french , high-dutch and latin ; she speaks ordinarily latin with her father , french with her mother , and high-dutch with the people of that nation ; she hath almost the whole bible by heart ; is well skill'd in philosophy ; plays on the organs and violin ; and which is wonderful in this condition , she hath learned to write , by an invention of her fathers , after this manner : there was cut for her upon a board , all the letters of the alphabet , so deep as to feel the figures with her fingers , and to follow the traces with a pencil , till that she had accustomed her self to make the characters . afterwards they made for her a frame , which holds fast her paper when she will write , and which guids her hand to make straight lines ; she writes with a pencil rather than with ink , which might either foul her paper , or by failing , might cause her to leave words imperfect . 't is after this manner that she writes often in latin to her friends , as well as in the other two languages . but thus much may suffice to be spoken about mutes , and the possibility of their being taught intelligibly to express themselves , though their deafness should still remain . i now proceed unto things of another nature : and the next remarkable which we shall take notice of , is , concerning one now in hull in new-england ( viz. lieutenant collier ) who about sixteen years ago , being sensible of pain in his throat , made use of the common remedies in that case , but to little effect . at last the pain about those parts became very extream , especially when he drank any beer , nor was he able to swallow without much difficulty , so that he lived upon water and liquid substances . after he had been for some time in this misery , a stone appeared under his tongue , which though visible to the eye , continued there for some dayes before it was taken out ; and at last of it self fell into his mouth , ( and so into his hands ) leaving an hose behind it at the roof of his tongue . this stone i have by me , whilest i w●ite this , only some part of it is broken away ; that which remains , weighs twelve grains . the person concerned , affirms , that it was first of a yellowish colour , but now it is white , not being an inch in length , in shape somewhat resembling a mans tongue . but that which made the matter the more strange , was , that when he had occasion to void urin , he was in as much pain as if the stone had been in his bladder or kidney ; for when his urin passed from him , he was usually put into a sweat with pain and anguish ; the reason whereof i shall leave unto the more curious inquisitors into nature to determine . there are lapideous humors in the bodies of men , occasioned sometimes by colds , sometimes by ill diet which are apt to become stones . it is related by the late german curiesi , that in the year 1655. a person of quality in● dantzick was much afflicted with a painful tumor in his tongue , a skilful chirurgeon perceiving a stone there , cut it out , upon which the patient recovered , the stone being as big as a small olive . the like hapned to another in the year 1662. again in the year 1678. a gentlewoman in gr●nberg , having been for several years in the spring and in the fall aff●icted with a pain in her tongue , at last the pain became intollerable , untill a stone as big as a a filberd● nut came out of her tongue , upon which she had ease . in the philosophical transactions , for the year 1672. page 4062. an account is given of a man in england who had a stone breeding under his tongue , occasioned by his suffering much cold in a winter sea-voyage . not long after his landing , he found an hard lump in the place where the stone was generated . there were eight years between the time of the stones first breeding and its being taken away . upon a fresh cold-taking he suffered much pain , but when his cold was over his pain ceased . at last it caused a swelling about his throat , especially at the first draught of beer at meals . the last summer of his af●●iction , the stone caused him to be vertiginous ; and some dayes before its excision , such an abundance of rheume and spittle f●owed out of his his mouth , as would presently wet all the bed about him . the stone weiged but seven grains , being much of the shape of our ordinary horse-beans . this stone was by judicious observators judged to be one of those tumors called atheroma , and therefore the name they would have it called by , is lapis atheromatis . stones have been taken out of the jovnts of many gouty persons , some cold imposthume arising in their joynts before . senner●us , flat●rus , barth●linus , skenckius , and other learned men have observed that humane bodies are subject to p●trification in every part of them , and many notable instances to this purpose are mentioned in the philosophical transactions at london ; and by the curiesi in forreign countries . i presume it will not be unacceptable unto such as have not those books , for me to relate some examples out of them to our present purpose . there was then , a man who being troubled with a catarrh and obstruction of urin , when a vein was opened there came four stones out of it . again a person that was much afflicted with a distillation of rhume . and another that was continually imployed in preparing lime . small stones bred in their lungs , many of which ( as big as peas ) were coughed up . a stone as big as a gooses egg was found adhaering to the liver of the countess of nadasti . one that died by a violent pain in his head , there was found a stone therein between the dura and the pia mater . a woman that died by nephretick pains , the physitian found her left kidney to be filled with large stones , as for the right kidney the substance of it was converted into a perfect stone . in the same year there was an ox near padua , in italy , which could by no means be made fat ; but was observed to be strangely stupid , and to hold down his head after an unusual manner ; they that killed him , found that his brains were petrified , being as hard as marble . the like hapned to another ox in suecia . nor are humane bodies wholly free from the like petrification ; for anatomists of good credit , affirm that they have known several dissected by them , whose brains were in part petrified . nay the heart it self is not exempted from this misery . there were three stones found in the heart of the emperour maximilian ii. it is no less strange that bones should be generated in the lungs , heart , and other bowels . nothing in nature seems more mysterious than that which hapned to the brother of the illustrious caspar horwath , a baron in the kingdom of hungaria , who having been for some 〈◊〉 consumptive , after his death the 〈◊〉 opened him , and found in the midst of 〈◊〉 heart ( which was very much dried ) a bone like an almond , perfectly expressing the genuine effigies of the dead gentleman , representing his very beard , and all the feature● of his face so exactly , as that it was not possible for any artist to have drawn a pic●●●e more like the person , than nature had performed in this bone ( vide germ. ethem . ●n . 1671. o●serv . 40. p. 72. ) moreover , credible hi●tories report , that in africa , the bo●●●s of men ( and of other animals ) have been turned into perfect stones . nor is that much less prodigious which 〈◊〉 reports concerning a tailors wife ( her 〈◊〉 was c●lu●ba chatry ) who having 〈◊〉 with child , the usual time for deliver being come , was in great pain , and other 〈…〉 of birth appeared , yet she was never delivered , but lived twenty eight yea●s in much mis●ry , still retaining her burden . 〈…〉 death , the physitians foun● 〈…〉 child within her was turned into 〈…〉 med. lib. 4. part 2. c●p. 8. 〈…〉 hath 〈…〉 this . and within a 〈…〉 a thing as prodigious and aston●●●ng ( though without any lapidification ) as any of the fo●mer relations . for in the year 1652. the wife of iohn ●●get at t●louse in france , being with child and come to her f●ll time , was in travailing pains , but no child followed . for the space of twenty years she perceived the child to stir , with many t●oublesome symptoms accompanying ; but for the six last years of her life , she perceived it not to move ; falling sick she requested a chirurgeon to open her after she was dead ; that being done , a child was found in her body , neither putrifi●d nor yet petrified . all the inward parts of the child were discoloured with a blackishness , except the heart , which was red , and without any issuing blood . this infant weighed eight pound averdupoise . the mother died , iune 18. 1678. being about the sixty fourth year of her age. i should hardly give credit to a story so stupendous and incredible , were it not mentioned in the philosophical transactions ( no. 139. p. 979. as a thing most undoubtedly true . but to conclude the discourse we are upon , i shall only add here , that it is not so strange for stones to breed in all parts of the bodies of men , as for plants , and diverse sorts of animals to be formed therein : yet many authors have attested to this . and a late writer affirms that there was not long since a woman who having drunk stagnating water out of a pond where frogs used to keep , grew cachectical , and swelled so as that she was thought to be hydropical . one evening walking near the ponds where the frogs croked , she perceived frogs to croke in her belly . acquainting a physitian , he gave her a strong cathartick , whereupon she cast up two living frogs pretty large , green on their back and yellow under their bellies , and voided three dead by siege , with a great deal of greenish serum , after which she was well disposed . again in the year 1680. a man living near lyons in france , voided a worm seven ells long , scaly like a serpent , and hairy . see the weekly memorials for the ingenious , p. 67 , 82 , 100. chap. x. of remarkable tempests in new-england . a remark upon the hurricane , anno. 1635. a remarkable accident by a sudden freezing of rain in the year 1659. a strange whirl-wind in cambridge 1680. another in new-haven colony 1682. another at springfield . some parallel instances . of earthquakes in this countrey . land wonderfully removed . parallel stories . of remarkable floods this year , not only in new-england , but in other parts of the world. an account of a prodigious flood in france five years ago , with conjectures concerning the natural reason of it . other remarkables besides those already mentioned , have hapned in this countrey , many of which i cannot here insert , as not having received a full and clear account concerning them . nevertheless , such particulars as i have by good and credible hands been informed of , i shall further add . and let it be here recorded , that we have seen diverse tempests in new-england , which deserve to have a remark set upon them , in respect of some notable circumstances wherewith they have been attended . i have not heard of any storm more dismal than the great hurricane which was in august 1635. the fury whereof threw down ( either breaking them off by the bole or plucking them up by the roots ) thousands of great trees in the woods . of this some account is given by mr. 〈◊〉 , in the first chapter of our present collection . and i must confess , i have peculiar reason to commemorate that solemn providence , inasmuch as my father and mothe● , and four of my brethren were then in a vessel upon the coast of new-england , being at anchor amongst the rocks at the isles of sholes when the storm began ; but their cables broke , and the ship was driving directly upon a mighty rock , so that all their lives 〈◊〉 given up for lost , but then in an instant of time , god turned the wind about , which carried them from the rock of death before their eyes : this memorable providence is mentioned in my fathers life , both in that edition published in this countrey , page 21 , 22. and also in that published by mr. cl●rk in his last volumn of lives , page 131. wherefore i shall not here further enlarge upon it . in the year 1659. near the town of concord in new-england , there hapned that which is somewhat rare , and therefore to be reckoned amongst remarkable accidents . in the moneth of february , it having rained a great part of the day , at night it froze extreamly , so as that many limbs were broken off from many trees by the weight of the ice , caused by the sudden friezing of the rain upon the boughs . it was somewhat formidable to hear the crackings ma●e a good part of the night , by the falling of so much wood ( thousands of cords ) as was by that means occasioned . of later years several places in this countrey have been visited with strange and awful tempests . that was very remarkable which hapned in cambridge in new-england , iuly 8. 1680. the persons who were witnesses of that very amazing providence have declared what themselves observed about it . the history whereof i shall here insert , a worthy person having furnished me with the following narrative . samuel stone of cambridge in new-england does declare and testifie , that iuly 8. 1680. about two of clock in the afternoon , he being with his young son in the field , the wind then southerly , he observed a cloud in the north-west in opposition to the wind , which caused a singing noise in the air , and the wind increased , till the whirl-wind came , which began in the mead●● near where he was , though then it was not so violent as it proved afterwards , as it passed by him it sucked up and whirled about the hay that was within the compass of it : it passed from him towards his house over an hill , tearing down several trees as it went along ; and coming to his barn car●ied off a considerable part of the roof ( about twenty four foot one way , and thirty the other , fell near the dwelling-house where people were , yet could not its fall be heard by them ( yet it was so great that it was heard by some a mile off ) by reason of the great rushing noise of the wind. afterwards as it pressed towards matthew bridge's house , it tore down some trees and indian corn , and there rose up into the air for the space of a quarter of a mile ; afterwards it came down upon the earth in a more violent manner ; the effects whereof he saw not , but it may be known by the following relation . matthew bridge who was an eye-witness of what hapned , declares that he observed a thick cloud coming along his fathers field before his house , as to appearance very black ; in the inside of the cloud as it passed over him , there seemed to be a light pillar as he judged about eight or ten foot diameter , which seemed to him like a screw or solid body . it s motion was continually circular , which turned about the rest of the cloud . it passed along upon the ground , tearing all before it , bushes by the roots , yea the earth it self , removing old trees as they lay along on the earth , and stones of a great magnitude , some of which could not be found again : great trees were twisted and torn down , and carried a distance from the place where they were ; branches of trees , containing about a load of wood , were blown from their bodies ▪ and carried forty yards or more . the cloud it self was filled with stones , bushes , boughs , and other things that it had taken up from the earth , so that the top and sides of the cloud seemed like a green wood. after it went from him , it went a mile and half before it scattered , bearing down the trees before it above a mile in breadth ; passing through a thick swamp of spruse , pine , and other young trees ( which was about half a mile through ) it laid all flat to the ground , yet the trees being young , are since risen up : it was observable as it passed through a new planted orchard , it not only pulled up some of the young trees by the roots , but broke off some of them in the bodies , about two or three foot high ▪ as if they had been shot off not hurting the stocks . moreover , there was such a great noise made by the storm , that other considerable noises at the same time , as falling of very great trees very near one , 〈◊〉 not be heard . the above said 〈…〉 , and a boy with him endeavoured to run to 〈…〉 , but were prevented by the sto●m , so that they were necessitated to ly 〈◊〉 upon the ground behind some bushes , and this thick cloud and pillar passed so near them as almost to touch their feet , and with its force bent the bushes down over them , and yet their lives were preserved . iohn robbins a servant man was suddenly slain by this storm , his body being much bruised , and many bones broken by the violence thereof . thus concerning that . the last year was attended with sundry remarkable tempests in several parts of this countrey . one of which hapned in new-haven colony , iune 10. 1682. concerning which i have received from a good hand the following account . this storm began about 2 h. p. m. and continued two hours . it reached stratford , milford , ●airfield , new-haven , and it was very violent in every one of these places , especially milford , where three barns were blown down by it , and one house new built , that was forty foot in length , well inclosed , was moved from the foundation at one corner , near two foot and an half ; but the greatest strength of the storm was about six miles above stratford , as is evident by the great havock , that is there made , for the compass of half a mile in breadth , scarce a tree left standing , which is not shaken by the storm ; the strongest oaks are torn up by the roots , some two foot , some three foot and more over ; young saplins that were not so big as a mans middle , were broken off in the midst : this storm came out of the west , and the wind did before the end somewhat vere towards the north ; it was attended with a violent rain : the very noise of the wind in the woods , was such , as that those that were in it could not hear the fall of a tree a few rods from them . great limbs of trees were carried like feathers in the air an incredible distance from the trees they were broken from : many that were at work in the woods were in great danger , and had no way to preserve themselves but by running into open plains , where there were no trees . the strength of the storm passed along east and by south , over stratford river , and between milford and new-haven , and there it passed away into the sound towards long-island : many thousands of trees were blown down both above and below the place before specified , but in the compass of that half mile , the greatest strength of the storm was ; for here almost there was an universal destruction of all the trees , leaving the place upon hills so naked that very few trees are found standing . thus of that tempest . also , on iune 26. 1682. there were the most amazing lightnings that have been known in new-england , a great part of the night being thereby made as light as the day . in some places grievous hail fell with the lightning , breaking the windows of some houses . but at springfield it was most dreadful , where great pieces of ice , som● seven , some nine inches about , fell down from the clouds with such violence that the shingles upon some houses were broken thereby , and holes beat into the ground , that a man might put his hand in . several acres of corn ( both wheat and indian ) were beat down and destroyed by the hail . yet this hail-storm ( though terrible ) was not comparable to that which hapned three years ago in another part of the world , viz. at the town of bl●is in france , where the people were by the amazing fury of a prodigious tempest affrighted out of their sleep , and forced to rise out of their beds that they might save their lives . several houses , and two ( churches ) meeting-houses , were beat down to the ground . this tempest was likewise accompanied with a most prodigious hail , many thousand stones being found as big as a mans ●ist . this unusual artillery of heaven , broke all the slates wherewith the hou●es were covered , and the glass-windows , all over the town , as if they had been beaten in a morter . without the town eight whole parishes with the fields adjacent were wholly ruined by that hail , in such a terrible manner , that it seemed as if no corn had been sown , or vines planted there . four other parishes were much endamaged , multitudes of chimneys beaten down , so that the damage thereby , with the breaking of the windows and tyles , were valued to be above two hundred thousand crowns ; and the harm in the vineyards , and corn-fields invaluable . the divine providence was very much seen , in that man , woman nor child were killed in this fearful desolation . the reader may see a more full relation of this prodigious hail-storm in mr. burton's surprising miracles of nature , page 180 , 181. as for those sudden gusts wherewith part of cambridge , and several towns near new-haven in n●●-e●gland were alarm'd , the like hapned at a 〈◊〉 in england , fourteen years ago ; the 〈◊〉 whereof may be seen in the 〈◊〉 transactions numb . 17. page 2156. 〈◊〉 i shall here insert . it is that which 〈◊〉 , octob. 30. 1669. betwixt five and ●ix of the clock in the evening , the wind 〈◊〉 , at ashley in north-hamptonshire , hapned a formidable hurricane , scarce bearing sixty yards in its breadth , and spending it self 〈◊〉 about seven minutes of time . its first disc●●n'd assault was upon a milk-maid , taking her pail and hat from off her head ; and carrying it many scores of yards from her , where it lay undiscovered some dayes . next , it storm'd the yard of one sprigge , dwelling in westthorp ( a name of one part of the town ) where it blew a wagon-body off of the axel-trees , breaking the wheels and axel-trees in pieces , and blowing three of the wheels so shattered over a wall. the wagon stood somewhat cross to the passage of the wind. another wagon of mr. sali●b●ries marched with great speed upon its wheels against the side of his house to the astonishment of the inhabitants . a branch of an as●-tree of that bigness that two lusty men could scarce lift it , blew over mr. salisburies house without hurting it ; and yet this branch was torn from a tree , an hundred yards distant from that house . a slate was found upon a window of the house of samuel templer esqr. which very much bent an iron bar in it ; and yet t is certain ▪ that the nearest place , the slate was at first forced from , was near two hundred yards . not to take notice of its stripping of several houses ; one thing is remarkable , which is , that at mr. maidwells senior , it forced open a door , breaking the latch , and thence marching through the entry , and forcing open the dairy door , it overturned the milk-vessels , and blew out three panes or lights in the window ; next it mounted the chambers , and blew out nine lights more : from thence it proceeded to the parsonage , whose roof it more than decimated ; thence crosseth the narrow street , and forcibly drives a man headlong into the doors of tho. brigges ▪ then it passed with a cursory salute at thomas marstones , down to mr. george wignils , at least a furlongs distance from marstons , and two furlongs from sprigges , where it plaid notorious exploits , blowing a large hovel of peas from its supporters , and settling it cleaverly upon the ground , without any considerable damage to the thatch . here it blew a gate post , fixed two foot and an half in the ground , out of the earth , and carried it into the fields , many yards from its first abode . thus much concerning remarkable tempests . earthquakes deserve to be mentioned amongst remarkable providences , since aristotle himself could say , that the man is stupid and unreasonable who is not affected with them . this part of the world hath not been altogether free from such tremendous accidents , albeit , through the gracious providence of god ) there never was yet any harm done amongst us thereby , so far as i have heard . the year 1638. was attended with a considerable earth-quake . there are who affirm that they heard a strange kind of noise before the earth began to tremble . another earth-quake was observed in some parts of new-england , anno domini 1658. also in in the year 1662. on the 26 , 27 , and 28 of ianuary , the earth was shaken at least six times in the space of three dayes . i remember that upon the first approach of the earth-quake , the things on the shelves in the house began to move . many people ran out of their houses with fear and amazement : but no house fell , nor was any damage sustained . there was another earth-quake● april 3. 1668. we in boston were sensible of it , but some other parts of the countrey were more terribly shaken . the indians say that the earth-quake this year , did stop the course of a considerable river . it is also reported , that amongst the french in nova-scotia , there hapned an earth-quake which rent an huge rock asunder to the center , wherein was a vast hollow of an immeasurable depth . concerning earth-quakes which have lately hapned in remoter parts of the world ▪ i shall not here insert any thing , having mentioned them in my discourse of comets , printed the last year . only therein i have not taken notice of that memorable earth-quake ▪ may 12. 1682. having received information concerning it more lately . such readers as are inquisitive into things of this nature ▪ may see that earth-quake described and discoursed on , in the weekly memorials for the ingenious ▪ page 125 , &c. remarkable was that which hapned a. d. 1670. at a place called kenebunck , in the province of main in new-england , where not far from the river side a piece of clay ground , was thrown up over the top of high oakes that grew between it and the river , into the river , stopping the course thereof , and leaving an hole forty yards square , wherein were thousands of clay bullets , like musket bullets . it is also remarkable , that the like to this hapned at casco ( twenty miles to the eastward of the other place ) much about the same time : whether the removal of this ground did proceed from an earth-quake , or by the eruption of mineral vapors , or from some other cause , may be disputed . they that would give a probable conjecture concerning the natural cause , must first know whether a great drought , or much rain , or both successively , did not proceed , of which i am not informed . the like memorable accidents have hapned in several places in england , both in the former , and in this present age ; which it may be t will be pleasing and edifying to some readers for me here to commemorate . to proceed . the like to what hath been related , fell out 1571. in hereford-shire ; marcley hill , in the east part of the shire ; with a roaring noise , removed it self from the place where it stood , and for three dayes together travelled from its old seat . it began first to take its journey , february 17. being saturday , at six of the clock at night , and by seven of the clock next morning , it had gone forty paces , carrying with it sheep in their cotes , hedg rows , and trees , whereof some were overturned ▪ and some that stood upon the plain are firmly growing upon the hill , those that were east were turned west , and those in the west were set in the east . in this remove it overthrew kinnaston chappel , and turned two high-wayes near an hundred yards from their old paths . the ground that thus removed was about twenty six acres , which opening it self with rocks and all , bore the earth before it for four hundred yards space , without any stay , leaving pasturage in place of the tillage , and the tillage overspread the pasturage . lastly overwhelming its lower parts , it mounted to an hill of twelve fathom high , and there rested , after three dayes travel . again on the third of ianuary , a. d. 1582. at hermitage in dorset-shire , a place of ground of three acres , removed from its old place ( as is testified by stow in his summary ) and was carried over another closure where alders and willows grew , the space of forty rod or perches , and stopped the high-way that led to corne , and the hedges that it was inclosed with , inclose it still , and the trees stand bolt upright , and the place where this ground was before , is left like a great pit. also on the fourth of august 1585. at motingham in kent , after a very violent tempest of thunder and rain , the ground suddenly began to sink , and three great elms growing upon it , were carried so deep into the earth , that no part of them could any more be seen . the hole left is in compass eighty yards , and a line of fifty fathom plummed into it finds no bottom . also december 18. 1596. a mile and half from westram southward ( which is not many miles from moti●gam ) two closes lying together , separated , with an hedge of hollow ashes ; there was found a part thereof twelve pearches long , to be sunk six foot and and an half deep ; the next morning fifteen foot more ; the third morning eighty foot more at the least , and so daily that great trench of ground containing in length about eighty pearches , and in breadth twenty eight , began with the trees and hedges on it , to lose it self from the rest of the ground lying round about it , and withal to move and shoot forward day and night for eleven dayes . the ground of two water-pits , the one six foot deep of water , the other twelve at the least , and about four pearches over in breadth , having sundry tuffs of alders and ashes growing in the bottoms , with a great rock of stone under them , were not only removed out of their places , and carried towards the south , at least four pearches a pieces , but withal mounted aloft , and become hills , with their sedge , flags , and black mud upon the tops of them , higher than the face of the water which they had forsaken ) by three foot , and in the place from which they are removed ; other ground which lay higher is descended , receiving the water which lies upon it . moreover , in one peace of the plain field , there is a great hole made by linking of the earth to the depth of thirty foot at the least , being in breadth in some places two pearches over , and in length five or six pearches . also there an hedge thirty pearches long , carried southwad with his trees , seven pearches at the least ; and sundry other sinkings there be in divers places , one of sixty foot , another of forty seven , and another of thirty four foot , by means of which confusion is is come to pass , that where the highest hills were , there be the deepest dales , and the lowest dales are become the highest ground . the whole measure of breaking , was at the least nine acres . one instance more i find to the like purpose in mr. childrey his britannia baconica , pag. 131 where speaking of the natural rarities of cheshire , he thus writeth , iuly 1. 1657. about 3. h. in the parish of bukley , was heard a very great noise like thunder afar off , which was much wondered at , because the sky was clear , and no appearance of a cloud . shortly after a neighbour comes to me ( saith the author of this relation ) and told me i should see a very strange thing , if i would go with him , so coming into a field , called the lay-field , we found a very great bank of earth which had many tall oaks growing on it , quite sunk under the ground , trees and all . at first we durst not go near it , because the earth for near twenty yards round about is exceeding much rent , and seems ready to fall in ; but since that time my self and some others by ropes have ventured to see the bottom , i mean to go to the brink , so as to discern the visible bottom , which is water , and conceived to be about thirty yards from us , under which is sunk all the earth about it for sixteen yards round at least ; three tall oaks , a very tall awber , and certain other small trees , and not a sprigg of them to be seen above water : four or five oaks more are expected to fall every moment and a great quantity of land is like to fall , indeed never ceasing more or less , and when any considerable clod falls , it s much like the report of a canon . we can discern the ground hollow above the water a very great depth , but how far hollow , or how far deep is not to be found out by man. some of the water was drawn out of this pit with a bucket , and they found it to be as salt as sea-water ; whence some imagine that there are certain large passages there , into which the sea flows under ground , but i rather think , that this salt-water is no more but that which issues from those salt springs about nantwich , and other places in this shire . but of this no more at present . some remarkable land-floods , have likewise hapned in new , england . nor is that which came to pass this present year to be here wholly passed over in silence . in the spring time the great river at connecticot useth to overflow , but this year it did so after midsummer ▪ and that twice : for iuly 20. 1683. a considerable flood unexpectedly arose , which proved detrimental to many in that colony . but on august 13. a second and a more dreadful flood came . the waters were then observed to rise twenty six foot above their usual boundaries . the grass in the meadows , also the english grain was carried away before it . the indian corn by the long continuance of the waters is spoiled : so that the four river towns viz. windsor , hartford , weathersfield , middle-town , are extream sufferers . they write from thence , that some who had hundreds of bushels of corn in the morning , at night had not one peck left for their families to live upon . there is an awful intimation of divine displeasure remarkable in this matter ; inasmuch as august 8. a day of publick humiliation with fasting and prayer , was attended in that colony , partly on the account of gods hand against them in the former flood ; the next week after which , the hand of god was stretched out over them again , in the same way , after a more terrible manner then at first . it is also remarkable that so many places should suffer by inundations as this year it hath been . for at the very same time when the flood hapned at connecticot , there was an hurricane in virginia attended with a great exundation of the rivers there , so as that their tobacco and their indian corn is very much damnified . moreover , we have received information this summer , that the mighty river danow ( the biggest in europe ) hath overflowed its banks , by means whereof many have lost their lives . also near aix in france , there lately hapned an unusual flood , whereby much harm was done ; and had the waters continued rising but one hour longer , the city had probably been destroyed thereby . there was likewise a sudden and extraordinary flood in iamaico , which drowned many ( both men and beast ) and was very detrimental to some plantations there . they that came lately from thence , assure us that the waters in some places arose an hundred and fifty foot . such mighty streams did the heavens suddenly power down upon them . thus doth the great god who sits king upon the floods for ever , make the world see how many wayes he hath to punish them , when it shall seem good unto him . many such things are with him . there are who think that the last comet , and those more rare conjunctions of the superiour planets , hapning this year , have had a natural influence into the mentioned inundations . concerning the flood at connecticot , as for the more immediate natural cause , some impute it to the great rain which preceded . others did imagine that some more than usual cataracts did fall amongst the mountains , there having been more rain then what now fell , sometimes when no such flood has followed . it is not impossible , but that the wind might be a secondary cause of this calamity ; judicious observators write concerning the river dee in cheshire in england , that though much rain do fall , it riseth but little , but if the south wind beat vehemently upon it , then it swells and overflows the grounds adjoyning extreamly ; the reason of which is , that the river being broad towards the sea , when the rain falls it hath a quick and easie passage , but the south wind brings the sea in , and doth somewhat stop the free passage of the river into the sea. whether there might not be some such natural reason of the great flood in connecticot at this time ; the ingenious upon the place , who know best how things are there circumstanced may consider . with us in boston it was then at first an euroclydon ; but in the afternoon the wind became southerly , when it blew with the greatest fierceness . if it were so at connecticot , it seems very probable that the fury of the wind gave a check to the free passage of the river , which caused the sudden overflowing of the waters . it has moreover been by some observed , that the breaking forth of subterraneous waters has caused very prodigious floods . since the dayes of noah , when the fountains of the great deep were opened , no history mentions a more surprizing and amazing inundation than that which hapned five years ago at gascoyn in france ) proceeding ( as t is probably judged ) from the irruption of waters out of the earth . concerning which remarkable accident , a judicious account is given in the late philosophical collections , published by mr. robert hook , page 9. there being but one of these books in the countrey ; the ingenious will not blame me , if i here insert what is there related , which is as followeth ; in the beginning of the moneth of iuly , 1678. after some gentle rainy dayes which had not swelled the waters of the garonne more than usual ; one night this river swelled all at once so mightily , that all the bridges and mills above tolouse were carried away by it . in the plains which were below this town , the inhabitants who had built in places , which by long experience they had found safe enough from any former inundation , were by this surprized , some were drowned together with their cattle ; others had not saved themselves but by climbing of trees , and getting to the tops of houses ; and some others which were looking after their cattle in the field , warned by the noise which this horrible and furious torrent of water ( rowling towards them with a swiftness like that of the sea ( in britain he means ) made at a distance , could not scape without being overtaken , though they fled with much precipitation : this nevertheless did not last many hours with this violence . at the same time exactly , the two rivers only of adour and gave , which fall from the pyraenean hills , as well as the geronne , and some other small rivers of gascoyn , which have their source in the plain , as the gimone , the save and the ratt , overflowed after the same manner , and caused the same devastations . but this accident hapned not at all to the aude , the ariege , or the arise ▪ which come from the mountains of toix , only that they had more of the same then those of the conseraut , the comminge , the bigorre . those who have heard talk of those inundations at a distance , were not at all astonished at it , believing it to proceed from the violent rains of some tempests which had suddenly filled these rivers , or that they had caused a sudden thaw of the snow of the pyraeneans , which had swelled the rivers that were near . monsieur martel of montabaun , advocate of the parliament , and inquisitive and learned man hath searched after this cause of this deluge ( by the order of monsieur foucault intendant de iustice en la generalite de montaban , one not less seeing and understanding in ingenious sciences , than expert and exact in the performance of his charge and imployment ) understanding that this overflowing could not be produced by either of the forementioned causes , and being assured that it must have had one more extraordinary than all these . and first he grounded his thoughts upon the report of the people of the place who were witnesses of this prodigy . and above all of those who being in the highest valleys of the pyraeneans at the very source , had either seen or known all circumstances , for they all agreed , that it had rained indeed but that the rain was neither so great , nor lasted so long as to swell the rivers to that excess , or to melt the snow off the mountains . but the nature of these waters , and the manner of their flowing from the mountains , confirmed him perfectly in his sentiments . for , 1. the inhabitants of the lower pyraeneans observed , that the waters overflowed with violence from the entrails of the mountains , about which there were opened several channels , which forming so many furious torrents tore up the trees , the earth and great rocks in such narrow places where they found not a passage large enough . the water which also spouted from all the sides of the mountain in innumerable jets , which lasted all the time of the greatest overflowing , had the tast of minerals . 2. in some of these passages the waters were stinking ( as when one stirs the mud at the bottom of mineral water ) in such sort that the cattle refused to drink of it , which was more particularly taken notice at lombez , in the overflowing of the save , ( which is one of the rivers ) where the horses were eight hours thirsty before they would endure to drink it . 3. the bishop of lombez having a desire to cleanse his gardens , which the save passing through by many channels by this overflowing , had filled with much sand and mud ; those which entred them felt an itching like to that which one feels when one bathes in salt-water , or washes one self with some strong lixivial : these waters have caused the same kind of itching risings in the skin . this last observation is not less strong then both the others to prove ▪ that this over-flowing was not either caused by the rains , or by the meltings of the snow , because this itching could not be produced by either of the said waters , which are not at all of this nature , but by some mineral juice , either v●riolic or aluminous , which the waters had dissolved in the bowels of the mountains , and had carried along with it in passing through those numerous crannies . and t is for this reason that monsieur martel believes he had found out the true cause of this overflowing to be nothing else but the subterraneous waters ; for if the heavens have not supplied his prodigious quantity of waters , neither by the rain , nor the melting of the snow : it cannot come else where then from the bowels of the earth , from whence passing through divers channels , it had contracted and carried along with it that stinking and pungent quality . but this much concerning late remarkable floods . chap. xi . concerning remarkable judgements . quakers judicially plagued with spiritual iudgments . of several sad instances in long-island . and in plimouth colony . that some of the quakers are really possessed with infernal spirits . proved by a late wonderful example of one at balsham near cambridge in england . of several who imprecated vengeance upon themselves . the woful end of drunkards . and of those that have designed evil against the churches of christ in new-england . those memorable iudgements which the hand of heaven has executed upon notorious sinners , are to be reckoned amongs remarkable providences . lubricus his locus & difficilis . he undertakes a difficult province that shall relate all that might be spoken on such a subject , both in that it cannot but be gravaminous to surviving relations , when such things are published , also in that men are apt to misapply the unsearchable judgements of god , which are a great deep , as iob's friends did ; and wicked papists have done the like , with respect to the untimely death of famous zuinglius . we may not judge of men meerly by outward accidents which befal them in this world , since all things happen alike unto all , and no man knoweth either love or hatred by all that is before them . we have seen amongst our selves , that the lords faithful servants have sometimes been the subjects of very dismal dispensations . there hapned a most awful providence at farmington in connecticot colony , dec. 14. 1666. when the house of serjeant iohn hart taking fire in the night , no man knows how , ( only it is conjectured that it might be occasioned by an oven ) he and his wife , and six children were all burned to death before the neighbours knew any thing of it , so that his whole family had been extinguished by the fatal flames of that unhappy night , had not one of his children been providentially from home at that time . this hart was esteemed a choice christian , and his wife also a good woman . such things sometimes fall upon those that are dear unto god , to intimate , if this be done to the green tree , what shall be done to the dry , that is fit for nothing but the fire . nevertheless , a judgement may be so circumstanced , as that the displeasure of heaven is plainly written upon it , in legible characters . on which account it is said , that the wrath of god is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men , rom. 1. 18. sundry learned men have published whole volumns profitable to be read , on this subject , e. g. goulartius his historical collections . honsdorsius in his historical theater ; which is inlarged by lonicerus . chassalion his memorable histories of the judgements of god. and amongst our english writers , d. beard in his theater of gods judgements , with dr. taylor 's additions ; and mr. clark in his two volumns of examples , have said enough to convince atheists that there is a god , and that there is a judgement . yea , the divine providence in remarkable punishments inflicted upon very wicked men has been so conspicuous and glorious , as that the gentiles of old could not but take notice of it . the poet could say , raro antecedentem scelestum deseruit pede paena claudo . and whereas epicures did object that evil men sometimes escape punishment a long time ; plutarch ( whose works beza esteemed to be amongst the most excellent of humane writings ) has a notable treatise , the design whereof is to vindicate divine justice in this matter . many remarkable example to our present purpose , have hapned in new-england , and more than i shall at present take notice of . all wise men that are acquainted therewith , observe the blasting rebukes of providence upon the late singing and dancing quakers , in signal instances , two or three of which may be here recorded , that so others may hear and fear and do no more so wickedly . the first instance , shall be that which concerns the unhappy man that was murdered in long-island , of which a good hand in those parts , in a letter bearing date , decemb. 12. 1681. writes as follows . there went down about a moneth since three mad quakers , called thomas case's crew , one man named denham , belonging to newer-snicks , and two women with him belonging to oyster-bay ; these went down to south-hold , where they meet with samuel banks of fairfield , the most blasphemous villain , that ever was known in these parts . these joyning together with some other inhabitants of south-hold , of the same spirit ; there went into their company a young merchant , named thomas harris , who was somewhat inclining to the quakers before ; ( he belonged to boston ) they all got about him , and fell a dancing and singing , according to their diabolical manner . after some time , the said harris began to act like them , and to dance , and sing , and to speak of extraordinary raptures of joy ; and to cry out upon all others as devils , that were not of their religion ; which also they do frequently : when the said harris manifested these signs of conversion , as they accounted it ; they solemnly accepted of him as one of their company ; and banks or denham ( for i have forgotten which of the two ) gave him this promise , that hence forward his tongue should be as the pen of a ready writer , to declare the praises of their lord. after this , the young man who was sober and composed before , ran up and down , singing ioy , and calling such devils as should say any thing in way of opposition : and said his father was a devil that begat him . quickly after he went from the town of south-hold , to a farm belonging to that town , to the house of a quaker of the same spirit , and went to bed before the rest of the family , and when a young man of the same house went to go to bed to him , he told him that he must get up , and go to south-hold that night , where he had left banks and the rest ; the young man endeavoured to perswade him to lie still till day , but he would not , but gat up , and went away ; after some time he was missed , and enquiry made for him , but he could not be heard of , only his hat , and gloves , and neck-cloth was found in the road from the farm to the town . and two dayes after , banks looking into a bible , suddenly shut it again , crying out , his friend harris was dead ; the next day he was found by the sea side , about a quarter of a mile from the place , where his hat and other things were found , but out of the road , with three holes like stabs in his throat , and no tongue in his head , nor the least sign thereof , but all was clear to his neck-bone within , his mouth close shut , one of his eyes hanging down upon his cheek out of his head , the other sunk so deep in his head that at first it seemed quite out , but was whole there . and mr. ioshua hobart , who was one of them to view his dead body , told me that there was no sign of any tongue left in his mouth , such was the end of that tongue which had the promise of being as the pen of a ready writer . further the night after he was buried , captain young ( who is high sheriff and chiefly concerned in looking after the business ) as he told me himself , being in bed , in the dead of the night , was awakened by the voice of this harris , calling to his window very loud , requiring him to see that justice was done him ; this voice came three times in that night ; the next night when he was asleep , it came into his house , close to his bed-side , and called very loud , asking him if he heard him , and awaked him . thus concerning that tragical story . an intelligent and credible person living upon that island , in a letter , dated september 4. 1683. adds as follows ; there was about four years since , by some of the same crew , another attempt made amongst us , which was also attended with the like providence , though not so fatal an issue ; there was a young woman , a daughter of a quaker among us , who was howled into their society , as harris was , and quickly fell to railing on others , and then to raving , being in a dreadful condition , so that several persons of their gang watched with her , and she was made wonderful strong to out-strive them , and to break away from them . one of their own party newly in favour with them , told me that he was by in the night when they watched with her , and in the very darkness of the night , they heard a very doleful noise , like the crying of a young child in the yard or field near the house , which filled the auditors with some fearful apprehensions , which when the young woman heard , she violently brake from her attendance , saying , the lord calls me , and i must go , so in the dark she got from them , to the cry-ward as they supposed , and it was a good space of time before they could find her , and then she was as one affrighted , and bereaved of understanding , and continued so a space of time , sometimes ridiculous to behold , sometimes very awful , till such times as justice wood of huntington , by the use of means recovered her , which her quaking friends notwithstanding their brags could not do ; so that i heard her husband say , that he was convinced that the devil was among them . this providence was at that time fearful among us , yet since , both that woman and her husband are railing quakers , and do hum and revile as the rest of them , though several forsook their society upon this account . thus hee : that which was perpetrated by this woful generation of quakers , no longer since than this last summer in plimouth colony , is horrid to be related . yet inasmuch as the publication of it , will make appear unto all mankind , that quakers are under the strong delusions of satan ; i think my self bound to acquaint the world , that not many moneths ago , a man passing under the name of ionathan dunen ( alias singleterry ) a singing quaker , drew away the wife of one of marshfield to follow him ; also one mary ross falling into their company , was quickly possessed with the devil , playing such frentick and diabolical tricks , as the like hath seldom been known or heard of . for she made her self naked , burning all her clothes ; and with infinite blasphemy said that she was christ , and gave names to her apostles , calling dunen by the name of peter , another by the name of thomas , declaring that she would be dead for three dayes , and then rise again ; and accordingly seemed to die ; and while she was pretendedly dead , her apostle dunen gave out , that they should see glorious things after her resurrection . but that which she then did , was , she commanded dunen to sacrifice a dog. the man and the two women quakers danced naked together , having nothing but their shirts on . the constable brought them before the magistrates in plimouth , where ross uttered such prodigious blasphemy as is not fit to be mentioned , dunen fell down like a dead man upon the floor , and so lay for about an hour , and then came to himself . the magistrates demanding the reason of his strange actings , his answer was , that marry ross bid him , and he had no power to resist . thus when men will not receive the truth in the love of it , the righteous judgement of god sends upon them the efficacy of error , that they shall believe a lie . that the quakers are some of them undoubtedly possessed with evil and infernal spirits , and acted in a more than ordinary manner by the inmates of hell , is evident , not only from the related instances , but by other awful examples which might be mentioned . they are indeed to be pitied , in that they themselves know not that an evil spirit doth possess and act them . yet others should from that consideration dread to come among such creatures , lest haply the righteous god suffer satan to take possession of them also . memorable and marvelous is that relation published the last year , by dr. henry more , in his addition to mr. glanvils collections , page 58. &c. wherein a true and faithful account is given of a man whose name is robert churchman , living at balsham in cambridge-shire , who was for some time inveigled in quakerisme , and then an infernal spirit spake in him , pretending to be an angel of light. inasmuch as there is ( so far as i have heard ) but one of those books in this countrey ; i suppose it will be a service for the truth , and may ( if the lord please to add his blessing ) tend to reclaim some from the error of their way , and to deterr those from quakerisme who have through the temptations of satan any inclinations thereunto , if that notable history should be more divulged ; i shall therefore here insert it . and thus it was , dr. templar ( the minister in balsham ) perceiving that robert churchman was in danger of being poysoned and seduced by the papers which the quakers had been dispersing in that place , desired him , that when any of their books came to his hands , he might have the perusal of them . which being granted , he suggested that it would be very convenient that the person who had given him that book should be present when they considered it together . this also was consented to . when the quaker came , a special subject of the discourse was , whether the scripture is to be owned as a rule : this the quaker denied , asserting that the rule was within them . hereupon dr. templar desired churchman to take notice , that the quakers did not own the scriptures to be their rule , which before this conference he would not believe concerning them . the next time he met with his brother thomas churchman , he acquainted him with the conference which had been in dr. templars house , and said for his part he would not be of that religion which did disown the scripture to be the rule . not long after , the wife of the forementioned quaker coming to his house to visit his wife , he met her at the door , and told her she should not come in , intimating that her visit would make division betwixt them . after some parley the quakers wife spake unto him in these words , thou wilt not believe unless thou see a sign , and thou mayest see some such . within a few nights after , robert churchman had a violent storm upon the room where he lay , when it was very calm in all other parts of the town , and a voice within him , as he was in bed , spake to him , and bid him sing praises , sing praises ; telling him , that he should see the glory of the new ierusalem ; about which time 〈◊〉 glimmering light appeared all about the room . toward the morning the voice commanded him to go out of his bed naked , with his wife and children . they all standing upon the floor , the spirit making use of his tongue , bid them to lie down and put their mouthes in the dust ▪ which they did accordingly . it likewise commanded them to go and call his brother and sister , that they might see the new-ierusalem , to whom he went naked about half a mile . when he had delivered his message , that which spake within him to denounce wrath against them , and declare that fire and brimstone would fall upon them , as it did upon sodom and gomorrah , if they did not obey ; and so he returned to his own house . where upon the floor of a low room , he stood-about three or four hours . all that while he was acted in a very unusual manner , sometimes the spirit within forced him to sing , sometimes to bark like a dog. when his brother and sister who followed him were very importunate with him to resist it , it bid him to kill them , making use of these words , these my enemies which would not that i should reign over them , bring them and slay them before my face . it made him to utter with great readiness ; many places of scripture , which he had no knowledge of before . the drift of what was spoken , was to perswade him to comply with the quakers , and it named some which lived in the neighbouring towns. about three or four hours being thus spent , he came to himself , and was able to give a perfect account of what had be fallen him . several nights after , the same trouble returned upon him . his wife was tortured with extraordinary pains ; the children which lay in the room , complained that their mouthes were stopped with wool as they were in bed. the disturbance was so great , that he had thoughts of leaving his house for a time , and made it his desire to be at dr. templars ; who prevailed with him not to be so sudden in his removal , but to make some further trial. it pleased god upon a continuation with him in prayer every day in the house , that he was at last perfectly free from all molestation . the quakers hearing of his condition , gave it out , that the power of god would come upon him again , and that the wound was but skinned over by the priest. which made dr. templar the more importunate with him to keep close to the publick worship of god , and to have nothing to do with them or their writings . which direction he followed till november 1661. and then perusing one of their books , a little after upon the tenth day of that moneth his troubles returned . a voice within him began to speak to him after the former manner . the first sentence which it uttered was , cease thou from man , whose breath is in his nostrils , for wherein is he to be accounted . the design which he discerned it did aim at , was to take him off from comeing to the church ( where he had been that day ) and from hearing the word of god it suggested several other scriptures in order to the perswading of him to a compliance with the quakers , and told him , that it would strive with him as the angel did with iacob , until the breaking of the day , at which time it left him . the two next nights it gave him the same molestation , saying , it must be with him as it was with david , who gave no sleep to his eyes , nor slumber to his eye-lids , until he found a place for the lord , an habitation for the mighty god of iacob . upon wednesday at night he was very peremptory in his resisting of it . when it began to solicit him , he replied , that he saw it was a spirit of delusion , which he would not obey . upon which the spirit deno●nced a curse against him in these words , go ye cursed into everlasting fire , and so left him with a very great heat in his body . after this , he was in his own apprehension in a very comfortable condition , and while he was considering what had hapned , a voice within him speake to him , saying , that the spirit which was before upon him was a spirit of delusion , but now the true spirit of god was come into him . it acquainted him , that the doctrine of the trinity was true , and that god had an elect people , and that those whom the father elected the son hath redeemed , and when christ redeemeth , the holy ghost sanctifieth , and told him that the minister of the town would further instruct him about the truth of these things . upon thursday morning about break of day , it set him upon his knees as he was in bed , and bid him farewel . the same day it came upon him in the field as he was going to , and coming from the market , & pressed upon him to believe that it was the good spirit which he was acted with , which he still doubted of . one night that week amongst many arguments which it used to that purpose , it told him if he would not believe without a sign , he might have what sign he would . upon that robert church-man desired , if it was a good spirit , that a wier-candlestick which stood upon the cup-board might be turned into brass , which the spirit said he would do . presently there was a very unsavoury smell in the room , like that of the snuff of a candle newly put out ; but nothing else was done towards the fulfilling of the promise . upon the lords day following , he then attending the publick worship of god , it came upon him . when the chapters were named , he turned to them in his bible , but was not able to read . when the psalm was sung , he could not pronounce a syllable . upon monday morning his speech was wholly taken away from him . when the minister in that place came to him , and asked him how it was with him , he moved his head towards him , but was not able to speak ; the minister waited an hour or two in the room , hoping that his speech might have returned unto him , and that he might have gained from him some account of his condition . but finding no alteration , he desired those who were present to joyn with him in prayer . as they were praying churchman's body was with much violence thrown out of bed , and then with great vehemency he called to the minister dr. templar to hold his tongue . when prayer was done , his tongue was bound as before , till at last he broke out into these words : thine is the kingdom , thine is the kingdom ; which he repeated ( as was judged ) above an hundred times . sometimes he was forced into extream laughter , sometimes into singing , his hands were usually imployed in beating his breast . all of them who stood by , could discern unusual heavings in his body . this distemper did continue towards the morning of the next day , and then the voice within him signified to him that it would leave him , 〈◊〉 him get upon his knees in order to that end , which he did , and then presently he had a perfect command of himself . when dr. templar came to him , he gave a sober account of all the passages of the day before , having a distinct remembrance of what the spirit forced him to do , and what was spoken to him by those that stood by . in particular he told the doctor that he was compelled to give him that disturbance in prayer , before-mentioned ; the spirit using his limbs and tongue , as it pleased , contrary to the inclination of his own mind . upon the thursday following , the spirit began to rage after its former manner , as dr. templar was at prayer with him , it was very discernable how it wrought upon his body , forced him to grate his teeth , and draw his mouth awry . he told the minister after he had done , that it bid him to denounce woe against him . it pleased god upon continuance in prayer with him , at last to release him of all his trouble , and so far to make it advantagious to him and to his wife , and some others , which were too much by-assed with the principles of the quakers , that now they have a perfect dislike of that way , and do diligently attend upon the publick worship of god. thus concerning this strange but true relation . we may by this judge whose servants the singing quakers are ; and what spirit doth powerfully breath in , and act those miserable and deluded enthusiasts . but i shall say no more to the quakers at present ; only pray that such of them as have not sinned unto death , may have their eyes opened , and ( if possible ) be delivered out of the snares of satan , by whom they are taken captive at his will. it hath been by many observed , that men addicted to horrid cursings and execrations , have pulled down the imprecated vengeance of heaven upon themselves . sundry very awful examples of this kind have lately hapned : i shall here mention one or two . the hand of god was very remarkable , in that which came to pass in the narraganset countrey in new-england , not many weeks since . for i have good information , that on august 28 , 1683. a man there ( viz. samuel wilson ) having caused his dog to mischief his neighbours cattle , was blamed for his so doing . he denied the fact with imprecations , wishing that he might never stir from that place if he had so done . his neighbour being troubled at his denying the truth , reproved him , and told him he did very ill to deny what his conscience knew to be truth . the atheist thereupon used the name of god in his imprecations ; saying , he wished to god he might never stir out of that place , if he had done that which he was charged with . the words were scarce out of his mouth before he sunk down dead , and never stirred more ; a son in law of his standing by and catching him as he fell to the ground . a thing not unlike to this hapned ( though not in new-england yet ) in america , about a year ago . for in september 1682. a man at the isle of providence belonging to a vessel whereof one wollery was master , being charged with some deceit in a matter that had been committed to him , in order to his own vindication , horridly wished that the devil might put out his eyes , if he had done as was suspected concerning him . that very night a rhume fell into his eyes , so as that within a few dayes he became stark blind . his company being astonished at the divine hand which thus conspicuously and signally appeared ; put him ashore at providence , and left him there . a physitian being desired to undertake his cure , hearing how he came to lose his sight , refused to meddle with him . this account i lately received from credible persons , who knew and have often seen the man whom the devil ( according to his own wicked wish ) made blind , through the dreadful and righteous judgement of god. moreover , that worse than bruitish sin of drunkenness , hath been witnessed against from heaven by severe and signal iudgements . it was a sign of the fearful wrath of god , upon that notorious drunkard , at a place called seatucket in long-island ; who as he was in drink , fell into the fire ( the people in the house then being in bed and asleep ) and so continued for some considerable time , until he received his deaths wound . at his first awakening he roared out fire ! fire ! as if it had been one in hell , to the great astonishment of all that heard him . one in the house flung a pail of water on him to quench his clothes , but that added to his torment ; so he continued yelling after an hideous manner , fire ! fire ! and within a day or two died in great misery . and though this drunkard died by fire , it is remarkable that many of those who have loved drink , have died by water , and that at the very time when their understandings have been drowned with drink . it is an awful consiration , that there have been at several times above forty persons in this land , whom death hath found in that woful plight , so that their immortal souls have gone out of drunken bodies , to appear before god the judge of all . that remarkable iudgement hath first or last fallen upon those who have sought the hurt of the people of god in new-england , is so notorious , as that it is become the observation of every man. this israel in the wilderness hath eat up the nations his enemies , he hath broke their bones , and pierced them through with his arrows . some adversaries have escaped longer unpunished than others ; but then their ends have been of all the most woful , and tragical at last . i shall instance only in what hath lately come to pass , with respect unto the heathen who rose up against us , thinking to swallow us up quick , when their wrath was kindled against us . blessed be the lord , who hath not given us a prey to their teeth . the chieftains amongst them were all cut off , either by sword or sickness in the war time , excepting those in the eastern parts , whose ring-leaders outlived their fellows ; but now god hath met with them . there were in special two of those indians , who shed much innocent blood , viz. simon and squando . as for bloody simon , who was wont to boast of the mischiefs he had done , and how he had treacherously shot and killed such and such english-men , he died miserably the last winter , another indian discharging a gun hapned to shoot simon , so as to break his arm. after which he lived two years , but in extremity of pain , so as that the indians when enquired of , how simon did ; their usual answer was worse then dead . he used all means that earth and hell ( for he betook himself to powaws ) could afford him for his recovery , but in vain . thus was the wickedness of that murtherer at last returned upon his own head . concerning squando , the sachem of the indians at saco ; the story of him is upon sundry accounts remarkable . many years ago he was sick , and near unto death , after which he said , that one pretending to be the english-mans god , appeared to him in form of an english minister ; and discoursed with him , requiring him to leave off his drinking of rum , and religiously to observe the sabbath day , and to deal justly amongst men , withal promising him that if he did so , then at death his soul should go upwards to an happy place ; but if he did not obey these commandments , at death his soul should go downwards , and be for ever miserable . but this pretended god said nothing to him about iesus christ. however , this apparition so wrought upon squando , as that he left his drunkenness , and became a strict observer of the sabbath day ; yea , so as that he alwayes kept it as a day of fast , and would hear the english ministers preach , and was very just in his dealing . but in the time of the late indian war , he was a principal actor in the bloody 〈…〉 in that part of the countrey . 〈…〉 year the pretended english-mans god , appeared to him again , as afore , in the form of a minister , requiring him to kill himself , and promising him that if he did obey , he should live again the next day , and never die more . squando acquainted his wife , and some other indians with this new apparition , they most earnestly advised him not to follow the murderous counsel which the spectre had given . nevertheless , he since hath hanged himself , and so is gone to his own place . this was the end of the man that disturbed the peace of new-england . chap. xii . an account of some remarkables at norwich in new-england : special answers of prayer made in that place . that people marvelously preserved . the scandalous miscarriage of one so over-ruled by providence , as to be an occasion of the conversion of several others . a further account of some personal deliverances in norwich . concerning sudden deaths which have hapned in new-england . there is lately come to my hand an account of some remarkables , which have hapned at norwich in new-england ; drawn up by mr. fitch , the judicious and eminently faithful pastor of the church in that place ; which that others may be incouraged to follow his example , in observing , and recording the special works of divine providence , i shall here insert , as i received it , and so hasten to finish this essay . it is that which follows . remarkable providences at norwich . 1. many times the heavens have been shut up but god hath answered our prayers in sending rain , and sometimes so speedily and so plentifully after our seeking the lord by fasting and prayer , that the heathen , now for more than twenty years upon occasion of want of rain , will speak to us to call upon the name of the lord our god ; one especial instance of this kind i have already given , and it s upon record , in the history of the war with the indians in new-england . 2. many among us have been in more than ordinary hazard by rattle-snakes , some have set their feet upon them , some have been bitten by them upon the skin , and one as he was stooping down to drink at a spring of water , spied a rattle-snake within two foot of his head rising up against him ; thus manifold wayes in danger by this venimous creature , and yet none of us have suffered any harm , but only one was bitten in the finger , and in a short time perfectly healed . 3. in the time of the wars with the indians , we were not only preserved from the heathen in the midst of the heathen , but by the lords making some of them to be a wall of defence unto us . and thus we were saved by a destroying means . and at this time the providence of god was very remarkable in preserving many of our people , in one of our garrisons , who were driven to garrison several houses , and the house of which now i speak , did contain about sixty persons ; and in this house one of the souldiers taking a gun loaden with bullets into his hand , as he stood in a lower room , the lock being half bent , and he holding the gun right upwards , the gun was discharged , though many people were in the chamber , yet none of them suffered any harm , because providence did guid the shot into the summer , that piece of timber which is the support of the chamber . also one in the same house , looking with a candle under a bed for something he wanted , fired some flax , which filled the room with flame and smoke , and two small children lay sleeping in this peril , but were preserved from the fire , or any harm by the throng of people in the room , at length one of the children was taken up by one of the men with a purpose of throwing it out of the chamber window , but at that very moment thers was such an abatement of the flame , and hope that the worst of the danger was past , that he held the child in his arms ; and yet presently after the fire brake out again in the uppermost room in the house , nigh to a barrel of gun-powder : but some were guided , strengthened and succeeded in their endeavour , to the extinguishing the fire ; so that the lives , and limbs , and goods of all these was preserved by the good hand of god , who doth wonderfully when we know not what to do . 4. one of the children of the church grown up , ( though not in full communion ) was left to fall into a most notorious abominable practice , which did occasion the church to meet and humble their souls by fasting and prayer , and at this time in the sermon and prayer , it was declared , that the lord had determined either to bring our children nearer to him , & not to suffer them to live out of full communion with his church , or else he would in his anger leave them to such abominations as shall cut them off from his church ; and since this time , many young people have by the grace of the lord been prepared for full communion , and have taken hold of the covenant , confessing , that they have felt the impression of that word upon that abashing occasion spoken : and thus the fall of one hath been the rising of many . where sin abounds , the lord can make grace to superabound . concerning some personal deliverances . there was a young-man endeavouring to subdue a young horse ; and a rope at one end of it was fastned about the horses neck , but the horse running with great speed , the other end of the rope caught the foot of this young man , as in a snare , and was so entangled therein , that he was drawn ten rods upon his back in a very rough and uneven place of land , he being utterly unable to free himself , and none at hand that could help him ; and thus it being come to this extremity , the horse of himself stood still , so long , and no longer time , than that the young man did clear his foot out of the rope ; and thus was delivered out of the danger , and suffered not a broken bone , nor any considerable bruise or harm . there was another young , man , who sat upon a plough-beam , and suddenly his cattle moving his plough turned , and one of his legs was entangled within the plough , and the plough-irons pressing hard against some part of his body , but could not free himself ; and the more he called to the cattle , the more speedily they moved , and thus was in danger of being torn in pieces ; but in this extremity it was not long before the cattle of themselves stood still . there was another young man , who did fall about ten foot from some part of the mill timber into deep waters , and a place of many rocks , a stream very violent , and he was carried about eleven rod down the stream , where there was a great piece of ice , and while he was in this confounded and amazed posture , his hand was guided to take hold of that ice , and there to hold until one who saw him fall , did adventure upon that ice , and drew him out of the waters , and thus they were both delivered . there was a very aged man among us , who riding in his cart over a river , and when the cattle were coming out of the river , he endeavoured to come out of the cart , but he did fall down so nigh to the wheel , that it began to press hard against his breast , and he only speaking to the cattle they stood still , and ceased moving till he was removed out of the danger , otherwise , if they had moved a few inches more , he had been prest to death . thus far is mr. fitch's narrative . had all others been as diligent in observing the works of god , as this worthy person has , the account of new-englands remarkabl●s would have been more full and compleat . but other things must be left for another attempt of this kind . i shall only add at present , that there have been many sudden deaths in this countrey , which should not pass without some remark . for when such strokes are multiplied , there is undoubtedly a speaking voice of providence therein . and so it hath been with us in new-england this last year , and most of all the last summer . to my observation in august last , within the space of three or four weeks , there were twelve sudden deaths ( and it may be others have observed more than i did ) some of them being in respect of sundry circumstances exceeding awful . let me only add here , that sudden death is not alwayes a judgement unto those who are taken out of an evil world : it may be a mercy to them , and a warning unto others , as the sudden death of the prophet ezekiels wife was . many of whom the world was not worthy , have been so removed out of it . moses died suddenly . and so have some excellent persons in this countrey done . governour eaton at new-haven , and governour haines at hartford died in their sleep without being sick . that excellent man of god mr. norton , as he was walking in his house in this boston , was taken with a syncope , fell down dead and never spake more . the like has hapned to other servants of god in other parts of the world. famous mr. v●nes , on a lords day after he had preached and administred the sacrament , went to bed well , and went to heaven that night . nor is there any rule or reason for christians to pray absolutely against sudden death . some holy men have with submission to the will of the most high , desired and prayed for such a death . so did mr. capel , and god gave him his desire ; for on september 21. 1656. having preached twice that day , and performed religious duties with his family , he went to bed and died immediately . the like is reported by dr. euller , in his church history , concerning that angelical man mr. brightman , who would often pray , ( if god saw fit ) that he might die rather a sudden than a lingring death , and so it came to pass . for as he was travelling in the coach with sr. iohn osborne , and reading of a book ( for he would lose no time ) he was taken with a fainting fit , and though instantly taken out in the arms of one there present , and all means possible used for his recovery , he there died , august 24. 1607. the learned & pious wolfius ( not the divine who has written commentaries on several parts of the scriptures ; but he that published lectionum memorabilium & reconditarum centenarios ) on may 23. 1600. being in usual health , was , after he had dined , surprised with a sudden illness , whereof he died within a few hours . that holy man iacobus faber , who did and suffered great things for the name of christ , went suddenly into the silent grave : on a day when some friends came to visit him , after he had courteously entertained them , he laid himself down upon his bed to take some repose ; and no sooner shut his eyes , but his heaven-born soul took its flight into the world of souls . the man who being in christ , shall alwayes be doing something for god , may bid death welcome when ever it shall come , be it never so soon , never so suddenly . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 errata . page 91. line 17. for lat. 48. read lat. 38. p. 105. l. 5. r. his psudo doxa . p. 168. l. 15. for those r. these . p. 172. l. 15. for so r. see . p. 173 l. ult . r. horstius . p. 200. l. 22. dele were . p. 204 l. ult . r. goodly . p. 254. l. ult . for any r. away . p. 263. l. 8. r. serrarius . p. 269. l. ult . before if . add 5 p. 273. l. 9. r. stephen . p. 276. l. 35. for that it r. is that , p. 289. l. 7. after instance should have been a full point . p. 298. l. 24. r. dactylogy . p. 299. l. 20. for butter r. bitter . p. 324. l. 13. for proceed r. precede . p. 341. l. 3. r. thomas . the contents . chap. i. of remarkable sea-deliverances . mr. anthony thacher's relation , concerning his and his wives being marvelously preserved alive , when all the ships company perished . the wonderful preservation of major gibbons and his company . several other remarkable sea-deliverances mentioned by mr. janeway , wherein new-england men were concerned . mr. grafton's preservation . a vessel lately coming from bristol for new-england saved out of great distress at sea. some providentially met with by a new-england vessel in an open boat , many leagues off from any shoar , strangely preserved . an account of a remarkable sea-deliverance which hapned this year . another like unto it above twenty years ago . page 1. chap. ii. a further account of some other remarkable preservations . of a child that had part of her brains struck out and yet lived and did well . remarkable deliverances which some in windsor had experience of . several in the late indian war. the relation of a captive . skipper how 's memorable preservation . several examples somewhat parallel , wherein others in other parts of the world were concerned . page 32. chap. iii. of remarkables about thunder and lightning . one at salisbury in new-england struck dead thereby . several at marshfield . one at north-hampton . the captain of the castle in boston . some remarkables about lightning in roxborough , wenham , marble-head , cambridge , hampton : and in several vessels at sea. some late parallel instances . of several in the last century . scripture examples of men slain by lightning . page 72. chap. iv. some philosophical meditations . concerning antipathies and sympathies . of the load-stone . of the nature and wonderful effects of lightning . that thunder-storms are often caused by satan ; and sometimes by good angles . thunder is the voice of god and therefore to be dreaded . all places in the habitable world are subject to it more or less . no amulets can preserve men from being hurt thereby . the miserable estate of wicked men upon this account , and the happiness of the righteous , who may be above all disquieting fears , with respect unto such terrible accidents . p. 99. chap. v. concerning things praeternatural , which have hapned in new-england . a remarkable relation about ann cole of hartford . concerning several witches in that colony . of the possessed maid at groton . an account of the house in newbery lately troubled with a daemon . a parallel story of an house at tedworth in england . concerning another in hartford , and of one in portsmouth in new-england lately disquieted by evils spirits . an account of the woman at kitry molested with apparitions , and sometimes tormented by invisible agents . page 135. chap. vi. that there are daemons . and possessed persons . signs of such . some maniacks are daemoniacks . notwithstanding many fabulous stories about witchcrafts , that there are witches proved by three arguments . that houses are sometimes troubled by evil spirits . witchcraft often the cause of it . sometimes by the devil without witchcraft ; ordered by providence as a punishment for sin . the disturbance in walton's house further considered ; with a parallel story . that the things related in the preceding chapter were undoubtedly preter-natural and diabolical . page 168. chap. vii . concerning apparitions . that they are not so frequent in places where the gospel prevaileth , as in the dark corners of the earth . that good angels do sometimes visibly appear . confirmed by several histories . that cacodaemons oftentimes pretend to be good angels . that satan may appear in the likeness of holy men ; proved by notable instances . concerning the appearance of persons deceased . the procuring cause thereof is usually some sin committed . some late remarkable examples . of mens covenanting to appear after their death . it is an heavy iudgment when places are infested with such doleful spectres . page 202. chap. viii . several cases of conscience considered . that it is not lawful to make use of herbs or plants to drive away evil spirits . nor of words or characters . an objection answered . whether it be lawful for persons bewitched to burn things , or to nail horse-shoes before their doors or to stop vrin in bottles , or the like ' in order to the recovery of health . the negative proved by several arguments . whether it be lawful to try witches by casting them into the water . several reasons evincing the vanity of that way of probation . some other superstitions witnessed against . page 248. chap. ix . a strange relation of a woman in wey-mouth in new-england that hath been dumb and deaf ever since she was three years old , who nevertheless hath a competent understanding in the mysteries of religion ; and is admitted to partake of the sacrament . some parallel instances . of wayes to teach deaf persons to speak . of a man in hull in new-england under whose tongue a stone bred . concerning that petrification , which humane bodies are subject to . that divers sorts of animals have sometimes been formed in the bodies of men. page 289. chap. x. concerning some remarkable tempests in new-england . a remark upon the hurricane , anno. 1635. an observable accident by a sudden freezing of rain in the year 1659. a strange whirl-wind in cambridge , a. d. 1680. another at new-haven the last year . an hail-storm at springfield . some parallel instances . of earth-quakes in this countrey . land wonderfully removed . parallel stories . of remarkable floods this year , not only in new-england but in other parts of the world. an account of a prodigious flood in france five years ago , with conjectures concerning the natural reason of it . p. 311. chap. xi . concerning some remarkable judgments . quakers judicially plagued with spiritual iudgements . of several sad instances in long-island ; and in plimouth colony . that some of the quakers are really possessed with infernal spirits . proved by a late wonderful and astonishing example of one in balsham in cambridge-shire . of several that have● imprecated vengeance upon themselves . the woful end of drunkards . and of those that have designed evil against the churches of christ in new-england . page 358. chap. xii . an account of some remarkables at norwich in new-england . special answers of prayer made in that place . that people marvelously preserved . the scandalous miscarriage of one so over-ruled by providence as to become an occasion of the conversion of several . a further account of some personal deliverances in norwich . concerning sudden deaths which have hapned in new-england . page 363. finis . advertisement . some sermons concerning the works of divine providence , and on several other subjects , preached by the author of this book about remarkable providences ; are designed to be shortly published .