of true religion, hæresie, schism, toleration, and what best means may be us'd against the growth of popery the author j.m. milton, john, 1608-1674. 1673 approx. 26 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a50917 wing m2135 estc r8629 11982847 ocm 11982847 51894 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50917) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51894) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 817:33) of true religion, hæresie, schism, toleration, and what best means may be us'd against the growth of popery the author j.m. milton, john, 1608-1674. 16 p. [s.n.], london : 1673. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng theology -early works to 1800. theology -history -17th century. papacy -controversial literature -early works to 1800. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2002-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of true religion , haeresie , schism , toleration , and what best means may be us'd against the growth of popery the author j. m. london printed in the year , 1673. of true religion , haeresie , schism , and toleration . it is unknown to no man , who knows ought of concernment among us , that the increase of popery is at this day no small trouble and offence to greatest part of the nation ; and the rejoycing of all good men that it is so ; the more their rejoycing , that god hath giv'n a heart to the people to remember still their great and happy deliverance from popish thraldom , and to esteem so highly the precious benefit of his gospel , so freely and so peacealy injoy'd among them . since therefore some have already in publick with many considerable arguments exhorted the people to beware the growth of this romish weed ; i thought it no less then a common duty to lend my hand , how unable soever , to so good a purpose . i will not now enter into the labyrinth of councels and fathers , an intangl'd wood which the papist loves to fight in , not with hope of victory , but to obscure the shame of an open overthrow : which yet in that kind of combate , many heretofore , and one of late , hath eminently giv'n them . and such manner of dispute with them , to learned men , is useful and very commendable : but i shall insist now on what is plainer to common apprehension , and what i have to say , without longer introduction . true religion is the true worship and service of god , learnt and believed from the word of god only . no man or angel can know how god would be worshipt and serv'd unless god reveal it : he hath reveal'd and taught it us in the holy scriptures by inspir'd ministers , and in the gospel by his own son and his apostles , with strictest command to reject all other traditions or additions whatsoever . according to that of st. paul , though wee or an angel from heaven preach any other gospel unto you , than that which wee have preacht unto you , let him be anathema , or accurst . and deut. 4. 2. ye shall not add to the word which i command you , neither shall you diminish ought from it . rev. 22. 18 , 19. if any man shall add , &c. if any man shall take away from the words , &c. with good and religious reason therefore all protestant churches with one consent , and particularly the church of england in her thirty nine articles , artic. 6th , 19th , 20th , 21st , and elsewhere , maintain these two points , as the main principles of true religion : that the rule of true religion is the word of god only : and that their faith ought not to be an implicit faith , that is , to believe , though as the church believes , against or without express authority of scripture . and if all protestants as universally as they hold these two principles , so attentively and religiously would observe them , they would avoid and cut off many debates and contentions , schisms and persecutions , which too oft have been among them , and more firmly unite against the common adversary . for hence it directly follows , that no true protestant can persecute , or not tolerate his fellow protestant , though dissenting from him in som opinions , but he must flatly deny and renounce these two his own main principles , whereon true religion is founded ; while he compels his brother from that which he believes as the manifest word of god , to an implicit faith ( which he himself condemns ) to the endangering of his brothers soul , whether by rash belief , or outward conformity : for whatsoever is not of faith , is sin. i will now as briefly show what is false religion or heresie , which will be done as easily : for of contraries the definitions must needs be contrary . heresie therefore is a religion taken up and believ'd from the traditions of men and additions to the word of god. whence also it follows clearly , that of all known sects or pretended religions at this day in christendom , popery is the only or the greatest heresie : and he who is so forward to brand all others for hereticks , the obstinate papist , the only heretick . hence one of their own famous writers found just cause to stile the romish church mother of error , school of heresie . and whereas the papist boasts himself to be a roman catholick , it is a meer contradiction , one of the popes bulls , as if he should say , universal particular a catholic schismatic . for catholic in greek signifies universal : and the christian church was so call'd , as consisting of all nations to whom the gospel was to be preach't , in contradistinction to the jewish church , which consisted for the most part of jews only . sects may be a in true church as well as in a false , when men follow the doctrin too much for the teachers sake , whom they think almost infallible ; and this becomes , through infirmity , implicit faith ; and the name sectary , pertains to such a disciple . schism is a rent or division in the church , when it comes to the separating of congregations ; and may also happen to a true church , as well as toa false ; yet in the true needs not tend to the breaking of communion ; if they can agree in the right administration of that wherein they communicate , keeping their other opinions to themselves , not being destuctive to faith. the pharisees and saduces were two sects , yet both met together in their common worship of god at jerusalem . but here the papist will angrily demand , what ! are lutherans , calvinists , anabaptists , socinians , arminians , no hereticks ? i answer , all these may have some errors , but are no hereticks . heresie is in the will and choice profestly against scripture ; error is against the will , in misunderstanding the scripture after all sincere endeavours to understand it rightly : hence it was said well by one of the ancients , err i may , but a heretick i will not be . it is a humane frailty to err , and no man is infallible here on earth . but so long as all these profess to set the word of god only before them as the rule of faith and obedience ; and use all diligence and sincerity of heart , by reading , by learning , by study , by prayer for illumination of the holy spirit , to understand the rule and obey it , they have done what man can do : god will assuredly pardon them , as he did the friends of job , good and pious men , though much mistaken , as there it appears , in some points of doctrin . but some will say , with christians it is otherwise , whom god hath promis'd by his spirit to teach all things . true , all things absolutely necessary to salvation : but the hottest disputes among protestants calmly and charitably enquir'd into , will be found less then such . the lutheran holds consubstantiation ; an error indeed , but not mortal . the calvinist is taxt with predestination , and to make god the author of sin ; not with any dishonourable thought of god , but it may be overzealously asserting his absolute power , not without plea of scripture . the anabaptist is accus'd of denying infants their right to baptism ; again they say , they deny nothing but what the scripture denies them . the arian and socinian are charg'd to dispute against the trinity : they affirm to believe the father , son , and holy ghost , according to scripture , and the apostolic creed ; as for terms of trinity , triniunity , coessentiality , tripersonality , and the like , they reject them as scholastic notions , not to be found in scripture , which by a general protestant maxim is plain and perspicuous abundantly to explain its own meaning in the properest words , belonging to so high a matter and so necessary to be known ; a mystery indeed in their sophistic subtilties , but in scripture a plain doctrin . their other opinions are of less moment . they dispute the satisfaction of christ , or rather the word satisfaction , as not scriptural : but they acknowledge him both god and their saviour . the arminian lastly is condemn'd for setting up free will against free grace ; but that imputation he disclaims in all his writings , and grounds himself largly upon scripture only . it cannot be deny'd that the authors or late revivers of all these sects or opinions , were learned , worthy , zealous , and religious men , as appears by their lives written , and the same of their many eminent and learned followers , perfect and powerful in the scriptures , holy and unblameable in their lives : and it cannot be imagin'd that god would desert such painful and zealous labourers in his church , and oft-times great sufferers for their conscience , to damnable errors & a reprobate sense , who had so often implor'd the assistance of his spirit ; but rather , having made no man infallible , that he hath pardon'd their errors , and accepts their pious endeavours , sincerely searching all things according to the rule of scripture , with such guidance and direction as they can obtain of god by prayer . what protestant then who himself maintains the same principles , and disavowes all implicit faith , would persecute , and not rather charitably tolerate such men as these , unless he mean to abjure the principles of his own religion ? if it be askt how far they should be tolerated ? i answer doubtless equally , as being all protestants ; that is on all occasions to give account of their faith , either by arguing , preaching in their several assemblies , publick writing , and the freedom of printing . for if the french and polonian protestants injoy all this liberty among papists , much more may a protestant justly expect it among protestants ; and yet some times here among us , the one persecutes the other upon every slight pretence . but he is wont to say he enjoyns only things indifferent . let them be so still ; who gave him authority to change their nature by injoyning them ? if by his own principles , as is prov'd , he ought to tolerate controverted points of doctrine not slightly grounded on scripture , much more ought he not impose things indifferent without scripture . in religion nothing is indifferent , but , if it come once to be impos'd , is either a command or a prohibition , and so consequently an addition to the word of god , which he professes to disallow . besides , how unequal , how uncharitable must it needs be , to impose that which his conscience cannot urge him to impose , upon him whose conscience forbids him to obey ? what can it be but love of contention for things not necessary to be done , to molest the conscience of his brother , who holds them necessary to be not done ? to conclude , let such a one but call to mind his own principles above mention'd , and he must necessarily grant , that neither he can impose , nor the other believe or obey ought in religion , but from the word of god only . more amply to understand this , may be read the 14th . and 15th . chapters to the romans , and the contents of the 14th , set forth no doubt but with full authority of the church of england ; the gloss is this . men may not contemn , or condemn one the other for things indifferent . and in the 6th article above mentioned , whatsoever is not read in holy scripture , nor may be proved thereby , is not to be required of any man as an article of faith , or necessary to salvation . and certainly what is not so , is not to be required at all ; as being an addition to the word of god expressly forbidden . thus this long and hot contest , whether protestants ought to tolerate one another , if men will be but rational and not partial , may be ended without need of more words to compose it . let us now enquire whether popery be tolerable or no. popery is a double thing to deal with , and claims a twofold power , ecclesiastical , and political , both usurpt , and the one supporting the other . but ecclesiastical is ever pretended to political . the pope by this mixt faculty , pretends right to kingdoms and states , and especially to this of england , thrones and unthrones kings , and absolves the people from their obedience to them ; sometimes interdicts to whole nations the publick worship of god , shutting up their churches : and was wont to dreign away greatest part of the wealth of this then miserable land , as part of his patrimony , to maintain the pride and luxury of his court and prelates : and now since , through the infinite mercy and favour of god , we have shaken off his babylonish yoke , hath not ceas'd by his spyes and agents , bulls and emissaries , once to destroy both king and parliament ; perpetually to seduce , corrupt , and pervert as many as they can of the people . whether therefore it be fit or reasonable , to tolerate men thus principl'd in religion towards the state , i submit it to the consideration of all magistrates , who are best able to provide for their own and the publick safety . as for tolerating the exercise of their religion , supposing their state activities not to be dangerous , i answer , that toleration is either public or private ; and the exercise of their religion , as far as it is idolatrous , can be tolerated neither way : not publicly , without grievous and unsufferable scandal giv'n to all consciencious beholders ; not privately , without great offence to god , declar'd against all kind of idolatry , though secret . ezekiel 8. 7 , 8. and he brought me to the door of the court , and when i looked , behold a hole in the wall. then said he unto me , son of man , digg now in the wall ; and when i had digged , behold a door , and he said unto me , go in , and behold the wicked abominations that they do here . and verse 12. then said he unto me , son of man , hast thou seen what the antients of the house of israel do in the dark ? &c. and it appears by the whole chapter , that god was no less offended with these secret idolatries , then with those in public ; and no less provokt , then to bring on and hasten his judgements on the whole land for these also . having shown thus , that popery , as being idolatrous , is not to be tolerated either in public or in private ; it must be now thought how to remove it and hinder the growth thereof , i mean in our natives , and not forreigners , privileg'd by the law of nations . are we to punish them by corporal punishment , or fines in their estates , upon account of their religion ? i suppose it stands not with the clemency of the gospel , more then what appertains to the security of the state : but first we must remove their idolatry , and all the furniture thereof , whether idols , or the mass wherein they adore their god under bread and wine : for the commandment forbids to adore , not only any graven image , but the likeness of any thing in heaven above , or in the earth beneath , or in the water under the earth , thou shalt not bow down to them nor worship them , for i the lord thy god am a jealous god. if they say that by removing their idols we violate their consciences , we have no warrant to regard conscience which is not grounded on scripture : and they themselves confess in their late defences , that they hold not their images necessary to salvation , but only as they are enjoyn'd them by tradition . shall we condescend to dispute with them the scripture is our only principle in religion ; and by that only they will not be judg'd , but will add other principles of their own , which , forbidden by the word of god , we cannot assent to . and the common maxim also in logic is , against them who deny principles , we are not to dispute . let them bound their disputations on the scripture only , and an ordinary protestant , well read in the bible , may turn and wind their doctors . they will not go about to prove their idolatries by the word of god , but run to shifts and evasions , and frivolous distinctions : idols they say are laymens books , and a great means to stir up pious thoughts and devotion in the learnedst . i say they are no means of gods appointing , but plainly the contrary : let them hear the prophets ; jerem. 10. 8. the stock is a doctrin of vanities . habakkuk 2. 18. what profiteth the graven image that the maker thereof hath graven it : the molten image and a teacher of lyes ? but they alleadge in their late answers , that the laws of moses giv'n only to the jews , concern not us under the gospel : and remember not that idolatry is forbidden as expresly , [ in several places of the gospel , ] but with these wiles and fallacies compassing sea and land , like the pharisees of old , to make one proselite , they lead away privily many simple and ignorant souls , men or women , and make them twofold more the children of hell then themselves , matt. 23. 15. but the apostle hath well warn'd us , i may say , from such deceivers as these , for their mystery was then working . i beseech you brethren , saith he , mark them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrin which ye have learned , and avoid them ; for they that are such serve not our lord jesus christ , but their own belly , and by good words and fair speeches deceive the heart of the simplea rom. 16. 17 , 18. the next means to hinder the growth of popery will be to read duly and diligently the holy scriptures , which as st. paul saith to timothy , who had known them from a child , are able to make wise unto salvation . and to the whole church of colossi ; let the word of christ dwell in you plentifully , with all wisdome , coloss. 3. 16. the papal antichristian church permits not her laity to read the bible in their own tongue : our church on the contrary hath proposd it to all men , and to this end translated it into english , with profitable notes on what is met with obscure , though what is most necessary to be known be still plainest : that all sorts and degrees of men , not understanding the original , may read it in their mother tongue . neither let the countryman , the tradesman , the lawyer , the physician , the statesman , excuse himself by his much business from the studious reading thereof . our saviour saith , luke 10. 41 , 42. thou art careful and troubled about many things , but one thing is needful . if they were ask't , they would be loath to set earthly things , wealth , or honour before the wisdom of salvation . yet most men in the course and practice of their lives are found to do so ; and through unwillingness to take the pains of understanding their religion by their own diligent study , would fain be sav'd by a deputy . hence comes implicit faith , ever learning and never taught , much hearing and small proficience , till want of fundamental knowledg easily turns to susperstition or popery : therefore the apostle admonishes , eccles. 4. 14. that we henceforth be no more children tossed to and fro and carryed about with every wind of doctrine , by the sleight of men , and cunning craftiness whereby they lye in wait to deceive . every member of the church , at least of any breeding or capacity , so well ought to be grounded in spiritual knowledg , as , if need be , to examine their teachers themselves , acts. 17. 11. they searched the scriptures dayly , whether those things were so . rev. 2. 2. thou hast tryed them which say they are apostles , and are not . how should any private christian try his teachers unless he be well grounded himself in the rule of scripture , by which he is taught . as therefore among papists , their ignorance in scripture cheifly upholds popery ; so among protestant people , the frequent and serious reading thereof will soonest pull popery down . another means to abate popery arises from the constant reading of scripture , wherein beleivers who agree in the main , are every where exhorted to mutual forbearance and charity one towards the other , though dissenting in some opinions . it is written that the coat of our saviour was without seame : whence some would infer that there should be no division in the church of christ. it should be so indeed ; yet seams in the same cloath , neither hurt the garment , nor misbecome it ; and not only seams , but schisms will be while men are fallible : but if they who dissent in matters not essential to belief , while the common adversary is in the field , shall stand jarring and pelting at one another , they will be soon routed and subdued . the papist with open mouth makes much advantage of our several opinions ; not that he is able to confute the worst of them , but that we by our continual jangle among our selves make them worse then they are indeed . to save our selves therefore , and resist the common enemy , it concerns us mainly to agree within our selves , that with joynt forces we may not only hold our own , but get ground ; and why should we not ? the gospel commands us to tolerate one another , though of various opinions , and hath promised a good and happy event thereof , phil. 3. 15. let us therefore as many as be perfect be thus minded ; and if in any thing ye be otherwise minded , god shall reveal even this unto you . and we are bid , 1 thess. 5. 21. prove all things , hold fast that which is good . st. paul judg'd that not only to tolerate , but to examine and prove all things , was no danger to our holding fast of that which is good . how shall we prove all things , which includes all opinions at least founded on scripture , unless we not only tolerate them , but patiently hear them , and seriously read them ? if he who thinks himself in the truth professes to have learnt it , not by implicit faith , but by attentive study of the scriptures & full perswasion of heart , with what equity can he refuse to hear or read him , who demonstrates to have gained his knowledge by the same way ? is it a fair course to assert truth by arrogating to himself the only freedome of speech , and stopping the mouths of others equally gifted ? this is the direct way to bring in that papistical implicit faith which we all disclaim . they pretend it would unsettle the weaker sort ▪ the same groundless fear is pretended by the romish clergy in prohibiting the scripture . at least then let them have leave to write in latin which the common people understand not ; that what they hold may be discust among the learned only . we suffer the idolatrous books of papists , without this fear , to be sold & read as common as our own . why not much rather of anabaptists , arians , arminians , & socinians ? there is no learned man but will confess he hath much profited by reading controversies , his senses awakt , his judgement sharpn'd , and the truth which he holds more firmly establish't . if then it be profitable for him to read ; why should it not at least be tolerable and free for his adversary to write ? in logic they teach , that contraries laid together more evidently appear : it follows then that all controversies being permitted , falshood will appear more false , and truth the more true ▪ which must needs conduce much , not only to the confounding of popery , but to the general confirmation of unimplicit truth . the last means to avoid popery , is to amend our lives : it is a general complaint that this nation of late years , is grown more numerously and excessively vitious then heretofore ▪ pride , luxury , drunkenness , whoredom , cursing , swearing , bold and open atheism every where abounding : where these grow , no wonder if popery also grow a pace . there is no man so wicked , but at somtimes his conscience , will wring him with thoughts of another world , & the peril of his soul : the trouble and melancholy which he conceives of true repentance and amendment he endures not ; but enclines rather to some carnal superstion , which may pacify and lull his conscience with some more pleasing doctrin . none more ready and officious to offer her self then the romish , and opens wide her office , with all her faculties to receive him ; easy confession , easy absolution , pardons , indulgences , masses for him both quick and dead , agnus dei's , reliques , and the like : and he , instead of working out his salvation with fear and trembling , strait thinks in his heart ( like another kind of fool then he in the psalmes ) to bribe god as a corrupt judge ; and by his proctor , some priest or fryer , to buy out his peace with money , which he cannot with his repentance . for god , when men sin outragiously , and will not be admonisht , gives over chastizing them , perhaps by pestilence , fire , sword , or famin , which may all turn to their good , and takes up his severest punishments , hardness besottedness of heart , and idolatry , to their final perdition . idolatry brought the heathen to hainous transgressions , romans 2 a. and hainous transgressions oft times bring the slight professors of true religion , to gross idolatry : thess● 2. 11 , 12. for this cause , god shall send them strong delusion that they should believe a lye , that they all might be damed ▪ who believe not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteoussness . and isaiah 44. 18. speaking of idolaters , they have not known nor understood ▪ for he hath shut their eyes that they cannot see , and their hearts that they cannot understand . let us therefore using this last means , last here spoken of , but first to be done , amend our lives with all speed ; least through impenitency we run into that stupidly , which we now seek all meansso warilyto avoid , the worst of superstitions , and the heaviest of all gods judgements , popery . finis . the ceremonies of the vacant see, or, a true relation of what passes at rome upon the pope's death with the proceedings in the conclave, for the election of a new pope, according to the constitutions and ceremonials, as also the coronation and cavalcade / out of the french by j. davies of kidwelly. ceremoniale historico e politico. part 5. english leti, gregorio, 1630-1701. 1671 approx. 120 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 59 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a31475 wing c1677 estc r17737 11741020 ocm 11741020 48490 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31475) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48490) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 486:1) the ceremonies of the vacant see, or, a true relation of what passes at rome upon the pope's death with the proceedings in the conclave, for the election of a new pope, according to the constitutions and ceremonials, as also the coronation and cavalcade / out of the french by j. davies of kidwelly. ceremoniale historico e politico. part 5. english leti, gregorio, 1630-1701. davies, john, 1625-1693. [6], 102 p. : ill. printed by h.l. and r.b. for tho. basset, london : 1671. epistle dedicatory dated: jan 7, 1671, j. davies. "translated from a french version of an unidentified work by gregorio leti which was subsequently incorporated in pt. 5 of his 'il ceremoniale historico, e politico.'" -cf. bm reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church. popes -election. papacy. 2005-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-08 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the ceremonies of the vacant see. the ceremonies of the vacant see . or a true relation of what passes at rome upon the pope's death . with the proceedings in the conclave , for the election of a new pope ; according to the constitutions and ceremonials . as also the coronation and cavalcade . out of the french by j. davies of kidwelly . london , printed by h. l. and r. b. for tho. basset at the george in fleetstreet , near cliffords inn. 1671. to my worthy and much honoured friend , mr. michael hall of durham . sir , the obligations i had to your worthy brother john hall , somtime of grey's inne esquire , are no less present to my thoughts , when i am at the greatest distance from his relations , then they are during my long residences at london , where i frequently converse with those , who , knowing his worth , take occasion to celebrate it , upon the least mention of his name . but the account i receiv'd from you of him not long since , and what you design'd to have done thereupon , rais'd in me a general reflection on the excellencies of that person , at least what was within the reach of my happy knowledge of him . of this i gave the world what satisfaction i could , before his translation of hierocles upon the golden verses of the pythagoreans ; that is , a short collection of my own observations , without communicating my design to any of his friends . what overtures you have made in order to the compleating of it , i shall not here insist upon , further then to assure you , that my prosecution of it , shall , what lies in my power , be answerable to your desires . as to what is at present usher'd to you by this dedicatory , be pleas'd , sir , to take this short character of it ; that it is a particular account of that action , which being of highest importance in the concerns of christianity , occasions the discourse of all persons , during the process of it , as well of these , whose principles induce them to a belief , as those , who stand upon the denial of a supream pastorship of the christian flock upon earth . whence rome derives the priviledge of being the scene of this great transaction , is not my business to enquire : yet i think it not amiss , to bring in here two distichs of that worthy author , sir r. stapylton , comprehending , first , the metropolism of that city , upon the gentile account , and then its loss of that super-intendency , and afterwards its retrival thereof upon the christian score ! roma fuit quondam terrae regina marisque ; at nunc nec terras , nec mare roma regit . roma fuit quondam terrae regina marisque . nunc mare , nunc terras , amplius illa regit . thus as to the subject of the ensuing treatise . the further business of this address , is , to acquaint you , that the manuscript left in my hands by one nearly related to you , concerning your ancient cathedral , will ere long appear in publick . what else i have to adde , is only the usual complement made in the infancy of the year ; that is , my wishes to you , of health , prosperity , in friends and affairs ; and , the greatest transient happinesse , all the endearing enjoyments of a conjugal life ; and all this , without any other design , but that of assuring you , how much , and how truly i am , sir , your most affectionate and most humble servant , j. davies . jan. 7. 1671. an historical account of the ceremonies at the election of a pope . rome , having heretofore rais'd it self to that greatness as to become the seat of the world's empire , continu'd its possession thereof for many after-ages . during that vast interval of time its councils had an influence over the affairs and concerns of most nations : the changes and revolutions of states were regulated by its policies ; and its judgments were legislative to all places over which the roman-eagles had spread their victorious wings : in a word , the general emergencies of the universe are the ordinary discourse of the inhabitants of this great city : and on the contrary , what is done in it employs the reflections of all those who have heard of its name . but as it hapned heretofore at the death of any of its emperours , all eyes were upon it , to observe the management of an election , which they thought contributory to their happiness or unhappiness , though as yet the jurisdiction related only to temporal concerns : so is it since it became the seat of a spiritual monarchy and hierarchy . for upon every vacancy in this , the whole christian world is inquisitive to know what passes in a conjuncture of so great importance , to the tranquillity and advantage of christendom , and wholly taken up with a consideration how worthy or how happy that subject ought to be , who is to fill a chair exalted above all the thrones upon earth . as therefore every one thinks himself concern'd in this exaltation to the papal dignity , so does every one imagine he hath a right and freedom to speak , and give his judgment of it . accordingly hath it hapned , that all the circumstances of so celebrious and sacred an action have been so well observ'd , and thought of such consequence , that the memorials thereof have been transmitted to after-ages ; to the end it should be known , with what extraordinary precautions they were to proceed upon the like occasions , in order to the prevention of those misfortunes and disturbances , which the long continuance of a vacancy hath many times occasion'd in the church . but what occasions long vacancies , and how far they are to be imputed to the interfering interests of those temporal princes , who think themselves more nearly concern'd in the election , is no● our business here to determine : onl● this seems rationally deducible from their proceedings therein , that they would demean themselves with a greater indifference , as to the election , were they less perswaded , that the person once elected must be acknowledg'd supreme pastor of the catholick church . but in process of time , through the prudent provisions , which the popes have made by their constitutions : things are reduc'd to a certain order , so as that there is the less ground of fearing those fatal accidents , wherewith the church hath been but too much afflicted by so many schismes , most of which have deriv'd their birth or growth from the long continuance of conclaves . and the city of rome seems from that time to have attain'd a better constitution , so as not to be subject to any disturbance during that interregnum ; of which it is the design of this discourse to give a particular account , by discovering what is done , not only within the walls of rome , but also those of the conclave it self , upon the occasion of a vacancy in the see apostolick , and representing the ceremonies observed at the exaltation of a person to a spiritual jurisdiction and supremacy . as soon as the pope hath submitted to the laws of mortality by resigning up his last breath , or seems past all hopes of recovery , the cardinal patrone , who is ordinarily the nephew , and entrusted with the management of state-affairs , sends an account of his condition to the several cardinals and embassadors : by the prelates he dispatches to them , and orders all the considerable prisoners to be remov'd out of the ordinary prisons to the castle st. angelo , in regard that immediately upon the pope's death the senate and people of rome set open the prison-doors , and give liberty to all those whom they there find in restraint . soon after the cardinals and embassadors make their visits to the cardinal patrone , condoling the loss he hath received by the pope's death ; and if it happen that any of them be in the pope's antichamber , when he is ready to expire , they are admitted into his chamber to see his departure , and to address their prayers to god for him . assoon as he is given over for dead the cardinal 's , and all the officers , who had lodgings assign'd them in the palace , dislodge themselves and go to their houses in the city , save only the cardinal , who has the title of chamberlain , whose priviledge it is to continue still in the pope's appartment . there are in the sacred colledge of cardinals , ( whose number is by the constitution of sixtus quintus limited to seventy ) three principal charges , which admit not of any vacancy upon the pope's death , but only upon theirs who were possest thereof . those are that of chancellour , ( who yet assumes only the title and quality of vice-chancellour , though there be not any other person above him ) that of the grand penitentiary , and that of chamberlain . the functions of the two former charges are sufficiently known by their nam●s ; but the third is in its greatest lustre during the vacancy of the see , though the person who is possest of it be at all other times chief of the chamber of accompts and the finances of the holy see. but when , and as long as there is no pope , he commands the swisses of the guard , who had belong'd to the deceas'd , and they keep guard about his palace , and follow him up and down the city . he orders the coynage of money , on which there are engraven his own armes under those of the vacant see , which are two keys crossing one the other under a canopy . he has this further priviledge , to be present with the three chiefs of the order of the cardinals , ( that is to say , the dean of the sacred colledge , the first cardinal-priest , and the first cardinal-deacon ) in all the assemblies they shall hold during the vacancy of the see , to advise with them about the affairs of the church . it belongs also to the cardinal-chamberlain to see all things ordered relating to the conclave , which he disposes to whom he thinks fit after the election of a pope . the chief officer of the datary , the secretaries , and all others who are intrusted with seals of any kind , which they had had from the deceas'd pope , bring them immediately upon the first news of his death to the cardinal chamberlain , who , in the presence of the auditor , and the clerks of the chamber ( who are the masters of accompts ) and of the grand treasurer ( who is surintendant of the finances or revenues ) orders them to be broken , that no foul play or forgerie be done with them ; and the ring of the fisher , which is of gold , and valu'd at about a hundred crowns , after it is broken , belongs to the masters of the ceremonies . it is also incumbent on the said cardinal to send notice at the same time to all the cardinals , the senate , and people of rome , of the pope's death , and the three chiefs in point of denomination ( there being three different classes of cardinals , according to the difference of their titles ; to wit , six titles of episcopal cardinals , fifty of priesthood , and fourteen deacon-cardinals ) send the like notice to all the other cardinals , to make their appearance in the hall of the consistory that very evening ; or if that cannot be done with convenience the next morning to take order for all the charges which shall be vacant upon the pope's death , and to appoint a governour of the conclave , and of st. peter's , which is the most fortify'd quarter of rome , and wherein lie the castle of st. angelo , the church of st. peter , and the vatican palace , and where the conclave is ordinarily kept ; and they all go with the roquet uncover'd , as a mark that the sovereign spiritual authority is devolv'd into their hands , as having then no superiours over them . those who are creatures of the deceas'd pope are clad in violet , as are also the other cardinals , but with this distinction , that the borders and ornaments of their garments are red . in the mean time the pope's almoners , after they have washt the corps , cloath it with his cassock , his roquet , his camad , and his caloth , and by a secret pair of stairs convey it to the chapel of sixtus , which is in the palace . there it is received by the penitentiaries of st. peter , who vest him so as if he were going to celebrate mass , setting on his head a mitre of cloth of gold , with all the other ornaments peculiar to this ceremony ; and among others the pallium and pannona , which none is to wear but only the pope in his pontifical habiliments . being thus habited , they lay him on a couch in the midst of the chappel , with a silver cross upon his breast , and two cardinals hats at his feet , representing his spiritual and temporal authority . ordinarily , there are but a dozen torches set about the corps , and no canopy . the congregation of cardinals being risen , the creatures of the deceas'd and his particular servants come into the chapel ; where , after they have said certain prayers for his soul , the canons of st. peter make their entrance with their crosses , with every one a wax candle in his hand , and taking the corps they carry it into one of the chapels of their church , where it lies expos'd for the space of three days to the sight of all the people , who are admitted to kiss his feet and hands . after the expiration of those three days , the same canons , accompany'd by the relations of the deceas'd ( the church-doors being shut ) dispose the body into his sepulchre , in case he had ordered any to be made in his life-time ; but if not , they cover it with plaister in some part of their said church , till his sepulchre be made ready , which the succeeding pope , if he be a creature of the deceas'd , does ordinarily cause to be made at his own charge , together with one for himself , in such church as he shall think fit to make choice of : yet is it to be observed , that the body is to continue a whole year deposited in the said church of st. peter ; after which it may be buried any where else , and the translation of it is celebrated with great pomp aud magnificence ; and they use in that ceremony a particular herse-cloth embroidered , which the clergy of st. peter are oblig'd to get made for every pope immediately after his eelection , which cloth is carefully laid up , during the life of the said pope . the first day after the departure of any pope being over , the cardinals employ the mornings of the nine subsequent days in having dirges sung for the repose of the soul of the deceas'd ; and on the ninth the funeral-oration is made ; after which all the cardinals come about the quire beset all with lights , under which there is a bed of state , and five among them ( of which number the cardinal , who says mass is one ) with black . on , having given holy-water and incense , say the suffrages and accustomed prayers . all the days next following the said dirges of the said cardinals meet in the sacristy of st. peter , to name the officers of the conclave , and to settle other affairs of the ecclesiastical state. the embassadors make them proffers of the assistance of their masters , in order to the security and freedom of the conclave . at their coming in , they make a genuflexion , and speak standing and cover'd ; and at their departure thence they make the like genuflexion . the house of the ursini , and that of the colonni , as being the chiefest houses of rome , are also receiv'd into it , but kneeling and bare-headed . they pretend that they have a priviledge to offer with their own service , that , of all the other roman princes and lords . these latter on the contrary , ( whose body is called the baronage ) are not willing to acknowledge any dependence on the former two houses , and ordinarily make choice of the most ancient person of their body to make their harangue . this contest upon the death of urban the eighth , occasion'd the ursini and the colonni to forbear going at all , and yet the baronage was admitted to make proffers of their service . the ten days above-mentioned being expired , on the eleventh the cardinals have a dirge sung at st. peters , one of them celebrating mass in honour of the holy ghost , after which there is a sermon preach'd , wherein they are exhorted to divest themselves of all passion and self-interest in the election they are to make of a good common father of the church . after which they make their entrance by way of procession into the conclave , the musick singing the veni creator , and lay their crosses in the chapel paulina . the dean being come up to the altar says the prayer , deus qui corda fidelium : which ended , the cardinals take the oath appointed for the observance of the constitutions of former popes concerning the election of the new one . that done , every one goes to dinner in his own apartment , which had been assign'd them in the palace , for the preparing of their sustenance during their abode in the conclave , they being not permitted to come out of the palace till they have chosen a pope . all that day the conclave lies open , to satisfie the curiosity of the people , who are permitted during that time to visit it ; and towards the evening every one withdraws into his cell , and about three or four hours after , the cursors or heralds put out the multitude , crying aloud extra omnes . but the embassadors , who had spent the eleven days aforesaid in visiting all the cardinals at their several lodgings , come to see them once more in the conclave ; and as soon as they are come out thence , ( which they commonly do last of any ) the chief person of the house of the savelli , as hereditary marshal of the holy church , locks the door of the conclave , sets a guard at it , and hath an apartment adjoyning thereto , out of which he is not to stir either night or day till there be a pope chosen . at the last conclave , there arose a contest between him and the governour of the said conclave about the keys of it ; but they were adjudg'd to the prince savelli , as'having been in former times in the possession of his predecessors . the keeping of the keys within the conclave belongs to the cardinal-chamberlian and the master of the ceremonies . in the door of the conclave there is a little square window , which may be shut on both sides within and without , and is not open'd , but only when embassadors or some other person of quality brings some very important advertisement or intelligence to the sacred colledge , and then they direct their speech through the said window . according to the constitution of pius the fourth every cardinal may have two men with him to wait upon him in the conclave ; but princes and the more ancient cardinals may have three and no more : and these persons are called conclavists , who all joyning together oblige all the cardinals to take an oath for the observance of their priviledges . nor can any of the cardinals balk the taking of the said oath , out of a fear of the reproach which might be made him of his desire to be pope . their priviledges consist in having ten thousand crowns out of the chamber , to be divided among them , and all the vacant benefices , not exceeding two thousand crowns revenue . moreover , it is further requisite , according to the foresaid constitution of pius the fourth , that the conclavists , be actually menial servants to the said cardinals at the vacancy of the holy see , and that they had been in their service for the space of a year before . with this further proviso , that the ministers of princes , persons possessd of in for , ost . temporal seigneuries , having the rights of the administration of justice annex'd thereto , as also persons employ'd in traffick and commerce ; and lastly , the brothers or nephews of cardinals , cannot be chosen by them for their conclavists , though they were their domesticks , and receiv'd wages or salaries from them . to this kind of persons there are added also two others , one for the service of the two masters of ceremonies , and the other , for the secretary of the sacred colledge . with this reservation nevertheless , that the servant of of the masters of the ceremonies ought to be actually a domestick of one of them , and have been such for the space of six months before : which condition is in like manner requisite in the servant to the secretary of the colledge of cardinals . besides the cardinals and their conclavists , the two masters of ceremonies , the secretary of the colledge , and their servants there are also shut up in the conclave a penitentiary , to receive confessions , and resolve such cases of conscience as may be propos'd to him ; as also a sacristan , with a chaplain to assist him in the service of the sacristy , a physician , an apothecary , and a chyrurgeon , with one or two servants , and the drugs and medicines requisite for the relief and accommodation of the indispos'd ; a carpenter , a mason , and about twenty porters or servants of the meanest sort , to be employed in the carrying of wood , sweeping the chambers and the streets of the conclave , and to what other services may be necessary within . all these officers and servants are chosen by the cardinals by plurality of voices , and are not to be taken out of the houses of any of the said cardinals , and their salaries are paid out of the chamber . assoon as they have clear'd the conclave of all those persons , whom either their curiosity or some other occasion had brought thither , the embassador's also being retir'd , and the door lockt on the out-side by the marshal of the conclave , who has the keys of it , and is to see it guarded , the three cardinals , chiefs of the three different classes , accompany'd by the cardinal-chamberlain , and one of the masters of ceremonies , who have the custody of the keyes within , ( as hath been observ'd already ) go with torches all about the conclave , visiting all parts of it , to see if there be any there who ought not to be , and whether the shutting up of the conclave be performed according to the constitutions . and the next day , immediately after dinner , there is a review taken of all the conclavists and servants in the chapel , out of which they are ordered to go one after another , to be examin'd , whether they have the qualifications requisite for their admission , as also whether they exceed not the number appointed by the said constitutions . but , before we come to a particular account of what passes among the cardinals in the conclave , it will not be amiss to say somewhat of what is done in the mean time , in reference to the government of the city . upon the news spread abroad of the pope's death , the senate and people of rome , ( that is to say , the consuls of the city ) being assembled in the capital , cause it to be publish'd through all the streets by beat of drum , order the prison-doors to be open'd , and set at liberty all they find in restraint , thereby signifying that the jurisdiction of rome during the vacancy of the holy see , is devoted to them . they order all the inhabitants to keep a candle lighted at their window during all that night , and enjoyn the captains of the several wards or quarters , ( whose companies consist of men , whom the inhabitants of all ranks and orders , ( excepting only both the roman and foreign nobility ) are oblig'd to furnish them withal , to the number of one for every house with their armes ) to keep strict guards day and night , every one in their lodgings , and to take their several rounds and patrouilles , to prevent the disorders which are many times very great , proceeding hence , that such as have been hardly or injuriously dealt with , during the precedent papacies , do for the most part defer their resentments thereof to the next vacant see ; so that it happens many murthers and assassinations may be committed . not but that justice is very severely administred at that time , and with greater expedition , then at any other ; but if the murtherers and other mischievous persons be not surpriz'd in the very facts , and can make a shift to abscond themselves and keep out of the way till the creation of a new pope , they return to their habitations as if they had committed those crimes in some other countrey . all the cardinals , embassadors , princes and lords about rome raise souldiers for the guarding of their palaces and their houses , and they among the cardinals who have any pretensions to the papacy are more careful in this particular then the others , by reason of the priviledge the people assume to themselves of pillaging them assoon as they are chosen . there passes not a day without some processions , which from all churches and monasteries take their way to st. peter's , and about the conclave , singing as they go the hymn veni creator , to implore the assistance of the holy ghost and its inspirations upon the cardinals . the conclave consists ordinarily of three galleries , aud twenty five or thirty withdrawing-rooms or chambers , all of a floor , from the vatican-palace of equal height with the gallerie which is over the portal of st. peter's , which is the ordinary place of the benediction given by the pope to the people after his coronation , and upon the great festivals of the year : which gallery makes also part of the conclave . in all which galleries , rooms and chambers , they make partitions of boards for so many cells as there are cardinals . every cardinal hath a cell assign'd him about five paces in length , and about four in bredth , with a little wardrobe proportionable thereto . the cells are taken by lot , and every cardinal is to take that the number whereof he finds in his lot : and whereas it happens that the cardinals are not all of them , during the whole time , confin'd within the conclave , either upon the account of sickness or absence , the cells which are not taken up are divided among the next neighbors , who make this advantage only of the absence or indisposition of others , that their rooms are somwhat enlarg'd therby ; but the absent or sick cardinals , returning into the conclave , reassume their cells , and so oblige those who had made use of them to content themselves with their own divisions . they among the cardinals , who were creatures of the deceas'd pope , hang their cells within and without with cloth or serge of a violet colour , and the others with green serge , all setting up their armes over their doors , which they make fast only with two staves crossing one the other after the form of a st. andrews cross . the officers and servants of the conclave have their quarters assign'd them in some remote part . at three or four avenues of the said conclave , there are turning-boxes , like those in the monasteries of nuns , through which the meat sent in to the cardinals and their conclavists is received . their partizans and servants attend their meat as they were wont to do their persons when they were at liberty . before the entrance of the cardinals into the conclave , there is a list taken of all the prelates then about the court of rome , and the governour of it appoints every day , two in the morning , and as many in the afternoon , every one in his rank , to be present at the said turning-boxes , to visit and observe whatever is sent in to the cardinals , to prevent the sending in of letters or notes with the meat . they are also to hinder all persons from speaking to them or their conclavists at the said boxes , unless they speak aloud , and in the italian or latin tongue , that every one may understand what is said ; inasmuch as by the constitutions , it is matter of excommunication to talk of , or to enquire what is done within the conclave . but notwithstanding all the caution and vigilance us'd as to this particular , yet cannot some abuses be prevented ; and people come to know what passes there . this happens sometimes by the way of notes or advertisements in writing , which they find means to get in , either by the connivance of some prelates , who are unwilling to disoblige the crowns and princes , whose patrizans they are , as they think they should do , by obstructing their having intelligence of what passes . sometimes also this is attributed to the cardinals themselves , who do it to promote their different engagements and affections , or to prevent prejudicing their hopes , or that their precautions are really eluded . another way yet , where there may be a discovery made of proceedings in the conclave , is , a secret kind of language before-hand , studied and agreed upon between the conclavists , and their correspondents , whereof they make their advantages when occasion serves , comprehending under the supposititious termes of houshold-stuffe , relations , or domestick affairs , concerning which they enquire news , the names of such cardinals as are propos'd , or excluded , or that stand fair for the papal dignity ; and so by disguiz'd discourses , and an affected jargon applicable to divers senses , disclosing what is most secretly carried on in the conclave . yet is there not any thing to be objected against the shutting up of the conclave , since it is done with all the exactness imaginable . for the chimneys are close done up at the tops , and the windows of all the rooms and galleries are in like manner stop'd to within a foot of the upper part , which small distance is clos'd with course linen cloth , whereby a little light comes in ; but so that if the cardinals have any occasion to write or read , they must always have a wax-candle standing by them . and thence it proceeds , that not receiving any supplies of fresh air from without , and that within being many times infected and corrupted , they are apt to fall sick , especially when the conclaves are of long continuance . the twelfth day after the pope's death ( the first , as hath bin already observ'd being spent in conveying the body into one of the chapels of st. peter's church , and the nine subsequent days in celebrating obsequies and singing dirges for the soul of the deceas'd , and holding the ordinary congregations at the end of the said dirges ; and the eleventh , in the cardinals taking possession of the conclave , which for all that day lies open to satisfie the curiosity of the people , who come not out of it till three or four houres after night ) all the cardinals resident about the court of rome , having shut themselves up in the conclave , ina much as by the constitution of gregory xv. there can be no warrantable proceeding to the election , till the shutting up of the conclave be compleated , and acknowledg'd such by a publick act , which is made thereof at the request of the master of the ceremonies : all these things being thus order'd in the morning of the said twelfth day , before they apply themselves to any thing concerning the election , the three cardinals , chiefs of the several orders , and the cardinal chamberlain give a commission to some within , to take an exact survey of all parts of the conclave , to see that it is close and well shut up of all sides . which if they find accordingly , after they have made their report thereof to the company , it is form●d into an authentick act , the substance whereof amounts to this , that the conclave is close and shut up , as it is requir'd it should be by the constitutions , and accounted and reputed such by the sacred colledge of cardinals . and this ceremony is so essential , and of so absolute necessity , that there would be a nullity in the election , which should be made without this precedent act. and as long as there is no declaration contrary to that of the shutting up of the conclave , that is , till such time as it shall have been declared by the suffrages of two thirds of the cardinals , that there is an overture of the said conclave , it is always accounted and reputed duly shut up ; and the election which might be made after the publication of the closure , cannot be disputed as to nullity , under pretence of any overture hapning afterwards , if the declaration of the overture had not been made with the advice of two thirds of the colledge of cardinals . the cardinals are permitted to hold their capitulary assemblies or congregations , to agree among themselves upon certain articles , before they engage npon the business of the election . these articles are to be sign'd by all , even those which concern the privileges of the conclavists heretofore mentioned , before or after their entrance into the conclave , provided always that the election be not retarded thereby . there is also a further examination made , before they fall upon any thing touching the election , whether among the cardinals there be any one that hath not receiv'd the order of deacon , to the end he might not be admitted to give his voice , inasmuch as he is excluded by the constitution of pius iv. unless he had obtain'd permission in writing from the deceas'd pope to do it . nay , it hath sometimes heretofore come into debate , whether a cardinal , on whom silence had been impos'd before the pope's death , could give his suffrage for the election of another pope ? but this question was decided by pius v. who , by the decretal of january 26. 1571. declar'd , that that imposition of silence was only a ceremony introduc'd only to keep the cardinals in a certain advertency ( before they were admitted to give their voices and suffrages , as the consistories and congregations wherein they were to assist ) of that modesty and reservedness , which they were oblig'd to express in those and all other acts , but not to deprive them of their power and principal function , which consists in the election of a pope . and this constitution hath ever since been inviolably observ'd . the shutting up of the conclave introduc'd at the council of lyons , by the constitution of greg. x. 1274. having therfore bin duly acknowledg'd and verifi'd , the cardinals ( being advertis'd by the ringing of a bell to resort to the chapel paulina , which is within the compass of the conclave , if not diverted by sickness ) on the very morning of the twelfth day , go to hear mass , and communicate , as they are oblig'd to do , and immediately after ought to proceed to the election . which election , at the present , by the constitution of gregory xv. confirmed by another since of urban viii . cannot be made , otherwise then by one of these three formes and manners following ; to wit , either by way of inspiration , or by compromise ; or lastly , by scrutiny and access ; all which it is but requisite that we expicate , and make as intelligible as may be , that it may be the more easily comprehensible , with what extraordinary circumspection and wise precautions they are guided , in an affair of so high consequence . the first means or method of choosing the pope , which they call the way of inspiration ; or as it is exprest by the sacred canons as-it-were-by-inspiration , is , when all the cardinals in general , and every one in particular , with a common voice , as being inspir'd by the holy ghost , are unanimously agreed , without any one contradicting it , and without any precedent particular treaty , and do freely concur to the acknowledging and proclaiming of such a person pope . concerning which manner of election we are to observe the following circumstances , which are necessarily requisite by the gregorian constitution , which is a perfect directory , as to the ways of proceeding at elections , and observ'd at present without any contradiction . the first circumstance is , that this kind of election cannot be allowably made any where but in the conclave , and that after the publication of its being duly shut up . the second is , that this election is to be made by all in general , by every one of the cardinals in particular , who are present in the conclave , by a common suffrage , and without contradiction from any one . the third circumstance is , that there must not have been any precedent proposal , or particular treaty , in reference to a choice to be made by this kin● of way , which ought to be clearly ●●…prest by this word eligo , i chuse , pronounc'd with a loud and intelligible voice , or , for want of pronunciation , to be expresly set down in writing . the roman ceremonial gives an instance of an election , which might be allowably made by this kind of way , which brought in hither will render the business more cle●… . it is said in the forementiond ceremonial , that if any one of the cardinals , after publication of the shutting of the conclave , ( there having not been any precedent particular treaty about the person whom he would propose ) should say , for example , in a full chapel , addressing his speech to the whole sacred colledge , my lords , having always observ'd the rare and excellent qualifications and vertues of my lord the cardinal n. and having an esteem for his remarkable integrity , it is my judgement that we cannot make choice of a worthier subject to be pope , and thereupon i from this present give him my suffrage , and chuse him for pope . and that afterwards all the cardinals , with one voice , without excepting any one , being of the same opinion , and all of them intelligibly pronouncing one after another the same word , i chuse him ; or not being able to pronounce it , setting it down in writing , that person would be canonically chosen , and acknowledg'd for a true and legitimate pope , by that way which they call of inspiration , or as-it-were-by-inspiration ; which in regard it is immediately attended by adoration , is thence commonly called the way of adoration . the second manner of proceeding in the election of the pope , is the way of compromi'se , which is , when the cardinals , either immediately after their entrance into the conclave , or wearied out with its long continuance , refer themselves to one or more among them , whom they empower to make provision , in the name of all , of a common father to the catholick church . and this kind of election is practis'd conformably to the gregorian bull , and the conditions and provisions contain'd therein , which may also be reduced to three . the first is , that all the cardinals in general , and every one in particular , who are present in the conclave , not one contradicting or opposing it , ought to make a compromise in writing , whereby they invest those persons whom they take for compromissaries with an absolute power and faculty to make provision of a pastor for the holy roman church , yet with an observance of the forme , as also the clauses and conditions inserted and express'd in the compromise , and to do it within the time prescrib'd thereby : the said cardinals , promising to acknowledge and account the person , whom the compromissaries shall have thus chosen , according to the extent of that power which had been granted them by the compromise , the true and lawful pope . the second circumstance is , that it is not permitted any one of the compromissaries should give himself his own voice , otherwise his election should be null . the third condition is , that the compromissaries are oblig'd twice every day to assemble , in order to their conferring together , and promoting the execution of the compromise ; in the morning immediately after the hearing of mass , and in the evening after the recitation of the hymn veni creator spiritus , and the prayer of the holy ghost , to implore its illuminations upon them . but before they fall upon any thing of business , they are wont to make this protestation precedent thereto , that they would not be understood to give their consent by all sorts of words or expressions which might fall from them in the heat of the debate , if they do not expresly set it down in writing . when they have absolutely agreed upon the choice of any person , and have prpos'd him as such to the sacred college , he it to be immediately acknowledg'd as true pope , and canonically elected . these two ways of inspiration and compromise are not now much in use ; but the way of scrutiny , or of scrutiny and access joyned together , is the most ordinarily practis'd , wherein there are many ceremonies to be observed . for the election of a pope by this last way , it is requisite , according to the constitution of alexander the third , in the year of our lord mclxxx . made at the council of lateran , that there should be two thirds of the voices of the cardinals ; which hath been confirm'd by subsequent bulls , and in our age by those of gregory xv. and urban viii . and it is further requiste , that in the two thirds of the voices , that of the cardianl chosen , be not included , inasmuch as there is a prohibition upon pain of nullity of election for any one to chuse himself , or give himselfe his own voice . they are oblig'd twice every day to take the scrutiny and the access ; in the morning , after mass ; and in the evening , after the hymn veni creator spiritus , and the prayer of the holy ghost which are said in the chapel paulina at which the cardinals are oblig'd to be present , if not detain'd by indisposition , immediately , after the third ringing of the bell. there is a great secrecy to be observ'd in the scrutiny and access , and the manner of proceeding therein may be reduc'd to three principal actions . the first is the previous or fore-scrutiny ; the second , that of scrutiny and access ; and the third , that of the post-scrutiny , or what follows the scrutiny and access assoon as they are compleated . the particular explication of these three different actions will give us a fuller comprehension of this way of scrutiny and access , and give us to understand what it is , by distinguishing them as they are found explicated in the roman ceremonial . the fore-scrutiny may be distinguish'd into five principal acts : the preparation of the billets for the scrutiny and access ; the taking out by lots , the names of the scrutators and deputies , who are to collect the suffrages of such as are indispos'd ; that of writing them in the billets of access , that of folding them , and that of sealing them . the masters of the ceremonies are the persons who take care for the preparation of the billets , which they cause to be printed according to the forme hereafter set down , as well for the scrutiny as access . they put them into two basins upon a table before the altar ; those of the scrutiny by themselves in one of the basins , and those of the access in the other ; in number so many as there are cardinals . the figure of the billet of the scrutiny is such , that the length exceeds the bredth . it is about a hands bredth in length , and about half as broad . the outside of the billet comprehends three things ; in the upper part of it are written these words , ego cardinalis , with as much distance between the one and the other , as may be requisite for the setting down of the cardinal's name who gives his voice , and a little lower there are two little circles denoting the places where the seal is to be set . in the midst of the billet are imprinted these words , eligo in summum pontificem reverendissimum d. meum , d. cardinalem — i chuse for supream bishop the most reverend lord , my lord cardinal . — in the third and lowest part of the billet are in like manner imprinted two little circles , denoting also the places of the seal , and all the rest is blank . the form and figure of the billets for the access , is in all respects like that of the billets of the scrutiny , save only that in the midst of them , in stead of these words [ eligo in summum pontificem reverendissimum d. meum , d. cardinalem ] these are inserted , accedo reverendissimo d. meo , d. cardinali , that is to say , i give again my voice to my most reverend lord my lord cardinal . but these things will be more easily comprehended by exhibiting here the figures of the billets . the figure of the out-side of the billet of the scrutiny . fgo cird . eligo in summum pontificem rm. d. meum d. cardin. the figure of the out-side of the billet of access . ego card. ac●ed● rev●rendiss . d. m●o card. upon the other side of the billets , as well those of the scrutiny , as those of the access , there are imprinted certain bordures , or flourishes , one about the midst of the upper part of the billet , upon which is written the word nomen , and the other in like manner in the midst of the lower part , upon which is also written the word signa . the flourishes were invented purposely to render the paper the more obseure , and that the names and signes of the cardinals electors might not be perceiv'd through it : which will also be more easily understood by an inspection of the figure here annexed . the figure of the other side of the billets of the scrutiny and access . nomen . signa . the second act of the fore-scrutiny is , that of drawing by lot , the names of the scrutators and the infirmaries , who are the cardinals appointed to go to the cells of such as are indispos'd ▪ and there to take their suffrages , which is done in this manner . there are put into a purse as many little bullets or balls , hol'd through the middle , about the bigness of beads , as there are cardinals in the conclave , with their names written in little snips of parchment roll'd up , and thrust through the holes in the little bullets , which the masters of the ceremonies take care to provide , as they do the billets . as they are put into the purse they are counted all one after another , in the presence of the cardinals , and then after they have been well shaken together , the last of the deacon-cardinals draws three out of the purse , and they whose names are found in them are chosen for scrutators , according to the order wherein they are drawn out of the purse . then they draw out three others for the infirmaries or deputies , who are to go to such as are sick . and that done , the little bullets are return'd into the purse . twice a day , that is , in the morning and afternoon before the scrutiny , there is an election made of the said officers . but if it happen that they draw the names of any of the cardinals that are sick , or cannot by reason of some other impediment acquit themselves of the function of the said charges of scrutators and infirmaries , there are others drawn in their stead . the third act of the fore-scrutiny consists in setting down what is to be written in the billets , and in the filling of them by the cardinals with their own names , and the name of the cardinal to whom they give their suffrages , and their signets . to do this , every cardinal , according to his rank , beginning with the dean or most ancient , goes and takes out of the basin wherein the billets of the scrutiny are standing upon the altar one billet , and thereupon retiring into one of the two or three little desks or seats prepared for that purpose , and furnished with pen and ink in the middest of it , or to some other part of the chapel , so expos'd to the sight of all , that they may easily see him writing , but not discern what is written ; and taking his seat prepar'd also near the desk , he fills up his billet thus ; in the upper part he writes between these words [ ego cardinalis ] his own name ; in the midst of it he inserts the name of him to whom he gives his voice , with some difference and disguise of character as much as he can , according to the bull of gregory xv. that it may not be known by the writing : and in the lower part of the billet is written some certain number in figures , according to his own phansie , with some sentence out of the holy scripture , or somewhat of that nature . the figure of a billet fill'd up will render what we have said more manifest to the eye . the figure of the out-side of the billet of the scrutiny . ego fra. card. barb. eligo in summum pontificem rm. d. meum d. card ca pineum . 10. in manibus tuis sortes meae . the folding of the billets is the fourth act of the fore-scrutiny : it is no hard matter to comprehend how it is done . by the fold which is made of the billet , in the upper part of it , the corners whereof are to be turn'd down upon the marks of the seal , the name of the cardinal elector is cover'd . in like manner , by the folding which is made of the lower part of the billet , the corners whereof are also to be laid over the marks of the seal , the signes are likewise cover'd . after these two foldings , they fold it so often as is requisite to reduce it to the bredth of an inch or thereabouts . there remains yet the last act of the fore-scrutiny , which consists in sealing the billets , the form whereof is as easily conceivable , as that of the precedent folding . every cardinal before his entrance into the conclave , must have furnisht himself with a seal , unknown to the others , purposely grav'd for this occasion , containing some fancy or character , or simple-figure , the impression whereof may be easily perceiv'd . with this seal the cardinal makes an impression on the back of the billet , at the places design'd by the little circles , on which the masters of the ceremonies , before the putting of the billets into the basins , had claqt little bits of red wax . these things thus perform'd , the cardinals proceed to the second principal action called the scrutiny , which the ceremonial hath distinguish'd into eight particular acts. these are , the carrying of the billets to the altar ; the taking of the oath ; the putting of the billets into the chalice prepar'd for the reception of them ; the mixture which is thereupon made thereof ; the numbring of the billets ; the publication of the scrutiny ; the filing of the billets ; and the laving of them aside , either upon some part of the altar , or upon the desks of the scrutators , or in an empty chalice . the carrying of the billets to the altar , the taking of the oath , and the putting of the billets into the chalice , are three acts , so consequent one to the other , that it is no hard matter to make a joynt imagination of them . and to that end , presupposing that every cardinal hath at the desk ( as aforesaid ) fill'd up the billet of the scrutiny with his own name , the name of him , to whom he gives his voice , and the ordinary signes , that he hath folded it , and seal'd it , according to the precedent explication , he takes the said billet with the two fore-fingers of the right hand , he carries it openly up to the altar , where the scrutators are standing at the desk , which had been there prepar'd for them ; and being come thither , he falls down on his knees , and makes a short prayer ; after which , rising up , with a loud and intelligible voice , he takes the oath according to the forme , wherein it is transcrib'd in a table upon the altar , in these termes , testor christum dominum , qui me judicaturus est , me eligere , quem , secundum deum , judico eligi debere , et quod idem in accessu praestabo . that is to say , i attest jesus christ my lord , who is to be my judge , that i chuse him , whom according to god's will i think fittest to be chosen ; and that i will do the like in the access . having thus taken the oath , he lays his billet upon the cover of the chalice , and with the cover he puts it into the chalice , and thereupon making an obeisance to the altar , he retires to his place . this ceremony is observ'd by all the cardinals , who are able to come up to the altar . for if it happen , that any one of the cardinals then present in the chapel is not able , by reason of infirmity , to come up to the altar , the junior of the scrutators takes the basin , wherein the billets of the scrutiny are , and carries it to him , out of which the indispos'd cardinal having taken a billet , he secretly fills it up , at his own desk , folds it , and seals it , as is before-mentioned ; and after he hath taken the foresaid oath in the place where he is , he delivers his said billet to the scrutator , who openly carries it up to the altar , and without any prayer or oath lays it on the cover , and with the cover conveys it into the chalice . the same thing is done towards all the indispos'd cardinals who are in the chapel . but as to those cardinals , who , by reason of sickness are not able to stir out of their cells , the infirmary-cardinals chosen by lot to go and receive their voices , go to the desk of the scrutators , and take from their hands a box with a hole in the upper side of it , having a lock and key to it about a hands bredth high . this box is publickly opened by the scrutators , before the delivery of it to the infirmaries , to the end that every one of the cardinals may see it is empty , and that done they lock it up with the key , which they lay upon the altar , and then give the box to the infirmaries , who , having taken a little basin , with as many billets therein as there are cardinals sick in their cells , go to them . the indispos'd cardinals having taken their billets out of the basin , secretly fill them up , fold them , and seal them , and after they have made the ordinary oath , put them into the hole of the box. if the cardinal's sickness be such as that he is not able to write , he makes choice of such person as he thinks fit to fill up his billet . but the said person so appointed to fill it up , is oblig'd to make oath before the infirmary-cardinals , that he will not reveal the secret then entrusted to him : and this he is bound to do , not only upon the obligation of the said oath , but also upon pain of incurring excommunication ipso facto . the suffrages of the indispos'd cardinals being thus collected by the infirmaries , they return to the chapel , deliver the box to the scrutators , who opening it , take out the billets , which after they have been numbred , they lay , one after another upon the cover of the chalices , and with the cover convey them into the chalice . but to the end the scrutiny may not hold too long , and that it may be carry'd on without any interruption , ( as it is requir'd by the balls ) the infirmary-cardinals , before they go to the indispos'd , may fill the billets with their voices immediately after the dean-cardinal ; and then , while the others make the scrutiny , address themselves to the sick to collect their suffrages . the mixture of the billets makes the fourth act of the scrutiny , and consists in the shaking of them well in the chalice with its cover on ; which is performed by the chiefest of the scrutators , who , to that end , takes the chalice from the altar , and holding with one hand by the foot , and having the other upon the cover , shakes the billets so as that it may not be discover'd which were put in first , which last . the numbring of the billets is the fifth act , immediately following the mixture thereof , and is performed by the junior of the scrutators , who takes them one after another out of the chalice , and counts them , and puts them into another empty chalice prepar'd for that purpose . if the number of the billets be not equal to that of the cardinals , they are all burnt , and without removing out of the place they renew the scrutiny . but if the number be equal they proceed to the other subsequent acts of the scrutiny . the publication , which is the sixth act , and ought to be done by the scrutators sitting at their desk placed before the altar , is thus performed . the chief scrutator takes a billet out of the chalice , which he unfolds , without breaking the seals of it , and having discover'd and seen the name of him to whom the suffrage is given by the billet , he delivers it to the second scrutator , who having also seen the same name puts the billet into the hands of the third scrutator , who reads it with a loud and intelligible voice , so as that all the cardinals present in the chapel may hear it , who having before them their names set down in a printed sheer of paper , wherein opposite to every name there are lines drawn to the right hand and to the left , upon which they make as many dashes as a cardinal hath voices . upon 〈◊〉 line on the right hand they are to mark the votes of the scrutiny , and on that to the left those of the access . and this ceremony is observ'd in the publication of all the billets from the first to the last . here place the catalogue . a figure of the printed sheet which every cardinal hath lying before him , where upon to mark the suffrages of the scrutiny and access . accesse day suffrages month   accesse day suffrages , 1667. — r. fran barberin —   — ● dono — — r. ginetti —   — r. barbarigo — — r. ant. barberin —   — r. arragon — — r. palotta —   — r. boncompagno — — r. branciacco —   — r. litta — — r. carpegna —   — r. corsino — — r. harach —   — r. bonelli — — r. durazzo —   — r. picolomini — — r. cabrielli —   — r. caraffa — — r. ursino —   — r. palutio — — r. fachinetti —   — r. rasponi — — r. grimaldi —   — r. de comitibus — — r. rosetti —   — r. nini — — r. ludovisio —   — r. roberti — — r. cybo —   — r. spinola — — r. sfortia —   — r. visconti — — r. odcscalchi —   — r. caraccioli — — r. raggi —   — r. delphini — — r. ●e retz —   — r. de thun . — — p. homodei —   — r. d'est — — r. otthobono —   — r. donghi — — r. imperiale —   — r. rondanini — — r. borrhomaeo —   — r. maldachini — — r. santa-croce —   — r. de assia — — r. spada —   — r. carl. barbarino — — r. albici —   — r. pio — — r. aquauiua —   — r. gualtieri — — r. chisi —   — r. azzolini — — r. ilcio —   — r. vecchiarelli — — r. farneze —   — r. franconi — — r. rospigliosi —   — r. manchini — — r. bonvili —   — r. celsi — — r. bichi —   — r. perretti — — r. palavicini —   — r. vendosme — — r. bandinelli —   — r. moncada . — present in the conclaue — absent upon sicknesse , from the scrutiny-palavicini . absent from coart-arragon . the number is 70. if it should happen in the publication , that the scrutators found two billets so folded together , to any ones thinking , as if they were brought in by one and the same person ; if in both these billets there should be found one and the same thing , and one and the same cardinal named , they shall be counted but for one ; but if there be a diversity of suffrages , neither is worth any thing , yet shall not there be any defect in the scrutiny upon thar score . moreover , the publication being compleated , they set down in two or three sheets of paper the names of all the cardinals who have had voices , with the number of the voices ; to the end , that when there is any occasion , they should not be oblig'd to make any new enumeration of the suffrages , which the cardinals might have mark'd and cross'd on the side of their names upon the lines of the printed sheet , of which we spoke before . the two last acts of the scrutiny , which are the filing and laying aside of the billets , are performed by the junior of the scrutators , who , after he hath with a loud voice publish'd the name of the cardinal who hath the suffrage by a billet , files the said billet with a needle provided for that purpose , at the place where the word eligo is written . and after he hath so filed all the billets immediately after his publishing them , he tyes a knot on the thing , and then lays them aside , either on some part of the altar , or on the desk of the scrutators , or in an empty chalice . the third and last principal action perform'd at the election of a pope , by way of scrutiny is , in the ceremonial called the post-scrutiny ; which , if the election be compleated by the scrutiny , ( which very seldom happens by reason of the different factions in the conclave ) comprehends three acts or circumstances only , to wit , the numbring of the billets , taking a review of the suffrages , and burning the said billets . bnt if the pope be not chosen by the scrutiny , there are seven remarkable circumstances in the post-scrutiny ; to wit , the access , the opening of the seals and signs , the remarks made thereof upon the printed sheet , the examination or confrontation of suffrages , the review of the billets , and the destroying of them by fire . the access therefore , which is the first act or circumstance of the post-scrutiny , immediately follows the deposition or laying aside of the billets of the scrutiny in some part of the altar or elsewhere , when the election is not compleated by the scrutiny ; otherwise , if the pope were once chosen , there would be no place for the way of access , inasmuch as it were of no advantage , as being introduc'd to supply the defect of the scrutiny , whereby , as hath been observ'd , we seldom find the election compleated , by reason of the diversity of the factions . there are observed in the access the same things as in the scrutiny , as well in reference to the manner of filling the billets , folding them , sealing them , carrying them to the altar , and putting of them into the chalice , as to that of numbring them , and making publicatiou of them , noting the suffrages , filing and depositing the said billets aside , save only that there is an observance of these circumstances following . the first is , that the cardinals go and take their billets in the basin of the billets prepar'd for the access , which stands upon the altar , as does that of the billets for the scrutiny . the second is , that if a cardinal be unwilling to give his voice to any one , ( which he is at liberty to do ) he must remember , in the midst of the billet , in stead of the cardinal's name , to whom he should have given his suffrage , to write down the word ( nemini ) to no body . now it is to be observ'd , that the billet of access is to be fill'd with the same signes ; and seal'd with the same seals , and as the billet of the scrutiny , upon pain of nullity of the suffrage of access . the third is , that one cannot make access , ( that is , give his voice a second time ) to the person of a cardinal , who had not had at the least one voice by the scrutiny ; nor yet to the same person to whom he had given his voice by the scrutiny . the fourth is , that though a cardinal is not permitted to nominate several persons in the access , as he is not permitted to choose divers by the scrutiny , upon pain of nullity of the suffrage as well of the access as the scrutiny ; yet is it lawful for him , to give his voice by access to one of many who had been nam'd in the scrutiny , though with nullity of suffrage , provided he had elsewhere procured of some other a suffrage , which was not null . the fifth is , that there is no taking of the oath anew in the access , in regard it had been done before , for the scrutiny and access . the sixth and last circumstance is , that the infirmaries are oblig'd to carry to the sick cardinals , with the billets of access , one of the sheets upon which they had marked the number of the voices which every cardinal had in the scrutiny , publickly and duly verify'd . the second , third , and fourth acts of the post-scrutiny are , the opening of the seals and signs of the billets of access , the marking of it upon the sheet , and the examination or confrontation of the suffrages , which are practised only when the election is compleated by the scrutiny and access , and thus put in execution . the chief scrutator takes the billets of access filed , as they were upon the publication of them , and opens only those which contain voices in favour of the elect , in the lower part of them which comprehends the signes ; then after he hath exactly consider'd the seals and the said signes , he presents the said billets as they are filed to the second scrutator , who also takes a view of them , and then delivers them to the third , who having made the same observation thereof , does , with a loud and intelligible voice , make publication of the seals and signes of the said billets . that done , he marks down the seals and signes on the left side of a sheet of paper ; where these words are imprinted , and under the said words ( sigilla et signa accessuum , that is to say , the seals and signes of the accesses ) which remark may also be made by all the cardinals , if they think fit so to do , upon the like sheets which they have lying before them , upon their desks . this done , the said chief scrutator takes the billets of the scrutiny from the place where they had been deposited , in order to the making of an examination or confrontation of the suffrages which they contain , with those which are brought in by the billets of access . and beginning the examination at one of the ends of the string , on which the billets are filed , he with the two other scrutators , views the seal of the first billet of the scrutiny , and then seeks it out in the sheet , upon which the seals and signes of the billets of access were marked . if he find it not there , leaving that first billet of the scrutiny , he proceeds to the examination of the second , taking a view again with the other scrutators of the seal , and then seeks it upon the same sheet , where not finding any thing like it , he quits the said billet , to pass on to the examination of the third , and so of all the other billets , till he meet with the seal of some one of the billets of the scrutiny , mark'd on the said sheet . but having found it , he opens the said billet at the lower part where the signes are written , to see whether the signes of the said billet are answerable to the signes marked upon the said sheet : which if they are not , he there quits the billet , and proceeds to the examination of the next , and if he find the signes to be answerable and correspondent to those of the access , marked upon the said sheet , he shews them to the second and third scrutators , who all together , after they have maturely considered the correspondence there is between the seals and signs of the billets of the scrutiny and access , observe whether in both the billets there be a nomination of one and the same cardinal , or of divers cardinals ; for if the same cardinal be named in both the billets , the suffrage of the access is null , in regard that ( as hath been already observ'd ) it is not lawful for any one to give his voice in both the scrutiny and access to one and the same person . but if there be a nomination of different persons , the suffrage of the access being good , then the third scrutator does with a loud and intelligible voice publish the seal , the signes , and the name of the person elected by the billet of the scrutiny , and makes a mark thereof upon his sheet under those imprinted words ( sigilla et signa scrutinii respondentia accessibus , that is to say , the seals and signes of the scrutiny answerable to those of the accesses ) opposite , and on the side of the seals and signes of the billet of access , whereto they are answerable , which note and mark all the cardinals may also make upon their sheets . but these acts , which are more hard to be explicated , then to be put in execution , are always best understood by figures thereof . a figure of the printed sheet upon which they note and mark the seals and signes of the access and scrutiny , which are answerable one to the other . seals and signs of the accesses . seals and signes of the scrutiny answerable to those of the access . cardinals named in the scrutiny . acd 50 deus . brf 35 bonitas roi 44 beatitudo . nsp 26 gl●ria . brf 35 bonitas . rgi 44 beatitudo card carpegna . card s. clement . note that the letters of the alphabet represent the seal of the billets . if it happen , in this examination and confrontation of the suffrages , that two , three , or some greater number of the billets of the scrutiny , be found to have the same seals and signes with some billet of the access , as it may come to pass , if the person who is chosen be named in one of the said billets of the scrutiny , and another cardinal be named in another of the said billets , then the scrutator ( his colleagues observing what he does ) is to open the billet of the said scrutiny , wherin the said elected person is named , together with that of the access , at the very place where the name of the elector is set down , to the end a judgement may be made , according to the gregorian constitution , of the validity or invalidity of the access . for if it be discover'd , that one and the same cardinal hath given his voice to the elected in the billet of the surutiny , and by that of the access there will be an invalidity in the suffrage of access , as hath been observed before . but as to the billet of the scrutiny , wherein he who is elected is not named , it shall not be opened , and the scrutators shall proceed to the examination and confrontation of the other suffrages . the fifth act of the post-scrutiny is , the enumeration of the suffrages either of the scrutiny alone , or of the scrutiny and access together , which is made by the scrutators , whether the election ensue thereupon or not ; if it do not ensue , it is done , to the end it may be known in that very scrutiny , or in the scrutiny and access together , whether the pope be not chosen ; and if the election do ensue , that it may appear , whether the pope be canonically chosen or not . now the enumeration of the suffrages is perform'd in this mann●r . the scrutators reduce into one summe all the suffrages which they have obtain'd , who were named either in the scrutiny alone , or in the scrutiny and access jointly ; and if they siad , that not any one of the persons named , hath got two thirds of the suffrages of the cardinals , there is no election at that time . but if , on the contrary , they discover that any one of the said nominated persons hath got just the two thirds and no more of the suffrages , they , in that case , open the billet of him who is chosen , at the part where his name stands ; which is the upper part of the billet , to see whether he hath given himself his own suffrage , which if he hath , the election is null'd , according to the gregorian constitution , by reason of the want of one suffrage , it being not in his power to give himself his own upon pain of invalidity ; but if he hath given it to another , and that he have two thirds of the suffrages the election is compleated . moreover , if it should happen , that several persons had obtain'd the two thirds of the suffrages , or possibly some number exceeding the two thirds ; in such case , through the parity and concurrence of the suffrages , the election would be null ; but , if there be an inequality , he who surpasses the other in number , though it were but by one voice , is accounted and acknowledg'd for a true and canonically elected pope . the fixth act of the post-scrutiny is the review which is made , whether there be any election or not , by the commissaries , drawn out by lot , to the number of three cardinals , whom the bulls call recognitors , who take cognizance of , and look over , as well the billets of the scrutiny and access , as the notes and marks of the suffrages made by the scrutators , to verifie and confirm what they have done , if they have acquitted themselves of their functions , with all the sincerity and fidelity whereto they were oblig'd . the said commissaries are drawn by lot after the same manner , as the scrutators and infirmaries had been ; but still , after the compleating of the scrutiny , if the election be made thereby ; if not , after the scrutiny and access , as soon as the scrutators have finished the numbring of the suffrages . the seventh and last act of the post-scrutiny consists in the burning of all the billets , which belongs to the function of the scrutators , who cast them into the fire in the presence of the whole colledge , immediately after the review made by the said commissionated recognitors , whether there have been any election , or not . all the things before-mentioned ought to be observ'd twice every day ; in the morning , after mass ; and in the evening after the hymn of the holy ghost ; and this , till such time as the church is provided of a head and lawful pastor , which custom hath been introduc'd , to prevent the long continuance of conclaves . those persons who pretend to make assured judgments of elections , are many times mistaken in their conjectures , not only upon account of the diversity and clashing of interests , but also by reason of the ordinary alterations hapning in the colledge of cardinals , by frequent promotions , which strangely invert the course of all proceedings in the conclave , and destroys all the former measure which might have been taken of an election . let not therefore any be over-positive as to what they assert , in a matter so uncertain , and which finds so much exercise for the wits of the citizens of rome , whom the air of the countrey ordinarily entertains in a certain languishment , whence it comes that they spend the best part of their time in speculative discourse , and political divinations . they for the most part ground their reasonings on certain considerations of the time , when the vacancy of the see happens , and then from the quiet or disturb'd posture of affairs , draw their consequences in favour of a person to be exalted into the pontifical chair in one season rather then another , according to the difference of the humours , and the vigour and force of the person . some again reflecting on the length of the precedent papacies , do commonly make their conclusions in favour of those cardinals who are well advanc'd in years . for the sacred colledge being wearied out with a long-continu'd subjection to the government of the same person , takes resolutions many times to exercise a right which makes them considerable every where , and causes them to be courted by crowns and scepters , and the princes , in that case pitching their choice upon ancient cardinals . on the other side again , when it happens that , by reason of the great age of popes , the see comes to be too frequently vacant , they endeavour to exalt into the pontifical chair a person , who likely to reign some years , may re-establish and settle the affairs of the church , which might have receiv'd some prejudice by the frequency of mutations , and so prevent the troubles it would be to the cardinals to remove themselves from the remote parts of europe , once every year or two , to be shut up in the conclave . moreover , as to the persons whose pretensions are considerable to the pontifical chair , there is a consideration had of their engagement to the kingdoms and provinces , where they had their birth or extraction . whence it is affirmed by some , that the chiefest persons among the italians , nor the tramontanes , ought not to be advanc'd to the papacy , not only in order to the avoiding of partialities , but also by reason of the possession , or rather usurpation , which the italians , from the time of hadrian vi. are chargeable with , in having not rais'd to the papal dignity , but such as have been of their own countrey , there having been from his time eighteen or nineteen popes of the several provinces of italy , who have successively fill'd the chair of st. peter . it is by some insisted on further , that , to be a subject fit for this elevation , he have not many relations and friends , that he may make the greater communications of his grandeur , and that his benefits being not wholly exhausted upon his own relations , he may exercise greater liberalities towards many others . there are yet some among the romans guilty of a superstition , which argues them not fully clear'd from the augural humour of their ancestors . these discover such an excess of weakness , as , by a kind of onomancy , to search out of the names of the cardinals some conjectures of their elevation ; and this out of a persuasion , that a subject , who shall not have in the name of his house the letter r. when the deceas'd pope had not the said letter in the name of his house , will hardly be chosen pope ; and on the other side , that if the said deceas'd pope had the said letter in the name of his house , the cardinal who shall in like manner have it in his , can hardly be advanc'd to the papacy ; by reason of an alternate succession of the names of families , having , and not having the said letter r. which hath been observ'd to have happen'd without interruption during about fourteen exaltations to the papal chair . there are yet others so weak , as not to content themselves with this kind of superstition , but they must go and pick matter of divination , out of the brazen gates of st. peter's church , which they consult as oracles , by the over-curious re-searches they make , amongst the diversity of figures , whereof they are full , for the armes of those cardinals who aspire to the papacy . and so their presages are in his favour , whose chance it is to have his armes graven in some part thereof , and this upon no other account then that those of the last deceas'd popes have been found there , which the people immediately after their election have made the more remarkable by their polishing and clensing . true it is , that there are many of the colledge of cardinals , whose armes may partly be found amongst the numerous multitude of figures in the said gates , but without any design of the artist by whom they were cast . but quitting these vain superstitions , we affirm further , that how strong and considerable soever their reasons may be for the judgment they make of an election , it happens that they are for the most part mistaken . this disappointment proceeds from the changes hapning in the conclaves , where parties and factions are made , for the exclusion or inclusion of subjects , according to the variety of humours , affections and engagements . and as it is the design of every faction to oppose the elevation of a subject contrary thereto , so is it the business of it to be assur'd of a third part of the voices in order to the framing of exclusions , wherein it is no hard matter to have their desire , by reason there is not any cardinal that aspires to the papacy , and hath the qualifications before requir'd , but will readily joyn with all those who would exclude a subject , who might contest with him for the dignity . and thence it for the most part comes to pass , that they who are thought to stand fairest for the chair , are always most easily excluded . the factions most ordinarily fram'd in the conclaves , are commonly reducible to two or three principal ones , all the rest joyning with the former , according to the different interests which they may have in the inclusion or exclusion of the subjects proposed . the nephews of the deceas'd popes are the ordinary heads of factions , upon whom the creatures of their uncles have a certain dependence , and concur with them for the exaltation of those whom they are inclin'd to , and the exclusion of all others , not creatures of their deceas'd uncles , especially when by reason of their long sitting in the chair , they had the opportunity to make a great number of promotions . and this is done , to avoid the reproach of not having made choice of creatures worthy to be advanc'd to so high a dignity , and of being expos'd to the inquisitions and inspections which a pope , not being of their creatures , might make into their administration of affairs . the cardinals protectors of crowns are also heads of factions , to prevent the elevation of a subject , whom they suspect , or to promote to the papacy some cardinal well-affected to their interests . those sovereigns whose intentions incline most to justice and moderation , wish only a common father ; and yet all many times under that pretence prosecute their own particular advantages . there are also brigues and factions upon a national account , as that of the roman for instance , so as not to consent to the election of any one to be pope , unless he be a roman . thus it happen'd at the conclave upon the death of pope urban viii . at which the lately deceas'd innocent x. a roman born was chosen . nay , there are some factions which carry on their designes with that subtilty and independency on the other factions , that they make no publick profession of their declaring themselves for any in particular ; and to follow their own inspirations for the advancement of such as are propos'd to the papacy ; and so vote for those whom they in their consciences think worthy of that dignity . these are easily induc'd to joyn with any of the others , either for the exclusion of those whom they think unworthy of that elevation , or to give their suffrages with those whom they think ably qualify'd to maintain with reputation the dignity of head of the catholick church . this diversity of factions when they are of equal strength , so as the voices are equally parted , is ordinarily the cause of the long continuance of conclaves . for being equally in a capacity of excluding the subjects propos'd of either side , and each of them promoting the elevation of those whom they are inclin'd to , the heads of the said factions make it their only business to hinder the cardinals of their party , of whose voices they think themselves assur'd from ever giving their said voices in the scrutiny , to any of the subjects propos'd whom they would exclude . and the design in this is , that the said propos'd subjects wanting still above a third part of the suffrages cannot be chosen popes against their consent , as it might happen by the access , if any of the said cardinals of the contrary party had given them their voices in the scrutiny . and hence it comes , that there are very few instances of any pope chosen by the way of the scrutiny alone . but whereas none of the said head-factions can be fully assur'd of the voice of a cardinal , by reason of the secret of the scrutiny , which hinders the discovery of those who may change parties , and that whatever engagement any cardinal may have made to the said head factions , either by word , oath , promise , or upon the score of gratitude , affection , or otherwise : he is dispenc'd from it by the late bulls of gregory xv. and urban viii . besides the precautions there are , that he be not suspected of having been wanting to his engagement , whereof he may avoid the blame and reproach by means of the secret of the scrutiny , it happens many times ; that the said leading factions are mistaken in the computation of their suffrages , and they want voices , yet cannot discover whence that want proceeds and when they think themselves the most assur'd of an exclusion , one or two of their own partizans having chang'd their humour or inclination , oither upon some disgust receiv'd , or greater hopes of establishment elsewhere , or other private considerations , and transferring their suffrages to another party , some other is chosen pope , who 't was imagin'd would never have attain'd that dignity . and whereas many among them , to prevent the elevation of such as they suspect , bestow their suffrages , as it were , at random on some other cardinals , whom they presume not fit to be advanc'd to the pontifical chair , it happens sometimes that some one is chosen pope , who had not been thought of before ; so that what may be most securely affirm'd of these matters is , that we cannot make any certain judgment of elections ; and that , through ways wholly opposite to those which humane policy had contriv'd , a more transcendent wisdom presiding over these great dispensations , disposes of them quite otherwise , and turns and winds the spirits of those concern'd therein correspondently to those designes which it hath from all eternity over the conduct of the church . assoon as any one is chosen pope , the two principal deacon-cardinals conduct him from the place where they find him behind the altar , where they vest him with the black cassock , the roquet , the camail , and the red or white calotte or cap , according to the season , and put on his slippers or pantofles with the gilt cross on them ; they then bring him before the altar , and set him in a chair , where all the cardinals come to adore him , that is to say , kiss his feet , hands and cheek . thence he is carried to st. peter's church , where he is seated on the high altar , and the cardinals render him again the same homage : then the canons of the said church come up to kiss his feet : and then he is carried to the ordinary apartment of the popes , and the cardinals retire to their palaces . the first thing that is broken about the conclave is that part of the walls which shuts up the lodg of the benediction over the portal of the church ; there the principal deacon-cardinal goes and places the cross , and cries out to the people vivat n. who is made pope , and hath assum'd the name of n. some days after the pope is crown'd in st. peter's church . to that end , the cardinals , the embassadors of princes , and the principal lords about the court wait on him at his apartment , whence they accompany him to the church , and even into the sacristy , whether he is carried in a chair . there he is clad in his pontifical habit , and at his coming out thence , he ascends a portable theatre , upon which stands his pontifical chair , and is so carried up to the altar , cross the church , then ordinarily full of people assembled to see that ceremony . nay , in some parts of the church , there are scaffolds set up for the principal lords and ladies of eminent quality , who are desirous to be spectators of that celebrious action . he is preceded by the cardinals and embassadors , while all the people kneeling echo out their acclamations of long live pope n. just at his coming out of the sacristy , and his going up the said theatre , is performed the ceremony of setting fire to flax fastned at the end of a stick , and held up as high as his person , with these words , sancte pater , sic transit gloria mundi ; holy father , thus does the glory of the world pass away , as an advertisement to him , that he suffer not his heart to be surpriz'd with vanity , at that elevation , while he sees all the people under his feet . in the midst of the church the same ceremony is reiterated , and is again performed a third time , when he is come up to the altar . being come down from the theatre , he says a pontifical mass , whereat the most eminent amongst the embassadors or princes , who had accompany'd him , minister to him at the washing and presenting the towel . at which mass there are some extraordinary prayers said , as we find them in the ceremonial . the mass ended , he is carried to the lodge of benediction , where in the presence of all the people then assembled , in the spacious place of s. peters , the chief deacon-cardinal takes off his mitre , and sets on his head the three crowns , or triple-crown , telling him , that he is to consider himself from thenceforward as the common father of kings and princes , for the maintenance of peace amongst them . that done , he gives the benediction , and is afterwards carried back to his apartment . there is yet another thing he is to do after his coronation , which is to go and take possession of his bishoprick , which is st. john's of lateran . to do that , he appoints what day he thinks fit . the streets through which he is to pass are hung with tapistry , and there are some triumphal arches erected , representing the most remarkable actions of his holiness's life . and this is the order of the cavalcade and procession . four light horsemen of the guard go first to clear the way , then come the carriers of the valises and mails belonging to the cardinals , then the judges and fiscalls of the covernour of rome , the gentlemen of the retinue of the cardinals ; then all the princes and roman lords , who ordinarily go confusedly , to avoid contesting about precedence , and have belonging to them a great number of pages and halberdiers sumptuously cloath'd . then follow the ordinary gentlemen of the pope's house in scarlet robes . then the white gennets presented every year by the king of spain , by way of homage for the kingdoms of naples and sicily , are led one after another , having their harness of crimson-velvet , with fringes of gold , and bosses of silver ; then come the white mules , and three litters , one of scarlet , and the others of crimson-velvet both within and without , and gold fringes . then the pope's trumpeters ; his taylor carrying his valise ; and the ten officers of the palace ; the consistorial advocates in garments of a violet-colour , furr'd with ermine about the neck : all the honorary camerarii in violet cassocks and scarlet cloaks , four of whom carry at the end of a staffe , every one of them , a hat of the pope of crimson velvet , with fringes of gold . then follow several roman gentlemen , who have been conservators ( that is to say , consuls ) in their garments and caps of black velvet , and after them the apostolical prelates in black garments . the auditors of the rota in their ordinary habit , the master of the sacred palace , who is always a jacobin-frier , the embassador of bologna and ferrara , the captains of the several quarters of rome , richly clad , and the principal of them , whom they call their prior , is in a garment of cloth of gold , marching between the two chancellors of the roman people ; then the three conservators of rome in vests of cloth of gold , and caps of black velvet , and their horse-cloathes with fringes of gold ; on their left hand do ordinarily march the chiefs of the houses of the ursini's and the col●●●…i's , or one of them , when they cannot agree about precedence ; then come the embassadors , and after them the cross-bearer , and with the cross of his holiness , the four masters of the ceremonies , with red cassocks and violet cloaks ; fourscore estaffiers of the pope's , for he is oblig'd at his coming to the papacy to take all the most ancient standers among the estaffiers of the cardinals and embassadors of crowns , whom they call palfreniers , to distinguish them from the estaffiers of persons of a lower rank , ( as in france , they who are called lacqueys , when related to persons of of ordinary quality , are named valets de pied , when they belong to royal persons and princes : ) then follows the governour of rome , and after him the pope's pages , when he has any , follow afoot , and bare-headed . next them immediately is conducted the pope himself in a close litter , having on each side of him the two grand overseers of the high-ways , clad in black , on horseback , and bare-headed , and all those who march between the pope's cross and his holiness , what condition or quality soever they be of , are oblig'd to be uncover'd . after his holiness follow all the cardinals mounted on their mules , the patriarchs , arch-bishops , bishops and other prelates , two and two , every one according to their quality : and the whole pomp is brought up and clos'd by the two companies of the light horsemen of his holiness's guard , armed cap-a-pied . being come to st. john of lateran's , the pope puts off his ordinary habit , and puts on the mitre and hood , and takes up his seat in a throne which is prepar'd for him in the entrance of the church , where the canons of it come and kiss his feet . then he goes to the church-door , which he finds shut ; they give him the key to open it ; te deum is sung , after which the pope ascends into the place of benediction , whence he gives it to all the people assembled below . as all the pope's tribunals cease during the vacancy of the see , so they begin not their functions again till after the pope's coronation , upon which all affairs reassume their ordinary course . finis . a catalogue of the names ; surnames and dignities of the cardinals at the elections of clement ix . may 1667. names and dignities . countrys . crtations cardinals bishops .     1. francis bishop of ostium , d●a● , or the must ancient cardinal of the sacred colledge , cardinal barberin vice-chancellor of the roman church and summiste , arch-priest of the church of st. peter . aflorentine . urban viii . oct. 2. 1623. 2. martio bishop of porto cardinal ginetti , vicar to his h●liness . of velitra urb. viij . aug. 30. 1627. 3. anthony barberin b. of palestrina cardinal antonio , chamberlain of the roman church , pref●ct of the signature of fa●our and briefs , arch-priest of st. mary major . a roman . urb. viij . aug. 30. 1627. 4. iohn baptist b. of frascati , cardinal palotta . dela marche d' ancona . urban viij . no. 29. 1629. 5. francis maria b. of sabina , cardinal brancaccio , b. of viterbo . a neapolitane . urb. viij . no. 28. 1663. 6. ulderic b. of albano , cardinal carpegna . of urbin urb. viij . no. 28. 1633. cardinal priests     7. ernest adelbert of the title of s. praxeda , chiefest of the priests , cardinal of h●rrach , archbishop of prague . a germane . urb. viij . jan 19. 1626. 8. stephen of the title of s. laurence in lucina , cardinal durazzo . a genoese . urb. viij . no. 23. 1633. 9. julius of the title of s prisca , cardinal gabrielli bishop of ascoli . a roman urb. viij . dec. 16. 1641. 10. virg●nio , of the title of s. mary of the angels , cardinal u●fino . a roman urb. viij . dec. 16. 1641. 11. caesar of the title of the four crowns . cardinal faceh netti , b. ●f spoletum . a bolonian . urb. 8. july 13. 1643. 12. hierome of the title of the holy trinity in monte pencio , cardinal grimaldi arch-b . of aix . a genoese . urb. viij . july 13. 1643. 13. charles of the title of s. silvester in capite card. rosetti , b. of faenza . of ferrara urb. viij . july 13. 1643. 14. nicholas , of the title of st. marytrans tiberim , card. ludovisio grand penitentiary . a bolonian innoc. x. mar. 6. 1645. 15. alderan , of the title of s. pudentiana , card. cybo , b. axinus , or axinas . of masle innoc. x. mar. 6. 1645. 16. frederic , of the title of s. peter ad vincula , card. sfortia . a romane innoc. x. mar. 6. 1645. 17. benedict , of the title of s. onuphrius , card. odescalchi . of come . innoc. x. mar. 6. 1645. 18. laurence , of the title of ss . quiricia and julitta , card. raggi . a genoese . innoc. x. oct. 7. 1647. 19. john-francis-paul , de gondy , of the title of st. mary super minervam , card. de retz . a frenchman . innoc. x. feb. 19. 1652. 20. louis of the title of s. alexis , card. homodei . a milaness . inn. x. feb. 19. 1652. 21. peter , of the title of s. mark , card. otthobono . a venetian inn. x. feb. 19. 1652. 22. laurence of th● title of s. chrysogon , cardin●l imperiale . a genoese . innoc. x. febr. 19. 1652. 23. gilbert , of th● title of ss john and paul , cardi●al borromeo . a milaness . innoe . x. febr. 19. 1652. 24. marcel , of the title of s stephen in monte celio card. sainte croix b. of tivoli . a romane . innoc. x. febr. 19. 1652. 25 jo. baptist , of the title of s. marcel , cardinal spada . of lucca . innoc. x. mar. 2. 1654. 26. francis , of the title of s. mary in via , cardinal albici . a florentine . innoc. x. mar. 2. 1654. 27. octavius , of the title of s. cecily , card. aquaviva . a neapolitan . innoc. x. mar. 2. 1654. 28. flavius , of the title of s. mary del populo , card. ghisi , arch-priest of the church of s. john lateran , library-keeper of the roman church , and legat of avignon , prefect of the signature of justice . of sienna alex. vij . apr. 9. 1657. 29. scipio , of the title of s. sabina , card ilcio . of sienna . al. vij . ap. 9. 1657. 30. hierom , of the title of s agnes , card. farneze . a romane . al. vij . ap. 9. 1657. 31. julius , of the title of s. sixtus , card. rospigliosi . of pistoya . al. vij . ap. 9. 1657. 32. hierom of the title of s. hierom of the illyrians , card. bonvisi b. of lucc . of lucca . alex. vii . apr. 9. 1657. 33. anthony , of the title of s. augustine , card. bichi b. of osimo . of sienna . alex. vii . apr. 9. 1657. 34. sforza , of the society of jesus , of the title of s. saviours in lauro , cardinal palavicini . a roman . alex. vii . apr. 9. 1657. 35. volumnio , of the title of s. martin , in montibus , card. bandinelli . of sienna . alex. vii . apr. 9. 1658. 36. peter , of the title of s. calixtus , card. vidoni b. of lodi . of cremona . alex. vii . apr. 5. 1660. 37. gregory , of the title of s. thomas in parione , card. barbarigo b. of pavia . a venetian alex. vii . apr. 5. 1660. 38. paschal , of the title of s. balbina , card of aragon , arch-bishop of toledo : a spaniard alex. vii . apr. 5. 1660. 39. hierom , of the title of ss . peter and marcellin , card. boncompagno , arch-bishop of bolonian a bolonia . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 40. alphonsus , of the title of the holy cross in jerusalem , card. litta arch-bishop of milan . a milaness . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. al. vii . jan. 41. nerio , of the title of ss . a florentine . 14. 1664. nereus and aquileius , card. corsino , legat of ferrara .     42. charles , of the title of s. anastafia , card. bonelli . a roman . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 43. caelio , of the title of s. peter in monte aureo , card. piccolomini . of sienna . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 44. charles , of the title of s. susan , card. caraffa , legat of bolonia . a neapoitane . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 45. palutio palutio albertonio , of the title of the church of the 12 apostles , card. palutio , b. of montefiascone . a romane . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 46. caesar , of the title of s. john ad portam latinam , card. rasponi legat of urbin . of ravenna . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 47. john nicholas , of the title of s. mary trans pontem , card. de comitibus b of ancona . a roman . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 48. james , of the title of s. mary of peace , card. nini . of sienna . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 49. charles , of the title of — card. roberti . a roman . al. vii . feb. 15. 1666. 50. julius , of the title of — card. spinola . a genoese . al. vii . fe. 15. 1666. 51. vitalian , of the title of — card. visconti . a milanes● . al. vii . fe. 15. 1666. 55. innico , of the title of — card. caracciola , arch b. of naples . a neapolitane . alex. vii . feb. 19. 1666. 53. john , of the title of — card. delphini , patriarch of aquileia . avenetian alex. vii . mar. 7. 1667. 54. guibald , of the title of — card. de thun , arch-b . of salsbourg . cardinal deacons . a german alex. vii . mar. 7. 1667. 55. raynald , of the title of st. nicholas in carcere tulliano , principal deacon , card. d' est . a modenese . urban viii . dec. 16. 1641. 56. john stephen , of the title of s. agatha , card. donghi , b. of ferrara . a genoese . urban viii . july . 13. 1643. 57. paulus emilius , of the title of s. mary in cosmedin , card , rondanini b. of assisium . a roman . urban viii . jul. 16. 1643. 58. francis , of the title of s. mary in via lata , card. maldachini . of viterbo innoc. x. oct. 7. 1647. 59. frederic , of the title of s. caesarius , card. of affia . a german . innoc. x. febr. 19. 1652. 60. charles barberin , of the title of s. angelo , in foro piscium , card. carlo . a roman . innoc. x. jun. 13. 1653. 61. charles , of the title of s. eustace , card. pio. of ferrara . in. x. mar. 2. 1654. 62. charles , of the title of of orvieto in. x. ma. 2. 1654. s. pancrace , card. gualtieri , arch-b . of ferme .     63. decio , of the title of s. adrian , card. azzolini . of ferme . innoc. x , mar. 2 , 1654. 64. odoard , of the title of ss . cosmus and damianus , card. vecchiarelli , b. of reate . of reate . alex. vii . apr. 9. 1658. 65. james of the title of s. mary in aquino , card. franconi . a genoese . alex. vii . ap. 9. 1658. 66. francis maria , of the title of ss . vitus & modostus , card. mancini . a. roman . alex. vii . apr. 5. 1660 67. angelus , of the title of s. george , card. celsi . a. roman . al. vii . ja. 14. 1664. 68. paul , of the title of s. mary de scala , card. sabelli perretti , legat of romaniola . a. roman . al. vii . ja. 14. 1664. 69. lewis — card. of vendosme . a frenchman . alex. vii . mar. 7. 1667. 70. lewis — card. of moncada . a sicilian . alex. vii . mar. 7. 1667. in all lxx . whereof urban viii . created vi. bishops , vii . priests , and iii. deacons . innocent x. created xiv priests and vi. deacons . and alexander vii . created xxvii . priests , and vii . deacons . finis . two short discourses against the romanists by henry dodwell ... dodwell, henry, 1641-1711. 1676 approx. 192 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 131 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a36261 wing d1825 estc r1351 11781896 ocm 11781896 49109 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36261) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49109) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 529:10) two short discourses against the romanists by henry dodwell ... dodwell, henry, 1641-1711. [88], 31, 21, 120 [1] p. printed for benj. tooke ..., london : 1676. each part has special title page. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. i. an account of the fundamental principle of popery, and of the insufficiency of the proofs which they have for it -ii. an answer to six queries proposed to a gentle women of the church of england, by an emissary of the church of rome. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database 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papacy. 2005-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-07 simon charles sampled and proofread 2005-07 simon charles text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion liber cui titulus , two discourses against the romanists , &c. authore h. dodwell , imprimatur , geo. hooper , r mo d n● archiepiscopo . . cantuar. à sacris domest . junui 8. 1676. two short discourses against the romanists . 1. an account of the fundamental principle of popery , and of the insufficiency of the proofs which they have for it . 2. an answer to six queries proposed to a gentlewoman of the church of england , by an emissary of the church of rome . by henry dodwell m. a. and sometimes fellow of trinity colledge near dvblin . london , printed for benj tooke , and are to be sold at the ship in st. paul's church-yard . 1676. an account of the fundamental principle of popery , as it is a distinct communion ; and of the insufficiency of the proofs which they have for it . with a preface concerning the vsefulness of this undertaking . by henry dodwell . london , printed for benjamin tooke . 1676. a preface concerning the usefulness of the following hypothesis . § . 1. though i cannot undertake for what is mine in the management of the following discourse ; yet as to the design ( for which i am wholly beholden to the goodness of my cause , and the intrinsick reasonableness of the evidences which prove it good ) i think i may , without immodesty , affirm that , if it hold , it must be of universal use with them of the roman communion . use i § . 2. for 1. it must be of great use for the laity and the vulgar , who either have not the abilities , or cannot spare the time , which would be requisite for enquiring into the particular disputes , to have the controversies reduced into a narrow compass . and especially if these few things , to which they are reduced , may suffice for securing the duty incumbent on such persons as well as if the enquiry had been more minute ; and when withal the evidence , on which their resolution depends , is suited to the capacity of that sort of persons . now all these things are provided for by the following hypothesis . § . 3. all the disputes between us are reduced to this one of the popes supremacy over the catholick church diffusive . as for our differences in other particulars , it is here proved , that , if we be not mistaken in this , themselves either cannot charge us with errour , or not with any errour of that consequence as may excuse them , either for separating from our communion , or for that rigorous imposing their own opinions which are contrary to it . § . 4. and this does indeed effectually secure the duty of ordinary laicks in this whole affair . for the obligation incumbent at least on such persons who are not , by their particular calling , obliged to enquire , can only be to know so much as may secure their christian practice ; and that is sufficiently secured by due adhering to that communion where they may reasonably expect the performance of those divine promises which are conveyed in the use of the sacraments , and the other ordinary means of grace , so that the main concernment of such persons is this , to know where such a communion is to be had . now the solving of this question appears from the principles here laid down , sufficient to decide the whole dispute concerning the true communion . if it should prove true that the pope has this authority over the catholick church diffusive , it would follow that his particular church must be the catholick church virtual , and so must have a title to all those promises made to the catholick church in the scriptures ( thus much at least will follow , even according to their hypothesis who do not pretend that these promises reach so high as infallibility ) and therefore that they were obliged to submit to active obedience , to all lawful impositions , and passive even in unlawful ones , so that in all cases it would be unlawful to joyn with any other communion in opposition to it . and on the other side , if it prove false , it will plainly follow that it is unlawful , either for those who are already in that communion to continue in it , seeing they cannot continue in it without being accessary to the divisions of christendom by abetting a tyrannical power over it ; or for others to desert their own communion to come to the roman , which cannot on those principles , be done with any such pretence of necessity as may excuse their separation from being schismatical . § . 5. the evidence also into which this dispute is ultimately resolved , must needs be such as must be suitable to the meanest capacity that is capable of acting prudently in this great affair ( and certainly every one is in interest , as well as duty , obliged to make use of his utmost . prudence in a matter wherein his greatest interests are so nearly concerned ) for the meanest prudence that is , will require that where they cannot choose their way , there at least they should choose their guide . and it is only the authority of the pope as a principle of unity , and of the church adhering to him as a guide in controversies , of which this hypothesis allows them a liberty to judge , in order to their own private satisfaction . and as the matter is such , concerning which the meanest prudence , that can deserve the name of prudence , is obliged to judge , so the evidence is such as every one must be capable of judging who is capable of being prudently and rationally a christian. for the very truth of christianity it self , in reference to us in this age , must be proved by historical testimonies of the miracles by which it was attested from the beginning ; and the canon of the scripture must be proved by the testimonies of those by whom the scriptures were delivered . and it is the same historical testimony , whether of express scripture , or of express tradition , to which they are here referred for the proof of this supremacy of the pope : and the subject concerning which this testimony was to be given , could not but have had so general an influence on their practice ( if they had acknowledged any dependence on this supremacy ) as that it must have been as notorious to them who gave it , as those miracles , or that canon ; and therefore their testimony must have been as credible in one case as in the other . § . 6. besides that the negative argument ( which i here make use of ) is much less questionable than the affirmative . that is , there is much more reason to doubt of a pretended tradition , if it be not expresly mentioned in the primitive authors , ( and doubting is sufficient for my purpose , to overthrow the credit of that which pretends to be an article of faith ) than to believe a thing to have descended from the apostles , because those authors pretend it did so . for in their affirmations they many times deliver what they think on their own conjectural reasonings , wherein they are as fallible as others . but what they have not mentioned , if it be not allowed to conclude that they knew it not , and that therefore there was then no historical evidence for it , seeing that could not have escaped their knowledge ; yet thus much at least will follow that we cannot be satisfied that they had any such evidence , which is enough to render it doubtful to us whether it were an apostolical tradition . now that they did not mention this supremacy , i do not desire the ignorant to take the bare word of our authors ; but i am content that they trust their own judgments concerning the passages produced , as far as they are capable of judging them ; or where they find themselves unable , that there they acquiesce in the confessions of candid , learned men , though of our adversaries communion . which is no more than what they themselves count prudent in the like cases , when they occurr in the management of their secular affairs . use ii § . 7. nor is it only thus convenient , but it is almost necessary , in dealing with our adversaries , to begin , at least , with this fundamental principle . for till they be convinced of the fallibility of their guide , all the reasons produced against them are only taken for temptations and tryals of the stedfastness of their implicite faith. and , in affairs of this nature , they are taught to distrust their own judgment ( nay , in matters of faith the most learned clergy are taught to do so , as they are considered in their private capacity , as well as the more ignorant laity ) and they are further taught that , in such matters , their faith is by so much the more excellent and meritorious , by how much more it captivates their understandings ; and that this captivating of their understandings implies a denial of their own judgments when different from that of their superiors . now upon these terms it is impossible to deal with them by particular reasonings . for the utmost that can be expected from the clearest reasonings , is , that their private judgments may be convinced by them . but if , when this is done , they distrust their own judgments , nay , think themselves obliged to deny their own judgments in complyance with that of their superiors , nay , take it to be the greater glory of their faith to deny the greater and more powerful convictions ; it will then follow that , by how much more conscientiously they act according to their own principles , by so much the less capable they must be of this kind of reasoning . it must needs be in vain to urge them with such reasons , by which they will not be tryed , though they should indeed prove convictive , and that to their own understandings . § . 8. nor indeed is it rational to expect that they should be otherwise disposed , pursuant to their principles . for all prudent considerers of things will confess , that one direct proof that a thing is actually true , is more considerable than many probabilities to the contrary . especially if the direct proof be of it self stronger than any contrary objection ; as indeed no objection can be so sufficient to prove any proposition false , as the infallibility of the proponent is to prove it true . which must the rather hold , considering that they take the judgment of their judge of controversies for an adaequately-infallible proof ; never remembring that , though indeed the spirit of god be infallible , yet , the arguments whereby they prove their judge of controversies so assisted by that spirit as to partake of its infallibility , that is , so assisted , as that their judge of controversies shall infallibly follow the infallible guidance of the spirit ( otherwise themselves cannot pretend that all assistance of the spirit must infer infallibility , unless they will grant that every good christian is infallible , because they cannot deny that he is so assisted ) i say , these arguments are only moral , and such as may , in many cases , be exceeded by arguments taken from the nature of the thing ; and that the consequence must follow the weaker part ; so that still their faith can be no more than morally certain , though their judge of controversies were granted to be infallible in regard of his assistance . § . 9. yet even so , it should be remembred on our part , that no arguments were fit to be admitted against the sense of an infallible judge , but such as might exceed those whereby their judg of controversies seems to them to be proved infallible ; which would cut off many of those arguments which are used in the particular disputes . but beginning at their first principle , it is easie to shew that they are obliged to take our arguments into serious consideration , and to determine according as they judge reasonable in their private judgments . for the judge of controversies cannot , in reason , oblige them to captivate their understandings to it self , till it be proved . and the arguments here used are antecedent to that proof . and when upon examination of the credentials of the judge of controversies , their proof of such a judge shall be found insufficient , they will then , and not till then , have reason to trust their private judgments in the particular disputes . and then , and only then , the particular disputes may be likely to obtain an equal hearing from such of them as are truly conscientious . use iii § . 10. besides , if this hypothesis hold true , it will be very useful both to retain several in the reformed communion , and to bring several others over from the roman , who are already by their principles disposed for the reformation . 1. there may be several , who , in the particular disputes , may probably incline to the roman side , and yet have an abhorrence for the roman rigour in those principal ones concerning infallibility , and the popes supremacy . these , if they may be perswaded that they may be admitted to that communion without professing the belief of those principles to which we are as yet to suppose them so very averse , may be tempted to think it lawful to joyn themselves in communion with them . this seems plainly to have been mr. cressy's case , whose entrance into that communion was very much facilitated by the account of infallibility given him by dr. veron , whereby he was perswaded that it was only a school-term , not used in the decrees of any received councils , no nor any way expresly defined , and that the use of it would not be exacted from him by their church as a condition of her communion . for he acknowledges he had formerly believed that this main ground of the roman religion ( so he calls it ) namely the infallibility of that church was as demonstratively confutable as any absurdity in mathematicks . and particularly he confesses that mr. chillingworth's arguments against it had to him appeared unanswerable ; and that his book alone had the principal influence on him to shut up his entrance into catholick unity . but it is here proved that whatsoever may be thought of the word ( concerning which more may be said than was observed by mr. cressy's friends , but that it is unnecessary to say it on this occasion ) yet the thing must necessarily be maintained by them on the same principles by which they have presumed to censure the reformation , and in that very sense wherein our arguments are so conclusive against it . it is very strange to me , and seems disagreeable , i will not say to that candor , but that accurateness , which was observed by him in that enquiry , that he could pretend that it was the word infallibility against which mr. chillingworth's arguments had been so successful , or that he could satisfie himself with that pretence in a matter of that importance . indeed , if his arguments had been grammatical , there might have been some colour for pretending that advantage was taken from the ambiguity of the word to pick out the most invidious sense among those many other more favourable ones of which it was capable ; but being notional and taken from the nature of the thing , they must necessarily be levelled against it in some certain signification . and it had been easie to have shewn that they do as clearly overthrow the infallibility of judgment in a creature in the use of fallible means ( which is the sense which i have here proved the romanists obliged to maintain ) though their infallibility were derived from the divine assistance ; as if it were derived from their own nature , as that of god is , which is the sense which mr. cressy would make to be only concerned in these arguments . it might easily have been also shewn that mr. cressy himself grants the very sense of the word here defined , and cannot deny but that it is very properly and naturally signified by it ; nay that , by his own principles , the churches not using it in her canons can be no argument that she ever intended to leave private persons at their liberty to use it , or forbear it , as they pleased . whence it were easie further to infer , not only that it must needs be intolerable for private persons to deny it , but also that it must be justly suspicious as much as to wave it ( since it has been used , ) though on pretence of another sense applicable to it , but never intended by them who brought it into the roman church , though at first they might have forborn the introducing of it . and if it be not free to subjects , either to deny or forbear it , what room can be left for their indulgence so much celebrated in this particular ? nay , what indulgence could it be , if they might indeed be excused from the word , as long as they are obliged to maintain the thing ; i say obliged , by doing that which cannot possibly be defended without supposing it ? certainly they cannot think but that actions are as significative as words in reference to god and their own consciences . § . 11. so also for the other point concerning the popes supremacy , it is an usual artifice whereby many others are seduced , that they are perswaded that they may take the same liberty that the french take , in questioning the popes monarchical power . but , from the principles here laid down , it plainly appears that the liberty taken by them is rather connived at by the roman court on politick considerations , than approved or allowed by the roman communion , as consistent with their principles . the like might have been shewn concerning several other consequential doctrines which facilitate the seducing of proselytes ; as that of the distinction between the church and court of rome , and the possibility of reforming the abuses of the court by the power of the church , &c. § . 12. now in persons who have not been inured to those prejudices of education , and that great credulity which are insensibly infused into persons bred in that communion ( which must be supposed to be the case of them who are not as yet proselyted to it ) these general principles of infallibility and the popes supremacy are like to meet with the most difficult reception . for to such who have had experience of the difficulty of things by their own tryal of them , and who are not averse to any pains that may appear requisite for the satisfaction of their consciences ; it is so far from being likely to appear that it is an act of christian vertue to avoid evidence , or to suppress their convictions , when different from the sense of those few interessed persons who are plainly possessed of the government of that whole communion , as that ( till their infallibility be first proved ) it is not likely to pass for an act of common honesty . nay , their expecting such unreasonable concessions from them at first , would , to such persons , be a very just reason of suspecting them , when they should find themselves treated by them at the same rate as they might expect to be by the most professed deceivers . for what more likely art could any deceiver use , than to perswade those , whom he had a mind to seduce , to trust in him without and against their own convictions ? nor is it likely that they who have no other inducement than the intrinsick reasonableness of its proof should be perswaded to believe it as easily as they who have been inured to it by prejudices of their education . nor is there that violence offered to their faculties in following a weak and doubtful proof in one particular instance , as in renouncing their clearest convictions universally , in all matters to be defined by their judge of controversies . and therefore it is very possible for persons favourable to the sense of the romanists in many of the particular disputes , still to be very averse to their pretences to infallibility ; and this not ( as it is usually said by our adversaries ) only out of a haughtiness and unwillingness to yield , but on rational and truly-conscientious accounts . § . 13. nor is the other doctrine concerning the monarchical power of the pope less unacceptable to persons of another communion before they are brought over to the roman . i will not mention how much the consequence of believing such a doctrine may impose upon their liberty , because that will not by our adversaries be thought a conscientious disswasive from it . though certainly it be very allowable to stand upon their own rights , till they be convinced out of them by a greater evidence than would suffice for concessions of less importance ; which is sufficient for my present design . that which i had rather insist on at present , is , the indesensibleness ▪ of the abuses of the court of rome , which are so gross and provoking , as that generally they are the last things to which revolters are reconciled ; and usually , when they are so , it is only on pretence that that church is not concerned for them . but , by this monarchical power of the pope , the power of reforming them is ascribed only to him whose interest it is they never be reformed ; and so to destroy all hopes of reformation . which is a consideration that , if seriously thought of , would certainly startle many of those who are brought over to them on accounts truly conscientious , being seduced to it by such false pretences . § . 14. for when it shall appear to this sort of persons ( as i have endeavoured to make it appear by the following hypothesis ) that their joyning in that communion must necessarily imply their approbation of these unacceptable doctrines ; they must find themselves unavoidably reduced to this choice , whether they will embrace these doctrines rather than forbear their communion , or whether they will keep off from their communion rather than own these schismatical doctrines . nor will it be hard to judge how they would be likely to determine in such a case . for if their aversation to these doctrines be greater than their kindness to particular opinions or practices of the roman communion ( as i have already shewn that it is reasonable to believe that it is frequently the case of persons not yet proselyted by them ) they must necessarily think themselves obliged on these terms to continue where they are . § . 15. 2. and the same things proportionably applyed may serve to shew the usefulness of this hypothesis for gaining several moderate persons of the romanists themselves . they who call the doctrine of the popes infallibility archi-heretical , and confess themselves unable , in this principle , to defend their church against us ; when they shall find that the fundamental principle of their own , as a distinct , communion , is this confessedly indefensible archi-heretical doctrine & that without this they cannot justifie either their separation or their impositions , they cannot think it safe in conscience to continue any longer divided from us . § . 16. the same thing is also applicable to that other doctrine which prevails with several very considerable parties of the roman communion , that the supreme judge of controversies on earth is either the diffusive catholick church , or a council that is truly free and general , and accordingly received as such by the catholick church diffusive , and that that alone is the seat of infallibility . they who are of this judgment , if the following hypothesis hold true , must necessarily be obliged to change their communion on two accounts . 1. that they cannot make out their own title to their being the catholick church in this sense , nor can they consequently prove that many of our doctrines , which they condemn as heretical , have ever been canonically condemned by this judge of controversies . this will hinder them from abstaining from our communion for them . and 2. that , on these principles , the doctrines of the popes monarchy and infallibility must be heretical . this will oblige them to abstain from the communion of those who maintain them . § . 17. 1. they cannot make out their title to their own being the catholick church in this sense . for evidently they are not the catholick church diffusive , many considerable parts whereof are not in communion with them . and therefore all the plea they can make to the authority or infallibility of the catholick church must be grounded on the notion of a catholick church virtual , which notion they must needs disclaim in asserting the power of the diffusive catholick or its lawful representative over all particular churches . these things i conceive so clear from the doctrine here delivered , as that i cannot think my self obliged to say any more concerning them at present . hence it will follow , that all those particular doctrines , which have been defined against us only by the western councils , without the suffrages of the eastern bishops , or the reception even of all the western churches themselves , must fail of that pretence to infallibility which is here even from their own principles proved necessary to justifie their separation from us on that account . and when these are deducted , there will remain but few instances of doctrines disputed between us , if any , which themselves can pretend to have been defined by the united suffrages of all eastern and western bishops , and unanimously received in the particular dioceses . nor can they , on these terms , give any account why they condemn and exclude from their interest in the common judicatory of christendom as many , and as great , and every way as considerable , churches as themselves . § . 18. 2. but if such western councils , as are in this point defended by our adversaries of this faction , must indeed be admitted for the supreme visible judicatories , and consequently as intitled to that infallibility which is by them ascribed to this supreme judicatory ; i cannot conceive how they can avoid thinking themselves obliged in conscience to separate from the communion of them who ascribe this infallibility to the pope and his conclave . for there is nothing that can be said to justifie their separation from us , but will as strongly prove them obliged to separate from their own brethren of that perswasion . for these councils have taken upon them to decide the controversie concerning the supremacy , by declaring this power to be in the church diffusive , and themselves to be lawful representatives of that church ; and consequently that all ecclesiastical power , the papacy it self being also expresly mentioned , was subject to them . for can they think that propositions , neither necessary , as to their matter , nor evident , as to their proof , can oblige subjects to their belief under pain of incurring the censure of heresy , only on account of their being defined by their supreme judge of controversies ? and is there any thing that themselves can pretend to have been more expresly defined by that judge , than this is ? if they will think to evade this argument , by pretending that this doctrine of the power of their judge of controversies is not so properly de fide it self , as a principle antecedent to the belief of all particulars that are so ; yet this can derogate nothing from their obligation to separate from the communion of dissenters concerning it . for can they think themselves obliged to separate for the denyal of one particular defined by that authority ? and is there not incomparably more reason they should do so for the denyal of the authority it self ? is not the authority it self more fundamental than the particulars can be which , on these principles , derive their whole credibility from it ? and must it not be much more heinous to destroy the credit of all possible particulars , which , on these principles , is included in the judge of controversies , than to refuse an actual assent to any one particular ? and as it hence appears , that the matter of these differences among themselves is more momentous , and more obliging to a separation , than themselves can pretend those to be wherein they differ from us ; so i may add farther , that the separation , which ought in conscience to follow hereupon , must be equally irreconcileable . for will it not come to the same event , whether we utterly disown a visible judge of controversies , or whether we indeed own one , but own such a one as that our adversaries cannot think themselves obliged to stand to his decision ? in both cases there is equally acknowledged a liberty of appeal from all power that is acknowledged by the adversary . and that power which must decide controversies against an adversary who does not think himself obliged ( as much as in conscience ) to submit to such a decision , must do it either by force or arbitration , which are remedies as allowable by our principles , as by those of our adversaries . nay , in this case they cannot plead even that pretence of canonical punctuality , at least so long to forbear separating from the communion even of acknowledged hereticks , till their cause were declared to be heresy by their competent judge . for they who believe these councils to have been the supreme judicatories , must consequently conceive themselves obliged to believe that their superiority over the pope has been defined by a canonical authority ; and they who do so , can have nothing left to excuse them for forbearing an actual separation . and as it thus appears that they must hold themselves obliged to abstain from the communion of those persons who professedly and expresly own this doctrine of the popes monarchy : so when they shall find that this monarchy is indeed the fundamental principle of the whole roman communion , as distinct from others ; they must , by the same principles , think themselves obliged to abstain from the communion of that whole church , not only of those who do expresly defend that monarchy , but also of others , though in terms denying it , as long as they keep to that communion which cannot be kept without consequentially defending it . it is in vain to think to weaken the authority of the decision of those councils , because it was in a matter concerning their own interest . for besides that this will give us a plain advantage against any authority whereby they can pretend that we are canonically censured ; they themselves are sensible , on other occasions , that this is inseparably the right of the supreme judicatory , to judge even in matters of its own interest ; seeing there lies no appeal from it , even in such cases , to any other judicatory that might judge more impartially concerning them . and they who think the supreme judicatory infallible , must think themselves also obliged , not only to a canonical acquiescence for peace's sake , but also to an internal assent and approbation of the justice of such a decree , even out of conscience . this i conceive at least sufficient to prove , in this case of persons not proselyted , as well as in the former of persons already of that communion , that they who do more firmly adhere to this doctrine of the superiority of the catholick church diffusive , must think themselves obliged to separate from their communion when they are convinced of the inconsistency of this doctrine with it . the only difference is that this firmer adherence to this doctrine may more ordinarily and easily be expected from persons not yet proselyted , than from those who are prejudiced in favour of the contrary by their education in that communion . these are those dividing principles intimated in the following answer to the queries proposed to the gentlewoman , though i was unwilling on that occasion to enlarge further concerning them . use iv § . 19. a fourth use of this hypothesis is for the direction of peacemakers , to let them see what it is that renders our reconciliation impossible ; and which , if it be not first accommodated , must render all their endeavours in particular questions unsuccessful ; and therefore against which they ought more earnestly to strive by how much they are more zealous for catholick peace . the way hitherto attempted has been to endeavour to reconcile our particular differences . this has been , either by clearing their respective churches from all those things for which they have not expresly declared , and of which express professions are not exacted from persons to be reconciled unto them , by how great authority soever of their particular communicants they have been countenanced or maintained . this way has been taken on their side by mr. veron , &c. and on ours by bishop montague . or where the churches have declared themselves , there by allowing the greatest latitude of exposition , and putting the most favourable sense on their decrees of which they are capable . thus grotius has dealt with the council of trent , and s. clara with our english articles . the design of all the endeavours of this kind has been to reconcile the churches without any yielding on either side . i confess i think the number of controversies may be exceedingly diminished by this way of proceeding , which must needs be very acceptable to any , who is more a lover of the catholick church's peace than of disputation . many of the tenets on both sides , that are very invidiously represented by adversaries , will , on a closer examination , appear to be either mistakes of the writers meanings , or opinions of particular writers , or senses of the church's decrees which were never designed by the church that made them ; and consequently unnecessary to be assented to in order to a reconciliation . but when all is done , they will fall very short of reconciling the different communions . for though all their particular decrees , even concerning faith , were made tolerable by these means , ( 1 ) yet that were not sufficient to prove their communion lawful ; and ( 2 ) yet there can be no hopes of reconciling all particular decrees by these means , but some will still remain which will make their communion intolerable to them of the other side . § . 20. 1. though all their particular decrees of faith might , by these means , be made tolerable ; yet that were not sufficient to prove their communion lawful . for neither is there any security that that sense of their decrees , which might be taken for tolerable , would in practice prove such as would be admitted by governours ; so as that they on the other side might , on their owning of that sense , be received to their communion . no , though it were countenanced by doctors of never so eminent note , nay , by the ecclesiasticks who should receive them . for still their church ought to be admitted to be the most authentick expositer of her own meaning . and i do not doubt but several of their proselytes , who should go over to them on account of many of these moderate explications , would find themselves mistaken in many things as soon as their church had any obligation to explain her self concerning them . and though the church might not think it worth her interposition to do it upon the reconciliation of every particular proselyte , yet she must certainly think her self obliged to it in order to the reconciliation of the whole communions . then many of these palliations would certainly be found so repugnant to her design ▪ and so destitute of any plausible appearance , as though she had been willing to yield in earnest in instances wherein she might not seem to do so ( and that is the utmost condescension that can in reason be expected from a church which pretends to be infallible , at least while she pretends to be so ) yet they would not afford them even so , as much as a salvo for their reputation . nay , though all her present decrees of faith had appeared tolerable , and appeared so in that very sense wherein she really understood them ; yet even this would not suffice for a solid reconciliation of communion , as long as the same authority , by which these other decrees had been defined , is still owned to be infallible . for still the next general council ( in the sense wherein they give that title to such as are not truly occidental ) may define new articles never yet defined , or at least declare such propositions to be so , which , as yet while they are not defined , may very innocently be disbelieved . and then , as they , who even now believe what has been defined hitherto , not for the intrinsick probability of the things defined ; but for the authori●y whereby they are defined , must find themselves obliged , by the same principles , to receive such new definitions of the same authority ; so we , who even now disbelieve them , on account of the unsatisfactoriness of their intrinsick proofs , and for the contrary proofs produced against them , and who do not believe the authority of their proponent a sufficient argument to countervail these intrinsick confutations , must still continue to disbelieve them , even when they shall be so defined ; which will then oblige us again to divide as great a distance as ever . nor is this to be looked on as a case unlikely to happen , considering that there are already many very suspicious doctrines so universally received , as that their learned men confidently tell us that some of them are ferè de fide , and doubt of others whether they be not already altogether so . where it is observable that the grounds of their judging so , are , either the expressness of those decrees of their church which are already made concerning them , or the universality of their reception , or the stress which is laid upon them , which , in all likelyhood , would prevail with such a general council , if it had been assembled , to give their suffrages for them . § . 21. 2. but though a reconciliation of the particulars hitherto defined might have been more available for a solid peace , than it hence appears likely that it would be , yet even this is not practicable by all the means of reconciliation that have as yet been thought of . some things have been defined in both communions with such a design upon dissenters , as that no mollifying arts of interpretation can prevail with any unprejudiced person to believe that the senses really intended by them are reconcileable . nor indeed have the romanists any reason to expect that we should agree with them in all the particulars defined by them , whilst we do not agree with them in ackowledging the credibility of their judge of controversies . for , antecedently to their being defined , they confess many of them so obscure as that they may pardonably be disbelieved and opposed . and how can any wise man expect that all men should be of one mind in so many instances of such a nature ? and yet even one unlawful condition of communion is alone sufficient to make their communion unlawful , and the churches irreconcileable . § 22. now that there are somethings for which their church her self is unavoidably concerned wherein we have all the reason , that can be desired , to expect that she should yield to us in order to the accommodation of our differences , i ▪ think i might confidently appeal to as many learned men , though of our adversaries communion , as have had as well the courage to speak their thoughts , as the candor to follow their own convictions . the testimonies of many of them , to this purpose , are already so well known , as that i believe it will not be expected that i should exceed my present designed brevity by producing them . this therefore being supposed , it will plainly follow that no solid peace can be expected with those of that communion without some concessions on their side ; and therefore that which inevitably hardens them against all concessions must consequently ruine all hopes of a lasting reconciliation . now this is done by their doctrine of infallibility , and their own title to it . this is it that makes them presume to define such things as themselves confess to be inevident antecedently to their own defining them . this makes it impossible for them ( as long as they pretend to it ) to submit those things as much as to a review , in this age of knowledge , which were at first defined in ages of very great ignorance . this hinders them from yielding to the clearest convictions to the contrary , or from acknowledging them even where they cannot chuse but yield to them . this keeps them from reforming any of those errors , of which we have reason to believe themselves so sensible ( since the great modern improvements of ecclesiastical learning ) as that they would not have introduced them , if they had not found them already admitted , and thought themselves obliged not to desert them , nor to believe any evidence sufficient to prove them blame-worthy , when they had once found them so admitted . and therefore it will concern all hearty well-wishers to catholick peace , to lay out their zeal and industry principally to discredit this one doctrine which is so extremely pernicious to it . § . 23. and in order hereunto i have endeavoured to make it appear , that the challenge of infallibility to their whole communion is truly grounded on a principle disclaimed by considerable numbers of their communicants ; that is , the popes absolute and unaccountable monarchy over the catholick church . whence it will follow , that , though infallibility did indeed belong to the supreme representative of the catholick church diffusive , yet they can lay no claim to it who deny his papal monarchy . and therefore they who believe these promises of infallibility to have been originally made only to the catholick church diffusive , and withal deny this absolute monarchy of the pope , cannot lay any better claim to this infallibility than any other part of the catholick church diffusive that is as great and as considerable as themselves . but themselves confess churches no less ample for extent ( and indeed more considerable for the multitude of apostolical sees ) than their own , to be so far from being infallible , as that they believe them actually mistaken , even in matters of faith , and that for several centuries together before the reformation . and therefore all the authority which they can challenge on these principles is only a canonical one , such as is due to particular provincial or national or patriarchal districts , which are , on all sides , acknowledged to be fallible . which will not only concern the council of trent , but also all other councils that are only occidental . § . 24. now this concession alone , that they are fallible , would , at least , be sufficient to shew that they could not think it unlawful to review their own decrees , and either to correct or repeal them , as they should judge it reasonable upon that review . and though indeed it is not for the interest of the publick that governours should be too easie in rescinding their own acts , and especially at the motion of such an challenge it as a duty from them to rescind them , and when it cannot be done without an acknowledgment of their having been formerly mistaken ; yet it is withal as little for that interest , that they should wholly devest themselves of the power of actually practising it , when it shall appear necessary by the exigences of the communities for which they are intrusted . and , if , in any case , this may be allowed to be expedient , there can be no reason to doubt but that it is so here . the thing is of that importance , as that upon it depends the reconciliation of the divided parties of christendome , which are neither likely to be subdued by the power of any one , nor possible to be reconciled without concessions on some , if not on all , sides , by churches , as well as by private persons , and it cannot appear on which side the concession is fit to be made , unless all submit to a tryal , and resolve , upon tryal , to yield to what they shall judge reasonable . besides , there is a particular reason why the church should reserve an open ear for all things that can be urged for her information in matters of faith. not only in regard that the things are such as do not derive their lawfulness or unlawfulness from her authority , but are what they are , either true or false , antecedently to it ; so that her authority , as it cannot change the nature of the things in themselves , so neither can it alter their obligation in reference to the consciences of those who are otherwise perswaded : nor that she must be responsible to god , how little soever she be so to her subjects , if she betray her trust in the faith once delivered to her ; and thereupon drive out of her communion persons , who ought to have been encouraged to continue it , and break off from the communion of other churches with whom she ought to have maintained a correspondence : but also because her whole authority depends on it . for if she be erroneous in fundamentals , especially if her error be by way of defect in them , she is uncapable of being a christian church , and consequently uncapable of ecclesiastical authority . so that , as she tenders her whole authority in other things , she is obliged to use all diligence to secure her self from error in these , and it must be her best policy to do so . nay , the greatest human authorities that are , and who are most critical in insisting on these punctualities of policy in maintaining what they have once determined , yet think it no disparagement to them to condescend to a review , and to change their judgments , upon better information . and since the retriving of that sort of learning , which is requisite for clearing apostolical tradition , which came in with the reformation of religion , the church of rome her self is much better informed , and better qualified for judging , than she was in those obscurer ages wherein she first defined them . § . 25. supposing therefore that she were thus disposed to come to a review , it plainly follows further , that the whole force of her new decrees upon this review , must be resolved into the merit of the cause . for when her judgment has once been acknowledged fallible , there can then remain no further pretence of any greater certainty in her conclusions , than in the premises from whence they were deduced by her . and from hence it would be very reasonable to expect 1. that she would not upon this new review define what she should believe insufficiently proved antecedently to her definition . this being applyed to particulars , would cut off very many of her newly introduced articles which her most eminent champions confess inevident antecedently to her defining them . and we might expect the number of articles , which would be reduced upon this way of tryal , the more considerable , if 2. all those counterfeit miracles and revelations , and all those counterfeit authors and authorities were waved , which at the defining of these articles were generally believed genuine , but are since as generally acknowledged to have been forgeries . all those doctrines which , upon such testimonies as these , were taken for apostolical , must lose their credit of being so as soon as these testimonies shall be convicted of incompetency for assuring us what was apostolical . especally 3. if none but the earliest writers be trusted , as indeed none else are competent , for conveying apostolical tradition to us . and 4. if they were wary in this kind to impose no doctrines as conditions of their communion , but such as might appear even to themselves very necessary and very evident : if the defalcations were made which we have reason to believe would be made , even by themselves , upon the suppositions now mentioned , i do not see any reason to despair of so much liberty to be allowed by them as would suffice to reconcile our communions . and this i believe will be an information very useful , and very acceptable to all hearty desires of the peace of christendom , that is indeed , to all truly-christian spirits . use v § . 26. a fifth use of this hypothesis is , that it will serve for a scheme of principles to justifie the reformation , for which some of our modern adversaries have been so very importunate . nor do i pretend hereby to supersede the endeavours of that admirable person who has already undertaken them . his principles do excellently well shew that , as to the resolution of our faith in those particulars which are truly of an apostolical original , and wherein we do agree with the romanists themselves , we can sufficiently prove them derived from the apostles by competent testimonies of the several ages through which they must have passed , without being any ways beholden to an infallible judge of controversies . nay that such an infallible judge is indeed a means improper for such an end ; as requiring many such things for its proof , to us , who must be supposed to live ▪ at a distance from the time of its original institution , as are every way , at least , as liable to dispute as the controversies to be determined by it . so that hence it appears that we may be christians , nay and catholicks too , that is , that we may believe as many articles as at first were imposed as necessary to be believed , without the least obligation of being romanists , that is , of believing all their superinduced novel doctrines . and this is of excellent use against them in the whole dispute concerning the resolution of faith , where they pretend that the books of the scriptures themselves , and the sense of those books , and consequently all the articles which are proved from those senses , cannot be proved credible to us without the authority of their judge of controversies ; and therefore that as we follow this authority in these things , so we ought to follow it in all other things equally recommended by it , which must therefore be equally credible with them . this consequence will indeed hold with them concerning whom the supposition is true ; and therefore it cannot be strange that the romanists , who profess to believe our common articles on the credit of this authority , should look on those whom they call hereticks as choosers in religion , and as self condemned , in refusing to believe other things as credible , and credible on the same principles with those they do believe , they still supposing that they , whom they call hereticks , believe the common articles on the same principles on which themselves believe them . but from the principles of that excellent person it plainly appears , that the supposi●ion is not true concerning us ; and that as we profess we do not , so there is nothing that can in reason oblige us to believe even our common articles on the authority of their , or any other pretended infallible judge of controversies . § . 27. but the principles here advanced do not so much concern the articles wherein we are agreed , as those wherein we differ , and therefore will more immediately reach the popish communion as popish , and the protestant as properly so called , that is , as protesting against their errors , and against the uncanonical courses taken by them for imposing their errors ; and for the suppressing of all opposition to the contrary . here it is first proved that , it being our part only to assert our own liberty from their additional articles , they are obliged to prove , not we to disprove , their impositions . then , because the first principles of their impositions are not agreed on by themselves , but expresly denied by several persons in their communion , therefore i have proceeded to enquire after them , by knowing what it is that they are obliged by necessary consequence to maintain on account of their being of that communion ; so that by finding these we have all their particular doctrines reduced to their first principles . and the discovery of the weakness of the proofs producible for these ( upon the former supposition that they are obliged to prove them ) is as clear a discovery of the justice of the reformation , from the first principles as the nature of the thing will bear . use vi § . 28. a sixth and last usefulness of this hypothesis above others is , that it is capable of a more easie proof , and a proof more likely to prevail ad homines . for the several parties among our adversaries will not only grant us each of the premises , but undertake to prove them for us ; and an indifferent person will not be beholden to either of them for the conclusion . that he cannot be true to the principles of their communion ( or , ( to use their language ) that he can be no sound thorough catholick ) who does not hold infallibility , and that confined to that part of the church which is in their communion on account of their being virtually catholick , the jesuites , and other high papalins will affirm , and it is that for which they contend . to them therefore i shall refer all those of that communion , who shall doubt of the cogency of the proofs here produced , for further satisfaction . i could heartily wish that the odium of this reference might make them decline the service ; and should take it for a highly commendable condescension , if such as they , who have devoted themselves to the service of the catholick church , could be perswaded to declare their dislike of principles so pernicious to catholick peace . but i fear it is a favour too great to be expected from them . if any therefore doubt of the other premiss , viz. the indefensibleness of this challenge to infallibility , and of this notion of a catholick church virtual , on which that challenge must be grounded , he may be pleased to consult those of their writers who defend the supremacy of general councils , or rather of the catholick church diffusive . so that this way of proceeding will be most sutable for all sorts of adversaries . if they read it with a desire of satisfaction , they will find that more easie when they shall consider that it proceeds only on that which themselves do partly grant true already , so that there will only one premiss remain concerning which they can desire further satisfaction . if they read it with a design of confutation , they will also find that more difficult when they shall remember that they cannot undertake it without engaging a very considerable party among themselves in the defence of these fundamental principles of their whole communion . § . 28. many great and considerable improvements might have been also made of this difference of their authors in matters of so great importance to their common interests , which may hereafter be more fully enlarged on as themselves shall administer a further occasion for it . this will shew how little reason they have to boast of their unity when it thus appears that they are so little agreed in these principles of their unity . so that , as it has already appeared that their difference herein must in reason oblige them to separate in their communion , if they act conformably to their principles , so nothing but a provocation like that which was given to luther and henry the eighth , can be wanting to them who deny this monarchy of the pope , to make them do as they did , viz. actually to divide their communion as their principles already oblige them . this will also let them see how little advantage their laity is like to have above ours in judging of the controversies which divide our communions . they would have them take the judge of controversies's word for the particulars . that may be when they have found him . but when there are different pretenders ( as there are here , the pope , the council , and the church diffusive ) how shall they judge who has the justest claim ? must they judge of the reasons , at least of credibility ? that is it that we would have them do , and for which we are blamed as putting them upon a task too difficult for them , or encouraging them to entertain too good an opinion of their own abilities . must they take the pope's word in the case ? but he is yet only a party ; and , till the motives of credibility be tryed , can have no advantage above others his competitors . and then , why may not they be trusted also ? if they be all trusted , their pretensions being so inconsistent , the laick , who trusts them , must still be lest as irresolute as ever . must they therefore follow the judgment of their most credible divines concerning it ? but that will again be as hard a task as the former , to be able , in so great apparent equality , to distinguish who are the most credible ; especially abstracting from the merit of the cause . and what advantage the favourers of the papacy have in numbers , that the others have in disinteressedness , which will go very far in recommending the credibility of an authority in such a case as this is . besides the greatest authority of divines will not by themselves be allowed for any more than a probable , and therefore a very fallible , inducement . but how much more so , when there are other divines as eminent as themselves of another judgment ? and even infallibility it self , if it be received on a fallible recommendation , will still amount to no higher than a fallible proof ; which even themselves cannot judge sufficient for their purpose in such a case as this is . if both pretenders and divines be trusted on both sides as far as their pretensions are not inconsistent with each other , this will effectually serve my purpose , and convince the laick , who trusts them , of the insecurity of their whole communion . for he must thus be obliged to grant both the premisses of the argument by which i have here proved it unsecure . the major is this , infallibility , as appropriated to the roman communion by their title to their being virtually catholick , that is , by their adhering to the papacy as a principle of catholick unity in the sense above explained , is the fundamental principle of that whole communion as distinct from others : this he must believe on the authority of the popes themselves who have declared for it , and of the jesuites , and the rest of the high papalins . the minor this : but this authority of the papacy ( on which the title of that whole communion to infallibility is grounded ) is false and improbable . this he must also for the same reason believe on the authority of all those who defend the supremacy of general councils , or of the diffusive catholick church . so that in this way of judging by authorities ( which is agreeable to the genius and principles and arguments of that church against us in other like cases ) the laity , at least , must be obliged to distrust their whole communion , as fundamentally grounded on an unwarrantable principle . but of these and other like matters , perhaps a larger account may be given on future occasions . a positive account of the fundamental controversie on which depend all other disputes , betwixt the romanists and the other communions of christendom , with a short discovery of the little evidence they have on the roman side in this controversie . by the fundamental controversie , i mean that on which the particular controversies do depend , and wherein what is maintained by the ch. of rome , does so nearly concern her that the whole subsistence as a distinct communion , must adaequately depend on the truth or falshood of it . and her assertion herein is that fundamental principle , the confutation of which is alone sufficient for convicting her of the guilt of that separation of communion , which has been caused by her unwarrantable impositions in the particular disputes , and for excusing all others who have permitted themselves to be excluded from her communion rather than they would profess the belief of errors , which was required as a condition of their communion . so that the confutation of this fundamental principle does virtually and consequentially contain a resolution of all other particular controversies debated between us . for finding out this fundamental principle , i suppose , 1. that the first formal separation ( i will not yet say schism , for that implies a fault in it , which is to appear from what follows ) was made by the romanists , at least as to us in england , with whom they communicated in the same publick offices , till they separated themselves upon the prohibition of (a) pius v. 2. that this formal separation without sufficient positive grounds for it ( though there were no sufficient convictive grounds to the contrary ) is the sin of formal schism ; which is as properly incurred , if the separation be unnecessary , as if it be unreasonable if it be without , as if it be against reason . 3. this being supposed , for our justification , who were on ] y passive in the separation , it is not requisite that we confute their pretences , but it is abundantly sufficient that the proofs produced by them are not directly conclusive to their purpose . 4. this purely-negative way of proceeding , that they want sufficient ground to justifie their practice , being alone sufficient for our purgation , the proof that the grounds of their separating from us were sufficient ( which is their positive assertion ) will be incumbent on our adversaries , and we cannot be obliged to disprove them . 5. this obligation to prove is incumbent on them , not only as they are the first separaters ( which may only concern us of the english communion ) but also as the imposers of their own sentiments on others as conditions of catholick communion . which will also relate to forreign protestants , who were driven from their communion , being not suffered to continue in it but on such conditions . 6. our adversaries being thus obliged to give a positive account of their own proceedings ; they have no way to justifie themselves but by vindicating that on which themselves lay the stress of their separation ( so that , if they fail here , no other proof will be sufficient for proving the necessity of it ) which was noted to be meant by the fundamental principle . here therefore two things will be necessary to be shewn ; 1. what this is on which they lay this stress ; 2. that it is no way justifiable . for the first , it is clear 1. that the particular propositions debated betwixt us are not by themselves thought necessary , to our salvation , necessitate medii , so as that our ignorance or disbelief of them should deprive us of some necessary truth , without which we cannot be saved . for they themselves excuse such as did disbelieve them , as we do , before the definition of their church . 2. that , even supposing we were erroneous in things not thus necessary , yet this were not sufficient to justifie their separation or imposition on intrinsick accounts ; that is , an error of so small importance , as to the value of the thing , could not in that regard , of its intrinsick value , excuse either their separation from us because we hold it , or their so rigorous imposition of their own sentiments on us concerning it . 3. that as there is no intrinsick necessity of the truth of the propositions for our salvation , so neither 1. is there that extrinsick evidence of their being revealed by the apostles that must necessarily argue , in him that should deny them , an irreverence and obstinacy against the divine veracity , on which their credibility depends . this also appears from their excusing the errors of the antients , who if they had had such evidence in their times , could not have been inculpably erroneous . which they take up from what s. augustine had said to that purpose , in his disputes with the donatists concerning the case of st. cyprian , whom he therefore makes more excusable in the same error of rebaptizing hereticks than the donatists , because he lived before , but they after , the nicene decision of that whole dispute . nor 2. do themselves pretend that any error , which may not be presumed obstinately persisted in , is sufficient to justifie a separation from the communion of persons so erroneous . 4. hence it follows that , seeing neither the intrinsick necessity of the propositions themselves , nor their extrinsick evidence antecedently to the definition of the church , are , on their own principles , sufficient to justifie the severity of their proceedings against us : the only thing they have more to alledge for it must be our disobedience in disbelieving those propositions notwithstanding the authority which their church has given them by her definition . 5. that the obedience required to these propositions is not only not to make parties and divisions in the church against them ( such as our church is generally thought to require to the xxxix . articles ) but also positively to believe them , not only as truths , but also as matters of faith. 6. that this positive belief of their church's definitions exteriorly professed in joyning in their offices , and in abstaining from the communion even of peaceable dissenters , and censuring them as hereticks , cannot veraciously , nor consequently without sin , be performed without an internal assent . 7. that this internal assent cannot safely be given without a satisfactory conviction of the truth of the propositions so assented to . 8. and therefore , that such an assent may be given to propositions defined by their church , only on account of her authority , it is requisite that her authority be such a medium as may assure us of the truth of those propositions . 9. this assurance ( if it be nor , according to the doctrine of their greatest pretenders to reason , mathematical , yet ) must , at least for matters of faith ( and such these definitions are by themselves esteemed ) be moral , that is , such as may exclude all probability , if not all possibility , of doubting , whether they be true. 10. that authority , which , upon its own account , may be an argument to convince us of the truth of her definitions , must not be such as must depend on the use of means : both 1. because that will leave a liberty for such as are competent judges of them to have recourse from such authority to the means themselves on which such her credibility will depend , which the romanists will by no means permit : and 2. because the means are by themselves acknowledged frequently fallible , and the infallibility only affixed to the conclusions . 11. that authority which may assure us of the truth of its definitions , independently on the means , must needs be infallible in its judgment . which though some few late authors have endeavoured to avoid , yet the generality of them have found themselves in pursuance of the former principles , obliged to assert it . 12. this infallibility of judgment , surpassing the use of ordinary means , must needs be supernatural and extraordinary ; and therefore as to the light by which it judges , it must be assisted by new revelations , though it be conversant about no newly-revealed objects . 13. this infallibility is by them challenged to themselves by virtue of those promises of the spirit in the scriptures , which themselves confess to belong only to the catholick ch. not to any one particular denomination of christians . 14. that therefore their title to this infallibility must , according to their own principles , be resolved into those proofs whereby they make out their title of being the catholick church . 15. they themselves do not , nor cannot , pretend to be the catholick ch. diffusive ; that is , that all the regular , legal , original successors to the apostles in all apostolical sees ( most of which they cannot deny to have been in the oriental parts ( have ever submitted to their authority , or are united to them in external visible communion . nay , they have condemned a much greater number of apostolical sees than they have among themselves . 16. that therefore the notion of catholick , to which they may with any colour pretend , must be so limited as that it may agree to a party of christians in opposition to others . 17. that though it may indeed be true , admitting an appeal to the primitive records , that a particular church may hold all that which was originally taught by the catholick church diffusive , without any novel abusive impositions that may oblige any conscientious persons to keep off from her communion , and so by accident may deserve the name of catholick , as that name distinguishes from other christian societies of hereticks and schismaticks . yet speaking of such an authority as they own in the roman church , which may prescribe against such appeals , so that its own only sense is to be presumed to be the sense of the catholick church , without particular convincing evidences of the concurrence of all in the primitive ages with them , this plainly requires that this notion of catholick be certainly fixed , and fixed to a particular judicatory , and this antecedently to a tryal by the primitive records . for this prescribing against an appeal so rational as to the nature of the thing , must plainly imply an obliging jurisdiction , antecedently to , and therefore independently on , that tryal . and jurisdiction can signifie nothing unless the judicatory to whom it belongs , be also notorious , and notorious also antecedently to the same tryal . so that in this way of proceeding it must necessarily be supposed that one certain part of the catholick church can never cease to be catholick , nor to have a jurisdiction over the catholick church diffusive . 18. these things cannot be ascertained to a particular church , so as to prescribe against the now-mentioned way of trying it , without maintaining the notion of a catholick church virtual . that is , we cannot be assured that a particular church must necessarily be catholick , antecedently to the tryal of its catholicism by a recourse to the primitive records , but by being first assured that that particular church shall never fail of being catholick it self , and that all other particular churches must approve of their catholicism by their conformity to that which can never be otherwise . so that on these terms the knowledge of that one church , and what is maintained by her , will be virtually a knowledge of the catholick church diffusive , and what ought to be maintained by them . which things put altogether , do plainly make up that which our adversaries mean when they speak of a catholick church virtual . 19. this notion of a catholick church virtual , which may agree to one part of the catholick church diffusive in contradistinction to all others , must imply such a principle of unity to which all the rest are obliged , though that one part only do actually adhere to it . 20. this principle of unity must not only be a principle of order , but of influence . for it is only by virtue of this influence of this one church over all others that we can conclude that all others are obliged to be like it ; and it is only on this obligation of all other churches to be like her that her title to the name of the catholick church virtual is adaequately grounded . 21. this principle of unity must be in the governours of such a particular church . for our adversaries will not have the promises of the spirit made to the people , but to their governours . so that the people can have no further right in them , but on condition of adhering to their governours , who therefore must be the first principle of unity . 22. this principle of unity must not depend on the authority of the church diffusive . otherwise that same authority of the church diffusive might recall it , in which case the adhering to it would not prove a certain note of catholicism . 23. to apply therefore all this to the romanists , their whole pretence of being the catholick church is adaequately grounded in that notion of a catholick church virtual , whereby they confine it to that multitude of christians who are united under a visible monarchical head as a principle of their unity , to which , jure divino , all are bound to be obedient . 24. this monarchical head to which they pretend a nearer interest than others , is the papacy . the summary . seeing therefore that nothing else can excuse their new impositions but the a authority by which they are imposed : and seeing that no authority can be sufficient for their purpose to oblige their subjects b internally to believe what is neither c necessary as to its matter , nor d evident as to its proof , antecedently to the definition of such an authority , but one that must be e infallible : seeing ▪ that they who do not in terms pretend the popes infallibility necessary ( and they who do so , already own what i would prove that all must own according to their principles ) can make no plea to infallibility , but from those f promises of the spirit which themselves confess to have been primarily made to the catholick church ; and therefore though an infallibility , even in judgment , were granted to belong to the catholick church , yet that can signifie nothing to our adversaries purpose till they can prove g themselves to be that catholick church to which alone those promises confessedly belong : seeing evidently they are not the h catholick church diffusive , and can therefore only pretend to the title of their being the catholick church i virtual : seeing this notion of the catholick church virtual must necessarily imply such a k principle of unity to which all the catholick church diffusive is obliged to adhere , as to a certain standard of their catholicism ; and this principle of unity , to which they can lay claim above other christian societies , is only the l papacy ; and the papacy , as a principle of unity , must be a principle , not of order m only , but of influence ; and that independently n on the judgment of the catholick church diffusive : all these things being considered together , it will plainly follow , that , if this influential independent power of the papacy cannot be proved , all their pretences to infallibility , or even to any authority for deciding these controversies between us , must fall to the ground ; and consequently all their particular decisions depending on them will neither be valid in law , nor obliging in conscience , which will leave their separation and impositions destitute of any pretence that may excuse them from being schismatical . this is therefore the fundamental principle on which all their authority in defining all other particular doctrines must originally depend : and to shew that this principle is insufficiently proved , will alone be enough to invalidate all their other definitions . secondly , therefore to shew the insufficiency of their proof of it . this proof must either be ( α ) from tradition . and for this it is observable that , i. this notion of the catholick church virtual , if it had been true , must have been originally delivered by the unanimous consent of the catholick church diffusive . we cannot judge otherwise unless we suppose a great defect , either of the apostles , in not teaching , or of the church , in not preserving the memorial of such a fundamental principle of their unity . ii. this topick , of tradition delivered down by the catholick church diffusive , is the only proper one for the church who pretends to this authority to prove it by . and till it be proved , and proved to the judgment of particular subjects , there is no reason that she should expect that they should think themselves obliged in conscience to submit to her authority . for authority can be no rational motive to them to distrust their own judgments , till it self be first proved and acknowledged . and therefore if it do not appear , and appear to us from this topick , we can have no reason to believe it . iii. this notion of the catholick church virtual does not appear to have been ever delivered as the sense of the catholick church diffusive : 1. not of that catholick church diffusive which was extant in the beginning of the reformation . for then 1. the greeks , and most of the eastern christians professedly oppose it . 2. many of the western christians themselves , especially of the french and germans , did not believe it . 3. the western church it self representative , in four , by them reputed general , councils of pisa , constance , siena , and basile , did not own the popes supremacy as a principle of catholick unity , but expresly by their canons declared themselves to be his superiors , and treated him as being wholly subject to their authority . this was not long before the reformation , and what they did had not then been repealed by any authority comparable to theirs . 2. not of the catholick diffusive church in antienter times . 1. not of the greeks ever since their schism , as the latines call it , under photius . 2. before that time , even whilst they were united with the latines , the popes supremacy was disowned by them in that famous 28. canon of chalcedon , which equalled the bishop of constantinople with him of rome , and owned only an ecclesiastical right in both of them for the dignity of their cities ( which , as i have already * warned , will not suffice for our adversaries purpose ) that i may not now mention the canon of constantinople so expounded by the fathers of chalcedon in place , and maintained by the greek emperors . it was also disowned by the council of antioch against julius ; disowned by the african fathers , by whom the only plea the popes had from the council of nice was found to be a forgery . 3. not of the catholick diffusive church in those primitive times , while the christians lived under heathen emperours : for , 1. the romanists themselves are unwilling to be tryed by them , unless we will allow them to quote from the decretal epistles , &c. which learned men among themselves do confess to be suspicious , or manifest forgeries . 2. aeneas sylvius , who was afterwards pope pius ii. acknowledged that before the council of nice little respect was had to the bishop of rome above others . 3. it appears by the freedom wherewith pope stephen was resisted by st. cyprian , and pope victor by the asiatick bishops , and by st. irenaeus . and 4. by the canon of carthage under st. cyprian , which declared that no bishop was subject to another , but that every one was supreme in his own charge under god ; not now to mention other passages in him to the same 5. by the weakness of the testimonies alledged to this purpose , the presidency in the region of the romans in ignatius , the powerful principality in st. irenaeus , the pontificatus maximus ironically derided by tertullian , and the one bishop and one see in st. cyprian , &c. ( β ) for the scriptures , themselves do not seem very confident of them without the expositions of the fathers . an answer to six queries proposed to a gentlewoman of the church of england , by an emissary of the church of rome ; fitted to a gentlewomans capacity . by henry dodwell m. a. and sometimes fellow of trinity colledge near dvblin . london , printed for benj. tooke , and are to be sold at the ship in st. paul's church-yard . 1676. the contents . q. 1. whether any one going from the church of england , and dying a roman catholick can be saved ? page 1. q. 2. whether they be idolaters , or no ? 39 q. 3. where was the church of england before luther's time ? 48 q. 4. why all the reformed churches are not united in one ? 81 q. 5. why the church of england doth not hold up to confession , fasting-days , holy oyl , which we our selves commend ? 94 q. 6. why was reformation done by act of parliament ? 110 errata . p. 34 l. 13 before vet add may . p. 42. l 13. after office add of . p. 58. l. 10. even for when . p. 92 , l. 2. shews . p. 115. l. 8. for its r. his . a preface . it is of no further concernment to acquaint the publick with the occasion of penning these papers , than as the occasion might have an influence on the design ; and as it may be very useful to inform the reader of the design , that he may the better know what to expect in the performance . he may therefore be pleased to understand that the following queries were tendred to a gentlewoman of the communion of the church of england by a romanist , who had a design of seducing her ; and that they were answered by another hand , but on such principles , or in such a way of management , as that it did not give her the desired satisfaction . this gave occasion to some that were concerned for her to shew the paper to some others in order to the inviting them to undertake it in a way that might be likely to prove more successful . by this means of communication it came at length to my hands from a person who first desired my opinion concerning it , and then with some earnestness importuned me to commit my thoughts to writing . pursuant therefore to this occasion , my design was in the first place to shew from sound principles , that the church of england is able to defend her reformation from the errors of the romanists , and to clear her self , as far as she is charged with that breach of communion which followed thereupon , without giving any advantage to the non-conformists to justifie either their first separation from vs , or their eternal subdivisions from one a-another . nor was i willing to engage a person in the gentlewomans condition , in any controversies that might be spared without injury to the merit of the cause ; or to debate even such as could not so be spared , by such arguments as might exceed her opportunities of enquiring , or her capacity of judging , so as to oblige her to depend on the conduct of others more inquisitive and judicious . but i have either waved authorities where i could debate the case by arguments less liable to dispute , and better suited to the understanding of a gentlewoman ; or where i have been necessitated to insist on them , i have endeavoured to make out their credibility by such presumptions as are easie to be understood , and familiar in parallel cases , and generally granted as most prudent , whenever unskilful persons find themselves obliged to acquiesce in the conduct of persons more skilful and judicious than themselves . and i have purposely avoided all citations of authors , even where necessary , but such as were to be had , even in english , and therefore might be consulted by the gentlewoman her self . i confess those other reasonings fit for scholars , as they are more subtle , so they are withal more solid and conclusive . but withal i consider , 1. that those things wherein scholars have the advantage of unlearned persons , are principally such wherein reading is absolutely necessary for their historical conveyance to us . it is certainly impossible for any to know what doctrines were maintained in the apostles times ( and consequently what doctrines are true , where they are supposed capable of no other evidence of their being true , but because they were so maintained ) without insight into the several histories & authors of the intermediate ages through which they are to be deduced . but for other things whose evidence of their being true , does not depend on such a conveyance , the reason of the thing is a sufficient evidence ; and of this every equally rational person , how little soever he be conversant in authors , is an equally competent judge . and of this kind are many of the things here mentioned , on which the stress of the cause depends . the prudent reader will easily discern which they are , without my instancing . and 2. even in those things which depend on positive revelation , and wherein the only means of our assurance of them is historical tradition ; though it be indeed true that persons of little reading cannot so competently assure themselves of the writings and opinions of former ages , without the assistance of others more conversant in those studies : yet since it is not the way of prudent rational persons , therefore to conclude a thing to have been revealed by the apostles , because such authors tell us that it was so ; much less because such authors maintained it , as their own opinion ; but first to assure themselves of such things on which the credibility of such authors in such matters may be made clear to us , and then of those expressions from whence they conclude such authors to have given testimony to such a thing as an apostolical tradition : it is plain that the judgment of these things depends wholly on the reason of the things themselves . and therefore where learned men are agreed , as to their accounts of the authors and their expressions ; and where the only remaining dispute is , whether such undoubted works of such authors be competent for the conveyance of a tradition , and whether such expressions , considered in all their circumstances , come home to the controversies at present debated ; these are things whereof common prudence and a cultivated natural judgment may as well qualifie men to pass a censure as the greatest reading imaginable . and this seems to me the best way in affairs of this nature , to wave such things as were disputed among learned men concerning their historical informations , and only to found my reasonings on their unanimous concessions . and most of the controversies betwixt us and the romanists are of that nature as to be capable of this way of management . now this way of not intermedling in the disputes of learned men , but only proceeding on their unquestioned concessions is ( as most solid and satisfactory to the most accurate learned men themselves , so ) most prudent and easie for those who are unlearned . and 3. even as to those other things wherein i have indeed proceeded on popular presumptions , yet considering that these are the only reasons which god has fitted to the capacities of the greatest part of mankind , and that god is in his goodness concerned to give them reasons sufficient for their direction , and that the nature of the things themselves is of importance to his government , and that it is therefore requisite that their direction be such as may not only excuse their mistakes , but secure them of the truth itself ; i say , these things being considered , there will be reason to believe that however fallible such general presumptions may be in their own nature , yet that god in his goodness has so ordered the matter in affairs of this nature , as that those who are guided by these presumptions may by the use of them be secured of the truth it self in these particulars . as for the method observed in this discourse , it is such as i conceived most clear and comprehensive in few words , and yet withal most accurate and satisfactory to a doubting person . for any one may be much more secure of a consequence when he is first secured of all its principles , and he can much better judge of them when he has an intire prospect of them in the natural order wherein they lye , and wherein they are necessary for the deduction of such a consequence . yet i have neither deduced my principles too remotely , but as near as i could find them clear and indisputable ; nor have insisted on the proof of those that were clear , any further than i conceived it necessary to do so from the actual disputes concerning the consequence . and i have been careful rather to prove than to confute ; which i conceived to be a course , as less invidious to adversaries ( who should find themselves no further concerned than as the consequences of positive truths might make them concern'd ) so also more satisfactory to a person in the gentlewomans condition . and in the whole i am so little conscious of any design of displeasing any to whom truth it self might not prove displeasing , as that if any adversary shall think it worth his time to answer what i have said , i am not my self affraid of provocation from any thing which he can say in following my precedent . an answer to six queries , &c. q. 1 . whether any one going from the church of england , and dying a roman catholick can be saved . i. if by the words [ can be saved ] be meant a possibility in regard of the means , we then deny it . for we hold that such errors are maintained in that communion as are in their own nature destructive of salvation . such are 1. the doctrines even of their * church which oblige them to do mischief ( as those concerning the popes supremacy over princes in temporals , and concerning their duty of prosecuting hereticks ) the † loosness of their casuistical divinity , countenanced by such authorities of casuists as must needs influence such persons as act conformably to the principles of that communion ; and their generally allowing a greater liberty to such persons as are desirous to reconcile their vices with their hopes of eternity , by their licentious applications of those two distinctions of precepts and counsels , and of mortal and venial sins , whereby they make most duties counsels , and most sins only venial . which danger is the more considerable to an ignorant person , who for want of skill of her own , must in prudence , and by the principles of that communion , be obliged to trust such un-secure guides . 2. not to mention the ill influence of several of their doctrines on the lives of such as own them ; the very imposing them as matters of faith , the excommunicating and anathematizing all that deny them , the condemning dissenters as guilty of heresy and schism ( at least what they call material ) the inserting several of their controverted doctrines into their liturgies , so that they who cannot believe them , cannot veraciously joyn with them in their devotions , are innovations from the liberty allowed in the primitive church , wherein many ( whom all own for excellent persons and good catholicks ) never owned , nay some of them doubted of , or contradied such conditions of communion ; in sum , their unreasonable grounds of dividing catholick communion , and their uncharitableness to dissenters , are errors dangerous to the salvation of the person owning and abetting them . for all will own , even the romanists themselves , that the crime of breaking catholick communion , where it is justly imputed , is destructive of salvation . 3. several abuses of that church ( i say of the church , not only of particular persons in it ) are so gross as that several of the most eminent and candid men of their own communion have owned them for such : such as prayer in an unknown tongue , denying the chalice to the laity , fabulous saints and stories still continued in the best approved ecclesiastical offices , martyrs canonized for bad causes conducing to the greatness of the roman see , as beckes for example . yet by the principles of that communion , pretending to infallibility , it is impossible that any abuse ( in defence of which their church is engaged , as she is here ) should ever be reformed , because it is impossible that a church , so pretending to be infallible , should ever grant any such thing to be an abuse . and many more abuses are by the moderate persons of their communion owned in the court of rome , which yet by the power allowed to the court over their church , by the general consent of the church it self , cannot possibly be reformed . seeing therefore that the church of rome does thus oppose all possible reformation of abuses of this nature ; and seeing that , whilst these abuses are not reformed , many of them may justifie a separation , and most of them may do it when all hopes of reformation are professedly opposed ; catholick peace on such terms as may , not only lawfully , but commendably , be yielded , will be impossible . and the abetting of such a party as makes catholick peace on just terms impossible , must needs be an error destructive of salvation . this is a mischief unavoidably consequent to mistakes in a society pretending to be infallible . as these errors are thus of their own nature destructive of salvation , so going over to that communion from another , does naturally involve the person doing so in the actual guilt of the errors themselves : 1. because communicating ( according to all ) does involve the persons communicating in the guilt of such errors , at least , as are imposed as conditions of the communion , as these are in the church of rome . this needs not to be proved against the romanists who insist on it against us as much as we do against them . 2. this must especially hold in such as revolt from our church to theirs : both because such an embracing of their communion is more an argument of choice and designed preference in such as leave others to come to it , than in such as are born in it , and consequently must signifie a more express approbation of the terms of it ; and because more explicite recantations of our doctrines are required even from laick revolters , than from such as are born in it . 3. because the resignation of judgment is expected more intire from women and laicks than from skilful persons ( who may in some cases be allowed the liberty of their own judgments even by the principles of that communion ) so that persons in the gentlewomans condition , may by this means come to be responsible not only for the dangerous doctrines of their whole church , but also for the personal errors of their priests and particular confessors : both as they are ( by the principles of that communion ) allowed to be the authentical proponents of the doctrines of their church to unlearned persons ( who are not themselves qualified for judging concerning them ) as their church is of the doctrines of christ to the learned ; and as the same rules of prudence oblige them as strongly to trust their particular priests for opinions , as they do their church for doctrines of faith , where they are still presumed as uncapable of judging themselves . ii. if by this possibility of salvation mentioned in the question , be meant only [ a possibility of the event ] notwithstanding the dangerousness of the condition of persons of that communion , upon account of their being of it ; then the resolution will depend on this : how far errors of their own nature damnative may not prove actually destructive to the salvation of the particular erroneous person , on account of the ignorance and unvoluntariness with which the person comes to be engaged in such errors ? for on these accounts it may be conceived that the errors may either not be imputed to her at all , or be imputed in so low a degree as to become pardonable by the general stipulations and promises of the gospel for the pardoning of sins of inadvertency and humane frailty , which are supposed expiable by a general care of fulfilling the conditions of the evangelical covenant , together with a general implicite repentance of sins unknown as well as known . now of these two waies whereby an error damnative of its own nature may be hindred from proving actually damnative in the event to the erroneous person , it is only an invincible ignorance ( that is , such as can be remedied by no means that are in the power of the person who is supposed erroneous ) that can hinder all imputation of her error to her ; and only such a degree of vincible ignorance can suffice for extenuating the imputation so far as to render it pardonable in the way now mentioned , that is very hardly avoidable by the person , considering the frailty to which her condition in this life is obnoxious . so that for judging concerning the condition of revolters ( which is the gentlewomans case ) the enquiry will be , what degree of ignorance they are capable of that may make their errors involuntary ? that is , how far such as they are may be capable of being ignorant of their duty to adhere to ours as the true communion ? and for discerning this these following particulars would be fit to be considered . 1. that we are all agreed ( romanists as well as protestants ) that all sorts of persons ( ignorant as well as learned ) are obliged to adhere to the true communion ( whatever that is ) in contra-distinction to others , at least , under pain of losing the ordinary means of salvation , and consequently that comfortable satisfaction of the security of their own condition , which they who enjoy the ordinary means of salvation must needs be more capable of than they who are necessitated to repose their whole confidence in gods extraordinary mercies . 2. that all persons being thus obliged by god to embrace the true communion , the inducements to it must be supposed sufficient for the conviction of all , and consequently suited to the capacities of all who are thus concerned to receive conviction . 3. therefore the reasons being thus supposed sufficient for the conviction of all , there can be no pretence of invincible ignorance for any but such as are ignorant of those reasons , which cannot be supposed to be the case of revolters . hence it follows , at least , that if revolters act rationally , that is , enquire what it is they leave , and why , and accordingly follow their convictions as they ought , before their change ; they cannot be supposed capable of invincible ignorance . so that the only imaginable pretence for rendring their error invincible , must be the supposed invincibleness of those prejudices which may hinder a well-meaning person , acting conscientiously , from acting rationally . which muft be either 1. opinions conceived obligatory in conscience , hindring the persons embracing them from enquiry , or following their own convictions ; of which kind many instances may be produced which are favoured by the casuists of the roman church : or , 2. precipitation in passing sentence on a partial evidence , resolving on some particular advantage of one cause without considering its disadvantages , or the advantages of the contrary cause , which might possibly over-weigh it if impartially considered : or , 3. an undiscernible favour to one cause more than another , whereby we wish it rather true in regard of its greater complyance with some particular interest or affection which may be thought innocent , at least , if not commendable ; which may the more likely prejudice a well-meaning conscientious person , because it may indeed be prudent in some cases , and it is not easie for a person acted by it to discern when it is not . but it is hard to conceive how any of these mistakes can be invincible in revolters . not the 1. for 1. there can be no reason to take up such opinions so gratuitously , which are so prejudicial to all reasoning in general . 2. there can be no reason to take them for granted as first principles , without enquiry , ( by which means very absurd propositions may be taken up by very rational persons ) where it is known that many skilful , and ( as far as can be judged ) conscientious persons do , not only question , but , deny them . 3. revolters from us cannot as much as pretend any prejudices of education to excuse such mistakes , seeing that among us they find them utterly discountenanced . and as they have thus neither reason , nor ( among us ) authority that may induce them to the belief of those doctrines : so neither 4. can the authority of our adversaries be any probable inducement to perswade revolters to the belief of these irrational doctrines : 1. because the romanists themselves are sensible of the absurdity of these doctrines , and their unserviceableness to their own interests when they have to deal with persons whom they desire to seduce ; so that they are not likely to recommend such doctrines to such persons , as credible , on account of their own authority . for if they should offer to perswade such as they esteem hereticks of the unlawfulness of intermedling in religious disputes , or following their own convictions in them , it would be the means to make it impossible to proselyte such to their own party . 2. if they should be so imprudent as to perswade them of the truth of these doctrines so prejudicial to their own interests in these circumstances ; yet the person tempted would need no other argument to confute them than their attempts to proselyte her at the same time when they should teach her that it were unlawful to hearken to any reasons , or to venture her own judgment concerning them , if contrary to what at present she believed to be true . 3. because if she must not trust her own judgment , but rely on authority , it would be most just , as well as most prudent , to trust the authority of her own party whom she has experienced , than her adversaries whom she has not ; and therefore it could not be reasonable to trust adversaries contradicting the eminent guides of her own party . 4. because , at least , the authority of adversaries cannot be presumed in reason so great , with a person not yet of their communion , as to oblige her to believe , on their account , what she her self thinks irrational : nay , rather whilst it is questioned how far their authority is to be trusted ( as it ought , in reason , to be considered before a change ) and whilst the private judgment of the person is trusted ( as none else can be ) in this debate ; what in her own judgment seems unreasonable would rather render the authority suspected if it should recommend it , than be it self believed for the authority . especially considering 5. that to such a one as is not yet perswaded of the credibility of their authority , this would afford a very prudent argument for suspicion of their integrity , when they should urge her to the belief of such things whose truth they would not allow her liberty to examine by her own private judgment . not the 2. for 1. it is hard to conceive a person educated in the true church so ignorant of the advantages of her own way , as to be invincibly perswaded by those of the contrary , which upon a compleat comparison are ( by the supposals laid down in the beginning of this discourse ) so very disproportionable to them , and which may appear so by the judgment of all who are concerned to judge concerning them . 2. the fallacy of trusting such partial representations is so easily discovered by the most ordinary experience and prudence in human affairs , and so universally acknowledged in all other ordinary occurrences , as that it can hardly impose on any who proceeds with that caution which all acknowledge requisite in changes of great and dangerous consequence , as all confess those of religion to be . 3. though a less advantage on one side above the other might suffice , where the person were not pre-engaged in either ; yet all confess the disturbance of a change , and the danger of venturing on an unexperienced way , so considerable , as that they are not to be attempted on barely equal terms ; which is a further warning for the gentlewoman to be wary , who is tempted to change from the principles of her education . 4. supposing the person were so ignorant as not to discern the advantages of her own communion above any other by her own observation , yet in that case , it is on all sides held prudent to hear on both sides what can be said by them who are skilful : which if she understand , and be able to judge of by her self , she must then ( by the supposals now mentioned ) see the advantage of her own side ; but if she does not , and so be necessitated , even in the choice of her communion , to rely on the conduct of a guide , it must in that case be much more prudent to trust a guide whom she has experienced , than one whom she has not . not the 3. for 1. that favour which is wholly derived from the inclination of the affections must needs be due to that side wherein the person is already engaged : both in justice , as all generous persons conceive themselves obliged in all cases capable of favour , to be favourable to their old friends rather than others ; and in prudence , because by this means the disturbance of a change is best prevented . 2. if any favour may be upon reasonable and well-meaning accounts extended to one cause above others : either because the tryal of its truth is easier , or because its truth ( if it may be proved ) may be conceived subservient to better purposes ; as mr. cressy confesses himself favourable to the arguments produced for a judge of controversies , because the decision of that controversie alone would prevent the trouble of enquiring into the rest : yet even so ( if this favour be taken up and managed as it ought to be by a vertuous well-meaning person ) it will not render the mistake of a change invincible . for , 1. this favour ( as far as it is justifiable by reason ) is to be had for the religion wherein the person had been educated , and of which she is actually possessed , upon the same rational accounts whereby that other favour is conceived justifiable , and in as high a degree of obligation ; both as we are better able to judge of what we know already than we can be presumed to be of a strange religion ; and as we can be more confident in the practice of a religion we have alwaies maintained , than we can in that which must suppose us convicted of having been formerly greatly mistaken . 2. this favour , as far as it may ybe conceived prudent and rational , can only take place there where all other things are supposed equal , which cannot be supposed in the true way . 3. this favour ought not to hinder the person from an enquiry into the contrary cause , unless the evidence produced be very certainly convictive , which also cannot be supposed in the way we are speaking of . 4. this way of favourable presumption being the only way by which the generality of the vulgar are capable to judge , and there being in the true way inducements for all sorts of people ; therefore it must be said that if this way be managed impartially , that is , if all the presumptions on both sides be considered , this must bring them to the truth . hence it follows , by the principles of all parties , that the error of a revolter can hardly be presumed invincible , and consequently not wholly excusable . so that for judging concerning the salvability of particular persons , it only remains to be enquired further , whether they be capable of such a degree of vincible ignorance as may be expiable by a general repentance , and the performance of all other conditions of the gospel in an erroneous communion ? and the resolution of this depends on these enquiries : 1. whether the erroneous communion ( the roman for example ) embrace the doctrine of repentance so intirely , according to the conditions required of it in the gospel , as that the repentance performed in it may be presumed such as god will accept ? 2. what degree of vincible ignorance is expiable by a general repentance ? for it is certain that all is not . 3. whether a revolter from our communion be capable of that degree of vincible ignorance which is so expiable ? the exact discussion of these things is too large to be insisted on at present , and therefore i shall only make application to the design of the question . i shall therefore shew that what possibility of salvation soever we may allow to persons of the roman communion , yet it is no prudent ground to encourage one who is not already of it , to revolt to it . to this purpose i desire it may be considered , 1. that all the grounds we pretend to have for our charity , are rather negative than positive : rather our unsatisfiedness with those arguments which pretend to prove them actually damned , than any positive convictions that any of them are actually saved . 2. that our charitable presumptions are principally grounded on things impossible to be known by us , such as are the uncovenanted mercies of god , and the possibility of sincerity , and even particular explicite repentance of the error in the person ; so that it is very easie for us to be mistaken in our charity , and we professedly chuse it as a mistake ( if it should prove one ) more pardonable than censoriousness . 3. that the case , concerning which we judge charitably , is so very rare and extraordinary , as that no particular erroneous person can be very confident that it is her own : nay , when we say , that their errors are of their own nature destructive of salvation , and that god has not interposed any general ordinary means for preventing their proving actually damnative in the event , it will thence follow that there are very just fears concerning the generality of their communion , and consequently many odds to one of the miscarriage of each particular person , which the gentlewoman may do well to think of seriously . 4. that the degree of penitence which shall be accepted by god in a particular case , upon account of his uncovenanted mercy , is very hard , if not impossible , to be known by the person concerned ; so that even they who shall enjoy the benefit of it in the other world , yet want the comfort of it in this ; and therefore can ground no confidence in any practice undertaken on that supposition . 5. that this security is very much more hazardous , and more difficult to be judged of , in case of vincible , than of invincible ignorance , which has been proved to be generally the condition of persons concerned in this enquiry . 6. that it is certainly more difficult in the case of revolters , than of such who have had their education in the roman communion . these things i conceive sufficient to shew that our acknowledgment in this affair can afford no security for a revolt , to a person who seriously believes us , and is desirous to be guided by us. but if we be considered as adversaries , and consequently our authority be considered only as cogent against our selves , especially when taken in conjunction with other things , as they usually argue the security of a change from our singularity in asserting the salvability of our own communion , and our agreement even with the romanists in owning the salvability of theirs ; whence they conclude it safer for an ignorant person to venture her practice in that way , in the safety whereof we are all agreed , than in that wherein we are singular : in answer hereunto i shall , at present , only propose these things to the gentlewomans consideration : 1. that the unreasonableness of this argument has been sufficiently shown by others ; particularly she may consult bishop taylor 's letter , and the dean of canterbury's sermon , which are in english , and are short and easie to be understood by her . 2. that the supposition it self is false here . for they of the roman communion do as fully own the possibility of the salvation of particular persons in our communion , as we do in theirs , both as to the principles whence it is deduced , ( touching invincible ignorance ) which are granted as well by them as by us , and even in express confessions , when they are pleased to speak their minds freely ; of which i must needs say , they are in policy more cautious , for fear of giving us any encouragement to continue in our own communion . if she doubt of this , she may , if she please , consult of our english authors ( for in dealing with her i would not willingly quote any others ) mr. richworth dialog . 1. § . 7. pag. 38. ed. paris . 1648. mr. cressy exomolog . sect. 2. ch. 50. § . 11. pag. 396. knot in charity maintained , part i. chap. 1. § . 3 , 4. compared with mr. chillingworths answ. ib. § . 3 , 4. 3. that this candor of ours , when compared with their reservedness in speaking their minds in this case , is an argument of our ingenuity and fair dealing more than theirs , which is a considerable argument of trust to an ignorant person , who finds her self obliged to trust the authority of one of us. q. 2. whether they be idolaters , or no ? i must confess that i think the true notion of idolatry more difficult than is commonly conceived , and to my understanding not yet sufficiently explained . nor am i willing on this occasion to engage on that dispute , both because it would be too tedious , and because i think most of the mistakes already entertained concerning it to have been occasioned by its having been stated in disputes with a design on some particular adversaries . not intending therefore to determine positively , whether the practices required by their church as conditions of her communion be necessarily idolatrous ? i shall only , at present , recommend these things to a person in the gentlewomans condition , whom i suppose not so capable of examining the particular merit of the cause , and therefore it will be the most prudent course for such a one to judge by general presumptions . 1. that their notions concerning the saints are exactly the same with those of the later heathens of the primitive times concerning their daemons then worshipped ; who yet were as certainly guilty of idolatry ( if the concurrent sense of primitive christianity may be believed ) as those accused of it in the old testament , concerning whose sense we want those records which might so fully inform us . for it might have easily been shewn , that those daemons were confessed to be of an inferior order , and not to require that supreme degree of worship proper to the supreme being ; nay , that they thought them deputed by the supreme being it self to convey his influences to us , and our prayers to him. 2. that if the heathens ( notwithstanding that their devotions were designed for good daemons ) were yet deluded by evil ones , who were by god permitted to interpose in their stead , because they paid that relative respect to persons whom he had not declared it his pleasure to have so worshipped , and before images where they had no security from any promise of god , that none but good daemons should presentiate themselves ; how can the romanists be secure that they are not the same way deluded , seeing they have as little security from god's word ( which is the only competent means from whence they can in this case have security ) that it is his pleasure that they should be publickly invocated , and that he has given them the office conveying his blessings to us , and our prayers to him , and that he will permit none but good spirits to presentiate themselves at their images ? 3. that if miracles pretended to be done at such invocations be urged as arguments that god is pleased with them , this was pretended by the heathens too . and it may be , if it were impartially enquired into , there would not be greater and better attested miracles for invocation of saints among the romanists , than for the invocation of daemons among the pagans . 4. that the same arguments used by the scriptures and primitive christians against the heathen idolatries , are applyed by the protestants to the image-worship among the papists now ; and the same answers given by the papists now , were then also insisted on by the pagans . 5. that as these are very shrew'd suspicions of the dangerousness of this worship , so this danger is ventured on without the least necessity ; there being undeniable security from the primitive records and revelations of christianity , that god is pleased to accept such prayers as are addressed to him through the intercession of christ alone , so that there can be no necessity of having also recourse unto the saints . 6. that image-worship is not countenanced by as much as any venerable authority of truly primitive christianity , and that the second nicaene council that introduced it , was put to very disingenuous shifts of counterfeit authorities for it . 7. that whatever may be thought of the worship designed by the roman church , yet even mr. thorndike himself ( with whose authority our adversaries principally urge us in this dispute ) does not deny that idolatry is practiced by the ignoranter persons of that communion , which the gentlewoman may justly fear , lest it should prove her own case . 8. that the roman church her self cannot be altogether excused from the idolatry of her ignorant communicants , seeing she puts unnecessary scandals in ignorant persons way , and is guilty of encouraging their ignorance and carelessness of judging in matters of religion . 9. that the practice of that communion is genera●ly worse and grosser than their principles ( as the gentlewoman may inform her self of , in that impartial account which is given of them by sir edwyn sandys in his speculum europae ) which yet is observed and countenanced by their most eminent guides ; so that such as she cannot secure themselves from the danger of it . 10. that the romish church is by so much the more culpable in this particular , because she has not been content only to countenance and encourage a practice in so great danger of proving idolatrous , so needless in it self , so destitute of all authority , either of scripture or the primitive catholick church ( which yet does so extremely stand in need of authority ; ) but she has also imposed it as a condition of her own communion ( which she calls catholick ) so that they who are willing to believe and practice all that was believed and practised in the primitive church , must now be anathematized and condemned for hereticks for refusing , to believe or practice any more , or to condemn those as hereticks who do refuse it . q. 3. where was the church of england before luthers time . the design of asking this question is certainly to make our confession of novelty ( in such cases wherein our adversaries presume our novelty so notorious as that we our selves cannot deny it ) an argument against us ; yet they themselves are concerned in some cases to deny its cogency . for even they cannot deny that the deprivation of the laity of the use of the cup ( for example ) has been lately introduced into their church by a publick law. if therefore it may appear that our church is antient as to all intents and purposes wherein antiquity may be available , but that the church of rome is not so ; and that in the sense wherein the church of england has begun since luther , there is no reason to expect that she should have been antienter , and that the justice of her cause does not require it ; and that the antiquity upon these suppositions confessedly allowed to the church of rome is no argument for the justice of her cause : these things , i think , will contain a fully satisfactory answer to the gentlewomans question . i shall not at present engage on an accurate discussion of these heads : but shall only suggest such short observations as may let her see how unreasonable our adversaries confidence is in this argument , wherein they do so usually triumph . therefore 1. antiquity is indeed necessary to be pleaded for doctrines , such especially as are pretended to belong to the catholick faith , and which are urged as conditions of communion . this is the case wherein it is urged by tertullian and vincentius lirinensis in their very rational discourses on this argument . and for this , i think , we may challenge the church of rome her self to instance in one positive doctrine imposed by us which she her self thinks not ancient . i am sure the controversie is so stated commonly , that we are blamed , not for believing any thing antient or necessary which is not , but , for not believing some things which she believes to be so . and if she her self believe all our positives , and withal believes that nothing is so to be believed but what is antient ; it will clearly follow that she cannot , in consistency with her own interests , deny the antiquity of our positive doctrines . but for the other doctrines superadded by them , and denied by us , which are indeed the true occasion of the present divisions of communion , we charge them with innovation , and are very confident that they will never be able to prove them , to the satisfaction of any impartial person , either from clear scripture , or from genuine antiquity of the first and purest ages , which are the way wherein we are willing to undertake the proof of our positive doctrines , nay , their greatest champions decline the tryal , and complain of the defectiveness and obscurity of the primitive christian writers , which they would not have reason to do if they thought them clear on their side . these things therefore being thus supposed , that no doctrines ought to be imposed but what are ancient ; that ours are so by our adversaries own confession , and that our adversaries doctrines are not so ; and that in judging this , the private judgments of particular persons are to be trusted , as the measures of their own private practice ( as it is plain that those discourses of tertullian and vincentius lirinensis are principally designed for the satisfaction of particular persons , which had been impertinent if the churches judgment had been thought credible in her own case , as a judge of controversies ; besides that even now this argument from antiquity is made use of for convincing such as are supposed unsatisfied with her authority , and therefore to whom that authority can be no argument ) which liberty of private judgment is then especially most fit to be indulged when the distance is so remote as it is now , when no church has now those advantages for conveying down apostolical tradition in a historical way as she had then : these things , i say , being thus supposed , it will follow that we are wrongfully excommunicated , and therefore that we have no reason to fear that their censures should be confirmed by god. and though i confess every error in the cause of the churches censures will not excuse the censured person for continuing out of her communion , when the communion may be recovered by any submission , how inconvenient and harsh soever , if it be not sinful ; yet that is the very case here , that we are not only wrongfully excommunicated , but the terms proposed for our restitution to communion would be directly sinful , as has been shewn before . whence it will follow that we are excusable , not only in suffering our selves to be cast out of their communion , but also in continuing out of it . but because this is not our whole case , who do not only abstein from their communion , but set up a communion of our own , and maintain an ecclesiastical body politick distinct from theirs ; our defence herein will depend on the justice of the ecclesiastical power of those persons who govern our ecclesiastical assemblies . and therefore 2. all our concernment for antiquity here will be , that our bishops derived their power from such as derived theirs with a power of communicating it in a continual succession from the apostles . and this we do acknowledge true concerning the popish bishops themselves , and do derive the validity of our orders from the antiquity of theirs without any more prejudice to our cause than the primitive catholicks did suffer by acknowledging the validity of baptism administred by hereticks . for the succession of their pastors is very reconcilable with a supposed innovation in their doctrines ( and certainly themselves cannot deny that it is so , whilst they charge the orientals with heresie , whom yet they cannot deny to have alwaies maintained as uninterrupted a succession of bishops as themselves ) especially considering that the innovations we charge them with , of adding false and new articles of faith ; not of denying the old ones , do not in the least interrupt or invalidate their succession . this therefore being supposed , that the first bishops of our english reformation received their power from such as had derived theirs by an uninterrupted succession from the apostles ; it will follow that they were valid bishops , and if so , had the power of keeping church-assemblies , and exercising jurisdiction in them , both for the government of their present charges , and communicating their power to succeeding generations . for nothing of this is pretended to exceed the power of a valid bishop . the charge of heresy it self cannot hinder the validity of their orders either received or communicated ; though it may indeed , in the judgment of them who believe them so , render them obnoxious to canonical incapacities of executing them , and to legal degradations , not from the character , but from the actual jurisdiction properly belonging to their office. but to such canonical incapacities and degradations , they will not deny even validly-ordeined persons themselves to be obnoxious , and therefore cannot make that an argument against the validity of our orders . and yet when this charge of heresy against our bishops is not here to be judged by the pretences of our adversaries , but by the merit of the cause ; and therefore is not to be taken f●r granted till it be proved . that therefore which is indeed new in the church of england , is , that though her positive doctrines and orders be ancient , yet the profession of her negatives ; and the open assertion of her liberty from the encroachments of the roman court , and all her other practices grounded on these principles , were not avowed by her ecclesiastical governors for several centuries before the reformation . and in answer hereunto i shall insist on the heads already intimated . therefore 1. there was no reason to expect that her opposition to these errors should have been ancienter , though we should suppose the errors themselves to have been so . for there was no reason to expect that errors should have been discovered for some ages before the reformation , when there was so great a want of that kind of grammatical and historical learning which is only fit to qualifie a person to judge of ecclesiastical tradition ; at least , they were not likely to have been discovered by such a number as had been requisite to maintain an open opposition . and if the errors had been discovered , yet it was not easie to expect success in holding out against the court of rome , which was then so very powerful , and there was no reason to expect such attempts from prudent persons where there was no probability of success . and there was yet least reason of all to expect this opposition from bishops then , when no bishops were made without the popes consent , which he was not likely to give to such as were likely to oppose him ; when , after they were made , they were obliged to be true to him by express oaths , as well as by their interests of peaceable continuance , or hopes of future preferment ; when , at least , it was impossible to resist their fellow-bishops , the generality of whom were , in all likelyhood , swayed by these prejudices ; when they had seen mighty princes themselves worsted in those contests , and the extreme severity of that court against dissenters ; when , lastly , differing from the church of rome in any thing was counted heresy , and heresy was prosecuted with the extremest infamy ( which must needs weaken the authority of those opposers with others ) as well as other penalties of the canon-law . nor 2. does the justice of our cause require a greater antiquity for our negatives : for , 1. our negatives are not pretended to be of perpetual obligation , but only for preventing the malignity of the contrary affirmative articles to which they are opposed . and therefore there is no reason to expect formal negatives opposed to additional articles from the beginning , before the additional articles themselves were thought of ; nor to expect a reformation of abuses before there were abuses to be reformed , seeing that in course of nature these negatives presuppose the contrary affirmatives , as a pretence of reformation must also presuppose abuses . and therefore the pretence of the greater antiquity of our adversaries errors and abuses is so far from prejudicing the reputation of our negatives and reformation , as that it is indeed the best argument of their justice and seasonableness . for such negatives as these , and such a reformation , must needs have been unwarrantable , if there had not been before errors fit to be denyed , and abuses fit to be reformed . nor 2. is it any prejudice to the justice of our cause , that these errors were not opposed with formal negatives as soon as they appeared . for such errors as these were usually first received as the opinions of private persons before they were countenanced by authority , and whilst they proceeded no further , there was not that mischief in them , nor consequently that obligation to oppose them , as when at length they came to be so countenanced . for the errors of private persons , whilst they are no more , are not conceived so to oblige us to be of their mind , as that our silence should in any prudence be expounded as an argument of our consent ; and consequently cannot be such a provocation to us to oppose them openly in our own defence . nor 3. is it necessary to expect that there should have been an open opposition of them , even as soon as countenanced by authority . for if even in the reproof of the miscarriages of private persons , christianity obliges us to proceed with all possible candor and modesty ; we are certainly much rather obliged to proceed so in dealing with persons of authority . we should give them time to reflect , and we should bear with any personal inconveniences that are not directly sinful ; rather than occasion those disturbances which are usually to be expected from a publick opposition of them . nor is this forbearance more agreable to reason , than to the sentiments of those ages who were generally possessed with an excessive veneration for authority , especially ecclesiastical ; so that there is reason to believe that they would bear with such errors as long as the abuses were tolerable , however otherwise inconvenient . 4. therefore that which makes these errors intolerable to private persons in dealing with authority ( for of such i speak ) is the imposing and urging them as conditions of communion . and this might have been shewn to have been late , not before their errors were defined and imposed in their councils . and therefore it was but lately that any publick opposition was to be expected , even from them who were in their consciences perswaded that our adversaries doctrines were erroneous . and 5. when they were thus imposed , yet even then private persons were concerned , in conscience as well as prudence , to forbear an open opposition , when there were no hopes of doing good , nay too probable fears of prejudicing their cause by it for the future : when upon their opposition , they must have expected to have been condemned ; when being condemned , they were to be cast out of communion ; when being excommunicated for such a cause , others would have been deterred by their example , and their credit must have been impaired by the infamy incurred by the canon-law then in force , and their very condemnation would for the future mightily prejudice mens minds against the like attempts , when none could revive the like true doctrine without the dis-repute of being supposed to revive an anciently-condemned heresy ; and when there were no hopes of being able to preserve themselves in opposite assemblies without bishops to head them , without whom they could not maintain a succession of priests , nor consequently of sacraments , and the like employments and advantages of ecclesiastical assemblies ; and when no bishops were likely to countenance such a design , whilst they were held in such captivity to the court of rome by oaths as well as their other worldly interests , and when no persons of a free ingenuous temper were likely to attain the honour of episcopacy . these reasons , with a very easie application , may suffice to shew that in an ordinary way there was no reason to expect the reformation sooner than it was . and that there was no necessity sufficient to oblige god to interpose to raise men up to it extraordinarily , will appear if it be considered 6. that it is not every necessity of the church that can oblige god to use such extraordinary means , but only such a necessity as must have destroyed a church from the earth , that is , such a society of men wherein salvation might be attained by the ordinary prescriptions of the gospel . now the prevalency of these errors does not oblige us to acknowledge that such a church as this must have failed even in those ages wherein these errors are supposed to have prevailed for some centuries before the reformation : for 1. though the occidental church had failed , yet christ might have had such a church among the several communions of the orientals . and i know no greater inconvenience , in this regard , in admitting the faileur of the occidental church , than what our adversaries themselves are obnoxious to , in admitting the like defection in the oriental . 2. the prevailing of these errors does not oblige us to deny an ordinary possibility of salvation according to the prescriptions of the gospel , even in the church of rome it self in those centuries before the reformation : for 1. we do not deny all necessaries to salvation , even according to the ordinary prescriptions of the gospel , to have been taught even then in the church of rome . the errors we charge them with , are not of defect , but adding to the original articles of faith. and therefore 2. if it may appear that the sin of adding to the faith was not ( to such as were no farther accessary to it than by continuing in the communion of such as were really guilty of it ) so imputable ordinarily as to hinder the salvation of such as were not otherwise wanting to themselves in their own endeavours ; or at least not in such a degree as to oblige god to interpose in an extraordinary way for its ordinary prevention : this will be sufficient to shew that ( supposing those errors so dangerous as we do indeed suppose them , yet ) god was not obliged to raise up , and maintain a communion in opposition to them for preventing the failing of such a church as i have spoken of , even in these western parts . and that this was so , may appear from these considerations : 1. that that skill in ecclesiastical learning , by which our first reformers were enabled to discover these errors , was generally wanting in the ages before the reformation , which might make their mistakes then much more pardonable than now . 2. that the great mischief of these errors is , not so much the believing more for matters of faith than really was so , as the mischievous consequence of doing so , the divisions of the church necessarily following hereupon , the condemning of good catholicks for hereticks and schismaticks , and excluding them from communion , and hereby making the peace of christendome impossible on any just and tolerable terms , and abuses impossible to be reformed . which was not so imputable in those ages when there was no visible communion to be condemned by joyning with that of rome ; for as for the even unjust excommunication of particular persons , providence is not so concerned as to interpose extraordinarily for their prevention . this i say on supposition that the waldenses and albigenses , &c. were such as our adversaries represent them . if they were ootherwise , then among them there was a succession , for so long , of churches holding our doctrines before luther . 3. the prudential reasons now given might then generally excuse private persons , and all such as were not accessary to the guilt of introducing those errors ( who were much the greater part , and it is only for the greater part that providence is necessarily concerned ) from the guilt of not publickly reforming them . yet even they are not so excusable now , when the power of the pope is so much decryed , and there are so many churches and church-governours , under whose protection they may put themselves , and with whose communion they may joyn , in opposition to them . 3. the antiquity allowed to their errors on this supposition is not sufficient to justifie their cause . for , 1. this antiquity is not primitive , but only of some later ignorant ages . and the unreasonableness of presuming doctrines to have been primitive only , because they were actually found embraced by the church in later ages , and of prescribing on that account against a new examination of them by immediate recourse to the originals , might have been shewn from the fathers as well as from the protestants . 2. the antiquity of those notions of theirs , whereby they confine the catholick church to that part of it in the roman communion ( which might have been proved fundamental to all their other doctrines , as they are made articles of faith and conditions of communion ) is contradicted by the oriental churches generally , who are as ancient , and of as unquestionable a succession , as the church of rome her self , and as ancient in teaching the contrary . 3. the utmost antiquity which we allow for their unwarrantable doctrines is not so great as must be acknowledged ( by all that will judge candidly ) for several , which on all sides are acknowledged to be heretical , i do not only mean those of the arians , but also of those great bodies of the oriental historians and eu●ychians , continuing to this day divided from the roman church ; especially if they be really guilty of those heresies which are charged on them , and they must by romanists be held guilty of some , for justifying their own practice of condemning them . 4. some of their present decrees ( particularly those concerning the admission of the apocryphal books into the canon , and receiving unwritten traditions with equal reverence with the written word of god ) i doubt are not more anciently imposed , as conditions of catholick communion , than the council of trent it self , which was since luther . and both of these are very considerable , and especially the later is very fundamental to many of their other decrees . q. 4. why all the reformed churches are not vnited in one ? i presume the design of this question is not so much a curiosity to be informed , either of the politick reasons which in the course of second causes might have an influence on those divisions which were occasioned by the reformation ; or of those that might move god to permit second causes to act according to their natural inclination , without the interposition of any extraordinary restraint : but only to lay hold on that advantage from our acknowledged divisions , which they may seem to afford to the prejudice of our common cause . i shall therefore at present on●y propose such things to the gentlewomans consideration , as may let her understand the weakness of this argument ( how popular soever ) when they conclude us either mistaken our selves , or , at least , unfit to guide others in the general reformation ; because we are not all agreed in all the particulars . to this purpose it will be at present sufficient to insist on two things : 1. that there is no reason why the romanists should upbraid us with this argument , and that it is their interest , as well as ours , to answer it : 2. that the argument it self is of no force as it is used by them against us . 1. there is no reason why the romanists should upbraid us with this argument , and they , as well as we , are obliged to answer it . for , 1. this very argument was by the primitive heathens made use of against christianity in general , as it is now against us ; and our adversaries would do well to consider , whether the same answers pleadable by themselves now in behalf of those christians , and actually pleaded by the apologists then , be not as pleadable for us now . nay , this multitude of sects in christianity is even now the great argument of irreligious persons against the truth of religion ; and i cannot believe that any piously disposed person among them , can be pleased to allow the argument to be of any force in either case , rather than want an argument against us. yet i believe they will never be able to shew any disparity . 2. if they speak , not of dividing principles , but of actual divisions , they , as well as we , have such among themselves . they have divisions betwixt the irish remonstrants and anti-remonstrants , molinists and jansenists , as well as thomists and scotists , and jesuites , some of which parties are divided as well in communion as in opinions . if they say that these divisions are not the faults of their opinions , but the particular perversity of persons , who will not stick to those principles which might keep them united , when their interest inclines them otherwise ; the same will be pretended by every dividing party . if they think it injurious that their whole communion should be charged with the misdemeanors of persons condemned by it ; we all of us plead the same , for there is no party that does not condemn all others in those things wherein they divide from themselves . 3. if they think our differences concerning the particulars we would have reformed , an argument that the whole design of a reformation is in it self suspicious and uncertain ; let them consider what themselves do or can say , when they are , in the like way of arguing , urged by us with the several opinions concerning the seat of infallibility ; whence our authors conclude the uncertainty of the thing it self . it might easily have been shewn , upon this and the like occasions , how they do , and are obliged to , acknowledge the unreasonableness of this way of arguing . but the designed brevity of my present employment only permits me to point at the heads of what might be said , not to enlarge on the particulars . 4. it might have been shewn that these differences among them concerning the judge of controversies , tend naturally , and by due rational consequence , to the dissolution of their communion , a charge which we think cannot be proved against that which we believe the right communion . 2. therefore , to shew directly the weakness of this argument , let it be considered 1. that whatever differences they upbraid us with , yet they can never prove that they follow by any natural and rational consequence from the general principles of the reformation , though possibly they may indeed have been occasioned by that liberty of spirit which was absolutely requisite for undertaking a design of such a nature ; as it must on all sides be acknowledged possible that things really good may notwithstanding prove occasions of evil. and how very unjust and unreasonable it is to charge personal faults upon designs ( that is in this case the faults of reformers upon the reformation ) all , even the romanists themselves , will acknowledge , in cases wherein they are dis-interessed . 2. that , this being supposed , all that they can conclude from these divisions of the reformers , is only , that no one communion of the reformers has that advantage over the rest as that , antecedently to all enquiry into the merit of the cause , its word is fit to be trusted as a guide in controversies , to assure any of its own truth , and of the error of all differing from it . this , if the gentlewoman will observe , she will find that their arguments from this and the like topicks , only aim at . for because they challenge such a priviledge themselves , they fancy us to do so to ; and that our design is not to overthrow a judge of controversies , but only to translate that title from the pope to luther , or some others of our eminent reformers , which is far from our design . but this difference in opinion does not in the least prove , but that , upon a particular enquiry into the merit of the cause , one party may be found to have the advantage of the other , which is all that we pretend to . 3. that this difference of the several parties of the reformation in other things , is rather a very strong presumption ( for an ignorant person who must conduct her self by presumptions ) that there is great reason for those things wherein they are all agreed , and indeed is a greater argument for the credibility of the reformation in general , than for that of the roman communion . for to a dis-interessed person the agreement of those is a more valuable argument for the truth of what they say , who seem most of all acted by the merit of the things , and least of all influenced by the opinions and authorities of a few ; and there can hardly be conceived a more considerable argument of their freedom in judgment , than their actual difference in other things . what therefore the protestants are agreed in , seems more likely to be the real sense of all that are so agreed upon an impartial enquiry ; whereas the romanists are generally influenced by a few of the court of rome , to whom the rest do generally conceive themselves obliged in conscience to conform . and this advantage of the differences of protestants for recommending their credibility in other things , above that of their adversaries , to the trust of an ignorant person , will appear the more remarkable , if it be considered 4. that they are not only agreed in general in the fitness of a reformation , but also in most of the particulars to be reformed . indeed if they were only agreed in general , that it were fit a reformation should be , but agreed in no particulars ; it might seem too probable a suspicion , that it was not truth , but faction , and the disturbance of the publick , that was their common design . but that is far from being the case here . 5. the divisions of the protestants in doctrine are not so irreconcileable as they may seem . the harmony of confessions shew them agreed in the principal . as for the others , it is plain that our church of england does not think them worth contending for , whilst she admits the several parties into her communion ; and if other protestants think otherwise , yet she is not responsible for them , because she is not of their mind . the most pernicious principles of all , which most naturally tend to division , and which make the differences resulting from them most impossible to be reconciled , are the differences concerning church government ; and in that our church has innovated nothing that should cause any breach , even from the roman , much less from any other part of the catholick church . and most of their other differences are no longer irreconcileable than the persons are likely to continue averse to reconciliation ; but these differences about church-government are so derived from the nature of the things , as that they may cause division among persons otherwise well-meaning , and of a peaceable disposition . 6. this argument from the divisions of protestants , is principally proper for such as are not actually engaged in any particular communion of them , and even to them ought to have no more force than that of a prudent presumption , till the person so presuming might have leasure to examine particulars . but that seems not to be the gentlewomans case whom i suppose to have been hitherto educated in the church of england , and to have had sufficient opportunities of informing her self concerning us . for such a one it would sure be sufficient that our church is no way guilty of these divisions , whatsoever may be the case of other protestants . q. 5. why the church of england doth not hold up to confession , fasting-days , holy oyl , which we our selves commend ? it is a mistake that the questionist does suppose us to commend holy oyl . however we think all the instances here mentioned lawful and indifferent , and so to be as obnoxious to the prudence of particular church-governors , as other things of that nature are by all acknowledged to be ; and we shall conceive our selves secure of the gentlewomans communion , if she will not alter till our adversaries prove them necessary antecedently to church authority , which is more than they will as much as pretend to , at least , concerning some of them . these things therefore being thus supposed , i shall propose two things to the gentlewomans consideration : 1. that supposing we were to blame in omitting them , yet this were no ground for her to leave our communion : 2. that as far as they are not imposed by our church , there was reason for their not imposing them . 1. supposing that we were indeed to blame in omitting these ecclesiastical observances , yet this would be no sufficient ground to excuse the gentlewoman for leaving our communion . for 1. no indifferent thing , how imprudent or inexpedient soever ( and that is the highest charge that the churches mistake in a matter of this nature , is chargeable withal , as long as the object is supposed of its own nature indifferent ) as long as it is not sinful ( and certainly it can be no sin to submit for peace's sake to an imprudent constitution ) can excuse a departure from a communion that is in other regards allowable . 2. whatever a separation on this account might be in others , yet it is less excusable in subjects , who are no way responsible for as much as the imprudences of such constitutions , and who are certainly bound to bear with all tolerable frailties of their lawful governours , and who are not indeed so well qualified for judging concerning them , as neither being so well skilled in politicks generally , nor being made acquainted with the secret reasons of such constitutions , which might make that , which without them might seem strange , appear highly commendable when considered with them 3. the gentlewomans sex , and possibly her particular condition , may not have those advantages which many others ( though subjects also ) have for judging concerning them . these arguments are so agreeable to the principles of our adversaries themselves , as that they frequently make use of them for retaining persons in their own communion . which the gentlewoman may be pleased to take notice of , if any of her tempters should question them here , where they are disserviceable to their interests . but farther 4. abuses in governours acknowledging themselves fallible ( though they be supposed indeed to be abuses ) are much more tolerable than in those who do not ; seeing there may be hopes that governours , acknowledging themselves fallible , my in time be better informed , and may then themselves reform what is amiss , without the compulsion of their subjects ; which can never be expected from such as pretend to be infallible . 5. if abuses of this nature be conceived a sufficient reason for leaving a communion wherein we are already , much more are they sufficient for hindring our access to another , wherein as yet we are not . so that this same reason , if it should make her desert the communion of the church of england , would also hinder her joyning in that of rome , in which the most judicious and candid persons of that communion will acknowledge abuses of the like nature . 2. as far as these omissions are countenanced by our church , there is reason for it . i say [ as far as they are countenanced by our church ] and therefore the reason i shall give for such omissions shall be as they are considered under that notion . 1. therefore , for fasting days , i think they are imposed with the same design of religion in our church as in that of rome ( for that account of jejunium cecilianum , which is given by some , is not taken for the true sense of our church by her most genuine sons ) and that our church is conceived to have as much authority to oblige her subjects in impositions of that nature , so that i cannot look on this disuse prevailing in practice as countenanced by our church . if the gentlewoman be so zealously concerned for them , i am sure she may practice them in our communion , as well as in that of rome , as several others do . 2. confession , even to a priest , in order to his advice and absolution , our church , i think , owns as much as that of rome ; though we do not make it a sacrament , nor make it absolutely necessary , in an ordinary way , for the remission of every particular sin , that it be particularly confessed : that the practice of it is at present discontinued , our church , i think , is not the cause . that she has not interposed her authority to continue it , might have been excused : 1. because the thing is only of ecclesiastical right . for the ancientest obligation to confess sins , though scandalous in their own nature , yet not become notorious ( though that differed much from the confession which is now used in the roman church ) was first introduced after the persecution by decius , and that in opposition to the novatians , as socrates affirms ; and this was also afterwards taken awav by nectarius bishop of constantinople , who ordered every one to be left to his own conscience in that matter , for which other bishops were so far from censuring him , that they followed him in it almost in all places , as the same historian tells us , and that omission was vehemently pleaded for by st. chrysostome , and obtained for no small time in the greek church , whatsoever it did in other places . whence it follows that she has power , in discretion , to determine concerning its actual practice what she thinks fit . 2. farther , this being supposed , that it was in our churches power not to impose it , that she did act prudently in not imposing it , but rather recommending it to the liberty of private devotions , will appear , if it be considered that , if she had imposed it , she must necessarily have excluded all such fr●● her communion as had not been satisfied with it ; and it had not been prudent to have excluded persons from her communion for indifferent things avoidable by her , when she was complaining of the like tyranny in the church of rome , especially considering that it was also likely that the number was great of those who were so dissatisfied with it . however , if the gentlewoman be desirous to practice it for her own edification , i believe she may be furnished with persons fitted for it in the church of england . 3. as for the use of holy oyl in any of the pretended sacraments , we do not so far condemn it , as to refuse communion with other churches that use it ; nay , we our selves retain it as a decent ceremony of consecration in the coronations of our princes . only we again conceive it 1. a matter indifferent in it self , and not essential to those offices , because of the differences in the church concerning it . 2. this being supposed , our church does no way conceive it prudent to continue it : both because it was the design of the reformation to reduce the sacraments to their primitive simplicity , that so persons might comcommunicate in them on the same free terms as then ; and because the errors of those who made them essential to the mysteries , were of great consequence , and very fit to be so discountenanced by a discontinuance of the practice it self . if by the holy oyl here mentioned , be meant particularly their sacrament of extreme unction , ● . our adversaries cannot prove a sacramental unction for the first centuries . a miraculous one they may , but seeing themselves confess the ordinary use of the miracle to have ceased , there is no necessary reason obliging our church to continue the external ceremony . this is at least sufficient to shew that it is in the churches power to continue it , or not . which being supposed , i add , 2. that even in regard of the benefit expected by it , whether of bodily recovery , or remission of sins , or spiritual strength against the agony of death , the gentlewoman , nor any other subject of our church , can suffer no loss by our church's discontinuance of it . for all these things are as certainly attainable by the means continued in our church from unquestionable apostolical tradition ( as the prayers and absolution of the priest and the blessed sacrament ) as they could by the unction it self ; so that i cannot perceive how a devout person need to be concerned for the want of it , on the terms now mentioned . especially considering 3. that in the way it is administred among them , to persons past hopes of recovery , and usually past sense of their own condition , it cannot be conceived in any rational way , capable of edifying the devotion of the person concerned , and no other way is suitable to the dispensation of the gospel . and supposing it no sacrament , there is no reason imaginable why the prayers of the assistants for such a person may not be as acceptable to god , without the observation of this external ceremony , as with it . and as upon these concessions its continuance must needs appear unnecessary , so 4. it would be inexpedient to countenance the errors consequent to the opinion of its being a sacrament , which are of so weighty a concernment , by continuance of a custom which may so easily be spared . these things may suffice at present for satisfying the gentlewoman of her little concernment for it , without engageing on the dispute concerning its lawfulness . now this fundamental principle of our churches proceedings in these and the like particulars , concerning the power of the church for innovating from ancient customes , not only by adding new ones , but abrogating old ones , might have been proved not only from the principles , but from several practices of the roman church her self . q. 6. why was reformation done by act of parliament ? reformation may be considered two wayes : either 1. as preached and imposed under pain of spiritual censures , and of exclusion from the communion of the church , and a deprivation of all the priviledges consequent to that communion . and this is certainly the right of the church , and was accordingly practiced by the church in our english reformation : 2. as enacted as a law of the land , and consequently as urged the same way as other laws are , under temporal penalties and external coercion , and encouraged by temporal advantages . and this is undoubtedly the right of the secular power . and this was all in which the secular power did concern it self in the reformation . what i can further foresee in favour of our adversaries is , that 1. the secular power ought in conscience to be herein advised by the ecclesiasticks : and 2. that though external obedience may be paid to the mistaken decrees of the secular power following the mistaken part of the ecclesiasticks , yet the obligation ( in conscience and right ) of such decrees must be derived from the justice of the churches proceedings in advising the magistrate ▪ so that no act of the magistrate can make amends for any essential defect in the proceedings of the church . but the only effect of the magistrates concurrence in that case is , that what is already performed without heresy or schism in the church , may be by that means settled in such a particular commonwealth without schism or sedition in the state. and therefore seeing they suppose that at the reformation the greater number of the bishops then being , were overawed and deprived of the liberty of their votes by the secular magistrate , and it is the nature of all societies to be swayed by the greater part ; therefore they may think it unreasonable to ascribe the reformation to the church of england , but only to a schismatical part of it ; so that the magistrate having attempted this reformation without warrant from the church , they think they do well to call our reformation it self parliamentary . to this therefore i reply , 1. that the use we make of this topick of the magistrates concurrence , is indeed no other than to clear our reformation from being seditious , which is ordinarily charged on us by our adversaries , and much more ordinarily on the forreign protestants . 2. that for clearing the very proceedings of the magistracy from being heretical or schismatical , to the conscience of the magistracy it self , it is sufficient that the magistracy gave its assistance and protection to no other church , but such as , at least , according to the genuine dictate of their conscience , was neither heretical nor schismatical . but this justification of the private conscience of the magistracy is , i confess , a thing we are at present not so necessarily concerned for ; and therefore 3. we grant farther , that for satisfying our own consciences of the justice of these proceedings of the magistracy , it is requisitethat we be satisfied that they were advised by that part of the clergy , whose advice we conceive they ought to have followed . so that if this may appear in the case we are speaking of , this , and this alone , will be a sufficient vindication of the magistrates proceedings to the consciences of its subjects . 4. therefore the determination of the justice of the advice followed by the magistrate , may be resolved two wayes : either from the merit of the cause ; or from the legal authority and right the persons may be presumed to have to be consulted on such occasions . as for the former , it is in the present case the principal dispute , whether the reformation undertaken by the magistrate , was right or not ? and therefore very unfit to be relyed on as a presumption to prove the magistrates proceedings irregular . the later therefore only is proper to be insisted on here . and it consists of two charges : that by the laws of the land the magistrate ought to have been advised by the bishops then possessed of the several sees ; and that in advising with the clergy , whoever they were , he ought to have allowed them the liberty of speaking their minds , and to have been swayed by the greater part . these things are conce●ved so necessary , as that the magistrate not observing them , may be presumed to act as no way influenced by the clergy . which is the reason why they call our reformation , wherein they suppose them not observed , parliamentary . 1. therefore as to the legal right of the popish clergy to advise the secular magistrate , two things may be replyed : 1. that this legal right may be forfeited by the persons by their personal misdemeanors , and of this forfeiture the secular magistrate himself is the proper judge ; and that this was exactly the popish bishops case at that time . 2. that the consideration of this legal right is of no use for satisfying the consciences of their subjects , which yet is the only use that is seasonable for this occasion . 2. as for the canonical freedom to be allowed them in advising , and the obligation of the magistrate to follow the advice of the greater part : these canonical rights can only satisfie the consciences of their own communion , but cannot be pretended necessary to be observed , where there are different communions . for 1. the romanists themselves never allow that freedom to persons out of their communion , as was plain in the council of trent , and still appears on all occasions . 2. especially in particular national churches , as ours was , they themselves will not deny that the greater part may prove heretical , and therefore likely to prevail by plurality of votes ; in which case themselves would notwithstanding think it unequal for the magistrate to be swayed by them . 3. this has alwaies been the practice of the church , and the catholick emperors , never to allow any canonical right to the assemblies and censures of hereticks , as athanasius was restored first by maximinus bishop of triers , then by pope julius , after that by maximus bishop of jerusalem , and at last by the emperour jovinian , without any canonical revocation of the synods that had condemned him . many instances of the like nature might be given . 4. the popish clergy had given the first precedent of this liberty themselves , in refusing to admit of the canonical appeal of the protestants from the pope to a free general council . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a36261-e540 exom . ( second edition ) sect. 1. ch. 19. §. 4. p. 74. sect. 2. ch. 21. §. 3. p. 188. append. ch. 5. §. 2. p. 516. see verons lat. answ. to q. gener. 8. p. 561. at the end of the exom . exom . sect. 1. chap. 16. §. 3. p. 58. sect. 2. ch. 21. §. 4. p. 190. sect. 2. ch. 3. p. 90. white 's tab. suffrag . as the florentine council , &c. as of constance , &c. answ. to q. 4. pag. 86. dr. stillingfleet . notes for div a36261-e10470 suppositions . (a) (a) feb. 25. 1569. propositions . a a prop. 1. 2 , 3 , 4. b b prop. 6. c c prop. 1 , 2. d d prop. 3. e e prop. 7.8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. f f prop. 13. g g prop. 14. h h prop. 15. i i prop. 16.17 , 18. k k prop. 19. l l prop. 21 , 23 , 24 m m prop. 20. n n prop. 22. * * prop. 22. ep. 188. ad mart. mayer . ep. 72. ad stephfratr . notes for div a36261-e16190 * * vid consid. of pres. concern . † † for the jesuites , see the provine . let● . and the moral theolog. of the jesuites ; and for the rest of that communion , the jesuites defence of themselves by way of recremination against others . vid. ii. 1 , 2. exomolog . sect. 2. ch. 16. §. 2. p. 162. ed. 2. on 1 cor. iii. 15. vid. q. i. §. i. a dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops, metropolitans, and patriarchs more particularly concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of rome and the encroachments of that upon other sees, especially the see of constantinople / by william cave ... cave, william, 1637-1713. 1683 approx. 344 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 201 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a31419 wing c1595 estc r19344 12605651 ocm 12605651 64253 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31419) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64253) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 347:9) a dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops, metropolitans, and patriarchs more particularly concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of rome and the encroachments of that upon other sees, especially the see of constantinople / by william cave ... cave, william, 1637-1713. [47], 334, [8] p. printed for r. chiswel ..., london : 1683. errata on p. [47]. advertisements: [8] p. at end. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity -history -early church, ca. 30-600. episcopacy -early works to 1800. patriarchs and patriarchate. papacy. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-06 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church , by bishops , metropolitans , and patriarchs . more particularly , concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of rome , and the encroachments of that upon other sees , especially the see of constantinople . by william cave , d. d. one of his majesties chaplains in ordinary . omne genus ad originem suam censeatur , necesse est . tert. de praescript . c. 20. p. 208. london , printed for r. chiswel , at the rose and crown in s. paul's church-yard , mdclxxxiii . to the right reverend father in god henry lord bishop of london , one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy-council . my lord , in compliance with the good old rule of s. ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do nothing without leave from the bishop , i have taken the confidence to lay these papers at your lordships feet ; being well content , they should receive from you a sentence of life or death ; either to come abroad into open light , or be condemn'd to be thrown aside , if you shall judge them useless and unprofitable . for i am not so fond of my own undertakings , as to flatter my self , that any thing that i can do , will work much upon the obstinate humour of a perverse and contentious age. my lord , the church of england is usually assaulted by two sorts of adversaries . the one declar'd enemies to the episcopal government , or if at any time in a good humour they allow the name , they deny the thing making the bishop of the primitive times no more in effect than a meer parish-priest . the other are great pretenders to antiquity , and strongly enough assert the episcopal order , but withall would obtrude upon us a supreme and universal bishop , to whom all others are to be subject and accountable , and he we may be sure is the bishop of rome . as for the first of these , i have not directly enter'd the lists with them , though what is here said concerning the ancient church-government might be enough to satisfie men modest and unprejudic'd ; and more i did not think fit to add . they have been so often baffled upon that argument , that nothing but a resolv'd obstinacy could make them keep a post , so utterly indefensable . but the men of that way seem generally too over-weaning and opiniative , and i have no hopes of doing good upon that man , that 's wiser in his own conceit , than seven men that can render a reason . indeed the nature of my design led me more immediately to encounter with the other party , whose cause ( so far as it relates to the subject under debate ) i have examin'd , and brought to be tried by the standard of antiquity , the truest rule to proceed by in this matter ; and this managed without any needless exasperations . for i never could think it a reasonable method of conviction to rail at popery , or to load the bishop of rome with ill names , and spiteful characters . the best way sure in such cases is to appeal to the judgment of the ancients , and to enquire what power and authority was allow'd him in the wiser and better ages of christianity . which i hope i have done with all truth and fairness in the following discourse . my lord , your lordships known zeal for the protestant cause , and ( what next the goodness of the divine providence is the strongest bulwark and defence of it ) the honour and interest of the church of england , might give you a just title to this discourse , though there were no other inducement to it . but we that are the clergy of your diocess , think our selves oblig'd to take all occasions of letting the world know , how much we rejoyce under the happy influences of your care and conduct ; how much we are beholden to that great example of pastoral industry and diligence , you daily set before us ; that we have to deal with a temper so incomparably sweet and obliging , and that not only in private converses , but in all public cases that concern the church under your charge , you are pleased so freely and familiarly to consult and advise with us . 't is this ( to mention no more ) that creates in us so just a regard and veneration for your lordship . and i verily believe , since the primitive times there never was a more mutual endearment and correspondence . never bishop , that treated his clergy with a more paternal kindness and condiscention ; never clergy that paid a greater reverence , and a more chearful obedience to their bishop . that this concord and agreement may not only continue , but encrease , and the happy effects of it visibly spread over your whole diocess , and especially this great city , is the earnest prayer of , my lord , your lordships faithful and sincerely devoted servant , william cave . to the reader . among the several virtues , wherewith the religion of our lord does at once refine and adorn humane nature , there are none conduce more , both to the peace of the world , and the quiet of private and particular persons , than humility and contentment ; the laying aside the vain and fond opinion of our selves , a lowliness of mind to esteem others better than our selves , in honour preferring one another ; an easiness and satisfaction under that place and portion , which the wisdom of the divine providence has thought fit to allot us , and a generous contempt of those little and sordid arts , by which men hunt after power and greatness , and impatiently affect dominion and superiority over others . a noble and divine temper of mind , which our lord has effectually recommended both by his doctrine , and the example of his life . he has taught us , that we should not , after the proud and hypocritical manner of the pharisees , do our works to be seen of men , make broad our phylacteries , and enlarge the borders of our garments , love the uppermost rooms at feasts , and the chief seats in the synagogue , and greetings in the markets ; that we should not affect proud titles , and the honour of a name , to be call'd of men , rabbi , rabbi , for that one is our master , even christ , and all we are brethren , ( not that our lord here absolutely forbids all honour and precedence , no more than he does all mastership and superiority in what follows , but only an inordinate desire , a vicious and irregular inclination toward these things , and an undue and tyrannical exercise of them ) that we should call no man our father upon earth , that is , in the same sence , and with the same respect , wherewith we do god , for that one is our father , which is in heaven , neither that we be called masters , for that one is our master , even christ : for that whosoever should exalt himself , shall be abased , and he that should humble himself , shall be exalted . and then for his own practice , how openly did he protest against seeking his own glory , or receiving honour from men ? how studiously did he stifle the fame of his own miracles , and whatever might raise him in the esteem and value of the world. when an appeal was made to him to judge a cause , he rebuk'd the motion with a who made me a judge , and a ruler over you ? when the jews were resolv'd to have made him king , he fled from the very shadow of a crown . when there was a strife amongst his own apostles , which of them should be accounted the greatest , like the kings of the gentiles which exercis'd lordship and authority over their subjects , he ended the controversy with a short decision , but ye shall not be so . this charge s. peter particularly applies to the bishops and rulers of the church , that they should not be lords over god's heritage ; that the younger should submit themselves to the elder ; yea , all of them be subject one to another , and be cloathed with humility : for that god resisteth the proud , and giveth grace to the humble . had the excellent rules here laid down by s. peter , been observ'd by those who pretend to be his successors , the christian world had been free from those infinite disturbances and distractions , which the pride and ambition of the roman bishops have brought upon it . for certainly among all the corruptions and innovations of that church , nothing is more palpable and notorious , than an intolerable usurpation over the rights of their brethren ; nothing more wild and extravagant , than the challenging a supremacy over the christian church , as affix'd to the see of rome , expresly contrary not only to the scripture , the great canon of our faith , but to the laws of all ancient councils , and the practice of the church ; which however it allow'd a primary honour and respect to the roman prelate , yet still set him out , as it did to all other bishops , the particular extent of his jurisdiction . this is that which i have endeavoured to evince in the following discourse , wherein i have trac'd the papal authority to those proper bounds and limits , within which it was confin'd of old . and upon that occasion have briefly survey'd the frame and constitution of the ancient church , and that policy and government , whereby it was manag'd in its purer and better times . that which gave birth to the whole discourse , was this : i had elsewhere in relating the acts of the second general council , represented the third canon of that council , which decreed , that the bishop of constantinople , upon the account of its being new rome , or the imperial city , should have the priviledge of honour next to the bishop of rome . a canon which they of rome could never pardon , as which limits the power of the roman prelate , and declares the foundation upon which it stands . for the illustration of this canon , i intended im that place to have added a digression concerning the ancient power and precedence of the bishops of rome ; but upon second thoughts , referr'd it to an appendix at the end of the book . but that book swelling into too great a bulk , and this discourse being grown beyond the proportion that was at first design'd , i was over-perswaded by some friends to venture it abroad alone . a thing which had i intended from the beginning , it had come forth , at least in some parts , more perfect than it is , and with some advantages which now it is forc'd to go without . i have wholly wav'd all debates concerning the jus divinum of episcopacy , and the controversies that depend upon it , ( enough has been said upon that argument ) and have chiefly insisted upon those branches of the ecclesiastic government , which have been less canvassed amongst us . for the same reason i have more lightly touch'd upon the pope's universal supremacy , 't was his metropolitical and patriarchal power i principally design'd to enquire into . i know volumes have been written de primatu papae , de ecclesiis suburbicariis , &c. and therefore i have reduc'd what concerns those matters into as narrow a compass as i could , and have said no more than what is necessary to clear the argument , and express my own sense about it . if what is here said shall administer any light to this part of church-antiquity , i shall be very glad ; if not , i am content it should follow the fate of many much better books to be thrown aside . 't was never design'd to instruct the learned , but only to form a short scheme of the true state of things , for the benefit of those , who have not been much conversant in the antiquities of the church ; at least to give some aid and direction to the younger sort , who first apply themselves to the study of those ancient times . and if it may but attain this end , i shall think my time and pains have been well bestow'd . the contents . chap. i. the state of the church-government , and power of the roman bishops 'till the council of nice . an equality among the apostles as church governours appointed by christ . peter's pretended supremacy over the rest shewed to be vain and groundless . if any such had been granted , it belong'd not to the roman bishops . early appearances of the pride and usurpation of the bishops of that church . special advantages of that see to set up for tyranny and usurpation . the foundation of that church by two great apostles , peter and paul. rome the seat of the empire . the honour and advantages of that church thereby . the catholick faith long time preserv'd entire in the church of rome . it s large revenues affording liberal hospitality . it s sending forth emissaries to plant christianity in other countries , and thereby claiming superiority over them . the pride of that church severely censur'd by s. basil . a general scheme of the subordination in the government of the primitive church , by bishops , archbishops , and patriarchs , and the conformity herein to the civil state. episcopal government , how it spread it self at first ? metropolitans introduc'd , and why ? a brief account of the ancient way of ecclesiastical administration out of cyprian and others , by the bishop and his clergy , by provincial synods . what things usually manag'd there . foreign churches how mutually transacting with one another . the bishops of rome had no more authority in this period , than the bishops of other greater sees . pope melchiades appointed commissioner by constantine . donatus appeals from his judgment . his sentence brought under examinations in the synod of arles . page 1 chap. ii. the government of the church , and power of the bishops of rome , as 't is represented in the canons of the nicene council . the sixth canon of the synod of nice set down , with the occasion of it . seven observations drawn from that canon . i. that the larger bounds of ecclesiastick jurisdiction were the roman provinces . a. province , what . whether the countries in italy so called . ii. that the chief church-governour in every province was the metropolitan . the prudence and convenience of that way of government . patriarchs prov'd not to be intended in the nicene canon . iii. that the bishop of rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited metropolitical power . this own'd by some of the greatest champions of rome . iv. that the metropolitick sees of rome , alexandria and antioch , were ever of the greatest note in the christian church , and of these rome the chief . the eminency of sees according to the greatness of the cities wherein they were planted . this gave precedency to the church of rome . the three sees of rome , alexandria and antioch ascribed to s. peter . blasphemous things spoken of the pope upon that account . primacy allow'd to the see of rome . no supremacy belonging to it . the christian church then knew of no such supereininent power . v. that the rights of the roman metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but by custom and the practice of the church . this plainly shew'd to be the sence of this and other following councils . vi. that the ordination of provincial bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . the fourth , sixth , and seventh canons of this council noted to that purpose . the same shew'd to be the determination of other synods . what other rights belong'd to metropolitans . vii . that this way of ecclesiastick administration was not any late novel institution , but founded upon ancient custom and practice . what this antiquity implies . the original of metropolitans briefly enquir'd into . several instances of this way of government noted in the second and third centuries . the word metropolitan not met with 'till the council of nice . but the thing long before . the sum of the observations upon this canon . page 46 chap. iii. the extent of the bishop of rome's jurisdiction , considered as a metropolitan . a search into the proper bounds of the roman bishop . his power fourfold , episcopal , metropolitical , patriarchal , apostolical . the first not controverted ; the last discharg'd as extravagant and groundless , and as frequently baffled , both by the reformed , and greek church . l. allatius's jeer of his country-men . his metropolitical jurisdiction considered , as concurrent with that of the provost of rome . that how great , and how far extending . the suburbicary regions , what . sicily no part of the urbicary regions . the usual conformity between the extent of the civil and ecclesiastick jurisdiction in those times . the power of the roman metropolitan confin'd within an hundred miles of rome . rufinus his exposition of the suburbicary churches . greatly quarrell'd at by the romish writers . his authority in other cases allow'd sufficient and unquestionable . his book approv'd by pope gelasius and others . no probability of his being mistaken in the sence of the canon , or the extent of the roman metropolitanship , or the suburbicary churches . his explication confirm'd by most ancient interpreters of this canon . the bishops of rome and italy distinct . the bishop of milan rank'd with him of rome . the objection of the bishop of rome's being confin'd to so narrow a compass , consider'd and answer'd . the majores dioeceses in the epistle of the synod of arles , what . the bounds of the roman bishops shew'd to have been heretofore small from an ancient notitia episcopatuum . the fraud in the first publication of that notitia . morinus noted . the greatness of rome equivalent to a large extent . page 98 chap. iv. an enquiry into the rise and original of patriarchs in the christian church . an enquiry into the rise and original of patriarchs in general . none before the council of nice . what that council contributed to them . civil dioceses , when , and by whom introduc'd . these gave start to primary metropolitans . dioceses , when first brought into the church . the title of patriarch borrow'd from the jews . who their patriarchs , and whence descended . exarchs , what . the word patriarch , when first us'd by church-writers in a strict and proper sence . the patriarchs among the montanists , who . a short survey of the four great patriarchates . the extent of the patriarchate of alexandria . the dioecesis aegyptiaca , what . the patriarchal jurisdiction in what sence larger than that of the augustal prefect . little gain'd to this patriarchate more than a title of honour . the patriarchate of antioch commensurate to the eastern diocess . the contest about cyprus , how determin'd . palestine for some time under antioch . the patriarchship of constantinople . by what degrees it arose . what privilege conferr'd upon it by the second general council . the bishops of it hence forwards exercising a kind of patriarchal power over the churches of the neighbouring provinces . the power granted to that see by the council of chalcedon . its ninth , seventeenth , and eight and twentieth canons considered to that purpose . jurisdiction over the three dioceses of asiana , pontica , and thrace . this setled upon a full debate and discussion of the matter . this power own'd by the synod to have been exercised of a long time before . this grant urg'd against the universal supremacy of the see of rome . the extent of the constantinopolitan patriarchate in after times manifested from several ancient notitiae . the patriarchate of jerusalem . the honour confirm'd to this church by the nicene council . it s subjection to the see of caesarea . when first attempting a metropolitical power . the contest between this bishop , and the bishop of antioch , how determin'd in the council of chalcedon . when first styl'd patriarch . the extent of this patriarchate . page 137 chap. v. the bounds of the roman patriarchate . a return to the roman patriarchate . the limits hereof not expresly set down by the ancients . unjustly pretended to reach over the whole west . this granted by them of the greek church , and why . the pope's patriarchal power disown'd by the churches of milan , aquileia , and ravenna . the independency and opposition of those churches to the roman see , severally evinc'd by particular cases and instances . the power of metropolitans in france kept up independant from rome . the truth of this confess'd and clear'd by de marca . other instances of preserving their rights against the pretensions of rome , hincmar of rhemes , and the synod of metz. two other national churches instanc'd in , the african , and the britannick churches . the famous case of appeals in the church of africk . a clear account of that matter . their publick rejecting the power which the pope challeng'd over those churches . the letters of the council of carthage to pope boniface and caelestine to that purpose . several useful and proper corollaries deduc'd from this story , for the evincing the vain pretensions of the papal power over those churches . the boldness of some in denying the truth of this whole story . the state of the britannick church . the progress of religion and church-government here 'till the times of pope gregory . the church govern'd here by an archbishop and bishop at austin's arrival . their customs wholly different from , and independant upon rome . their absolute refusal to own the authority of austin or the pope . the slaughter of the bangor-monks suspiciously charg'd upon austin . the pope's proper patriarchate most probably shew'd to be of equal extent with the jurisdiction of the vicarius urbicus . what provinces under his government . the roman synod consisting of the bishops of those provinces . a twofold patriarchate of the pope trifling and precarious . the bishops of rome daily amplifying their jurisdiction . the means whereby they did this briefly intimated . page 198 chap. vi. the encroachments of the see of rome upon other sees , especially the see of constantinople . the roman bishops breaking the bounds of all laws and canons . their taking hold of all occasions of magnifying their own power . instances of julius , damasus , innocent , zosimus , to this purpose . the briskness and activity of pope leo. his many letters written to advance the reputation of his authority . his jealous eye upon the growing greatness of the see of constantinople . the attempts and actings of his legates in the council of chalcedon . their mighty opposition against the passing the xxviii . canon of that synod . the fraud of paschasinus in citing the sixth canon of nice . their protestation against the power granted to the bishop of constantinople . pope leo's zeal and rage against these synodal proceedings . faelix his excommunicating acacius of constantinople . the pretended occasion of that sentence . the same spleen continued and carried on by pope gelasius . a reconciliation procur'd by the emperour justin between the bishops of rome and constantinople . pope john's insulting over epiphanius in his own church at constantinople . john the second's ranting letter to justinian . the bishop of constantinople assumes the title of oecumenical patriarch . this in what sence ( probably ) meant . the passionate resentment of pope pelagius hereat . the same zeal shew'd by his successor gregory the great . his letters written upon that occasion . the hard words he every where bestows upon that title . his mistake about the offer of that title to the pope in the chalcedon council . the true state of that case . this title frequently given to the constantinopolitan bishops in the council under mennas , before john assumed it . baronius's poor evasion of that matter . gregory still continues to thunder out anathema's against this title . all this suspected to be but noise , and the quarrel only because themselves had not the title . phocas his usupation of the empire . the monstrous villany and wickedness of that man. pope gregory's scandalously flattering caresses to him and his empress . boniface the third makes suit to phocas , and procures the title of oecumenical to be affixt to the see of rome . the pope's daily enlargement of their power and tyranny , and their advantages for so doing . the whole concluded with the canons or dictates of pope hildebrand . page 267 errata . page 5. line 8. read whosoever . p. 52. l. 21. r. administration . p. 73. marg . r. iii. p. 75. l. 12. r. head . p. 110. l. 19. r. crustuminum . p. 133. l. 15. r. larger . p. 136. l. 3. r. desire . p. 152. l. 12. after who , add are . p. 173. l. 4. r. this . p. 187. l. 22. r. them . p. 300. l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 304. l. 13. r. isidore . a dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church , by bishops , metroplitans , and patriarchs , &c. chap. i. the state of the church-government , and power of the roman bishops till the council of nice . an equality among the apostles as church governours appointed by christ . peters pretended supremacy over the rest shewed to be vain and groundless . if any such had been granted , it belong'd not to the roman bishops . early appearances of the pride and usurpation of the bishops of that church . special advantages of that see to set up for tyranny and usurpation . the foundation of that church by two great apostles , peter and paul. rome the seat of the empire . the honour and advantages of that church thereby . the catholick faith long time preserv'd intire in the church of rome . it s large revenues affording liberal hospitality . it s sending forth emissaries to plant christianity in other countries ▪ and thereby claiming superiority over them . the pride of that church severely censur'd by st. basil . a general scheme of the subordination in the government of the primitive church , by bishops , arch-bishops and patriarchs , and the conformity herein to the civil state. episcopal government how it spreads it self at first ? metropolitans introduc'd and why . a brief account of the ancient way of ecclesiastical administration out of cyprian and others , by the bishop and his clergy , by provincial synods . what things usually manag'd there . foreign churches how mutually transacting with one another . the bishops of rome had no more authority in this period than the bishops of other greater sees . pope melchiades appointed commissioner by constantine . donatus appeals from his judgment . his sentence brought under examinations in the synod of arles . i. order and government are so essentially necessary to the peace and welfare of mankind , that no society whether civil or sacred can subsist without it : where there is none to command , there will be none to obey , and where every one is left to do what he please , there must be confusion and every evil work . no sooner therefore had our blessed saviour laid the foundation of the christian church , but he chose twelve , whom he named apostles , to whose care and conduct he committed the administration of it . these he invested with equal powers , upon these he deriv'd the same mission , which he himself had receiv'd from god , as my father sent me , so send i you . all had the same authority to preach , plant , and propagate the church , to feed and rule the flock of christ , to go teach and baptize all nations ; the same keys of the kingdom of heaven committed to one as well as another , that whatsoever sins they should remit , they should be remitted , and whosoever sins they retain , they should be retained : the same holy spirit breathed upon all with a receive ye the holy ghost . notwithstanding all which , it is confidently pretended on the behalf of s. peter , that a paramount authority was conferr'd upon him , and that not only above , but over the rest , that he was constituted by our lord , prince and head of the colledge ; the other apostles were indeed shepherds of the flock , but were themselves christs sheep , and st. peter appointed pastor over them ; with a great deal more , boldly asserted at a venture , and attempted to be made good by such warrant from scripture , as any thing , but the necessity of maintaining a desperate cause would be ashamed to produce . and as no such charter can be produc'd , sign'd by our saviour , so neither do we find s. peter challenging , much less exercising any such superiority . he submitted to the orders of the apostolical colledge , and rendered himself accountable to them for his actions , styles himself no more than their fellow-presbyter , and cautions against lording over god's heritage . how openly did s. paul assert , that he came not a whit behind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very chiefest apostles ? and that the gospel of the uncircumcision was committed unto him , as well as that of the circumcision was to peter . james and john are said to be pillars as well as he ; nay , the whole twelve apostles are equally styl'd the twelve foundations of the new jerusalem , that descended out of heaven , and it was indifferently promised to all , that they should sit upon twelve thrones , judging the twelve tribes of israel . nay , when a strife arose amongst them , which of them should be greatest in his kingdom , our lord on purpose to silence all such ambitious attempts for the future , plainly told them , that though the kings of the gentiles exercised dominion over their subjects , and they that are great exercised authority upon them : yet ye shall not be so ; but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your minister , and whosoever will be chief among you , let him be your servant . ii. and yet after all should it be granted , that our lord gave s. peter some kind of superiour power over the rest , yet what is this to the bishops of rome ? unless it could be prov'd , that those priviledges were to be haereditary , and were not to determine and expire with s. peter's person . bellarmine * pleads , that it is founded in a right of succession , and this right settled jure divino , and by our lords own institution , who expresly commanded s. peter to fix the apostolical seat at rome . the proofs he brings to make good this command are a passage out of an apocryphal epistle of pope marcellus , long since discarded together with the rest , as the most notorious cheat and imposture that ever was put upon the christian church ; and at best an uncertain story of our lords appearing to peter , and that too nothing to his purpose . and therefore not daring to trust to them , he fairly quits * the jus divinum , and confesses that the pontifical succession has no foundation in scripture : however , that 't is not improbable , and that 't is a thing piously to be believed ; that is , perhaps it may be so , and perhaps not , we may do well to believe it , but there 's no certain ground for it . an admirable foundation to build so important a claim upon , and for the sake whereof they have now for many ages created so much trouble and disturbance to the christian world. and besides , there 's a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this case lies at the bottom , it being generally taken for granted , that s. peter was in a proper sence bishop of rome , which yet i believe can never be made good . that he constituted that church , and laid down his life there for the confirmation of it , i easily grant , but this makes him not properly bishop of it , and consequently the popes cannot properly be his successours . dye he might there , but how comes this to entitle the bishops of rome to the succession ? if so , then ( as a learned man * of the greek church long since urged in this case ) because our lord died at jerusalem , therefore the bishop of jerusalem , as possessing the seat of our great high-priest , may claim an universal superiority , and challenge to be as much greater than the bishop of rome , as christ is than peter . once more , let it be suppos'd that this supremacy was entail'd not only upon s. peter , but upon his successors , how comes it to pass that it was not lodg'd in the see of antioch , where they grant s. peter resided as bishop several years before he went to rome , and which therefore in all reason ought to challenge a primary title ? an objection which bellarmin with all the subtilties of his wit and learning is not able to claw off . so many insuperable barrs are there lying in the way to this soveraign and unaccountable authority of their church . iii. but what power soever the bishops of rome may pretend to derive from s. peter , sure i am they thus far inherit too much of his spirit and temper , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i mean , that rash and busie fervour and eagerness , so frequently noted in him by the ancients : forward like him to speak , run , and interpose at every turn ; and forward like him too to smite with the sword , when meeting with the least opposition . no sooner were the heats of the fifth persecution somewhat cooled , and the church entred a little upon more calm and prosperous days , but we find pope victor , an. 196. picking a quarrel with some of the eastern churches about the time of celebrating easter , and though they justified themselves to the christian world by apostolical practice , and a constant uninterrupted observation ever since , yet because refusing to comply with the custome of the church of rome , he hastily threw them under excommunication , to the great disturbance and amazement of the christian world , for which he was severely rebuked by the wise and good men of that time , especially the mild and peaceable irenaeus . it was not much above half an age after this , when the practice of baptizing a new those who had been baptized by hereticks begun mightily to prevail in some parts of the east , but especially in the african churches . stephen , who was then bishop of rome , storm'd hereat , and in a great rage publickly declared , that he would hold no communion with them ; and when , according to the custome whereby churches mutually acted in those days , they sent some bishops to give him an account of their opinion and practice , he proudly refused * either to see them , or speak with them ; and not content to deprive them of the peace and communion of the church , he denied them the common offices of humanity and charity , forbidding the christians at rome so much as to entertain them . to cyprian he gave very hard words , calling him false christ , false apostle , deceitful worker ; and no better did he treat firmilian bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , and the churches of iconium . but cyprian ( though a man otherwise of great gentleness and moderation ) plainly told him , * that this was nothing but the effect of a proud , impertinent , imprudent , self-contradicting humour , that it proceeded from blindness and perverseness , from obstinacy and presumption , and directly tended to the patronage and encouragement of error and heresie . firmilian charg'd * him with inhumanity , audaciousness and insolence , with doing very unjust and unwarrantable things ; that they at rome , however vainly pretending apostolical authority , did not themselves exactly observe primitive tradition , that he could not but disdain stephens open and manifest folly , who while he boasted so much of the eminency of his episcopal place , and contended that he had the succession of peter , upon whom the foundations of the church were laid , did yet hereby introduce several other rocks , and build new churches upon them . and when not long after the controversie came to be canvass'd in a synod of eighty seven african bishops , whom cyprian had assembled at carthage for that purpose , in the speech that he made at the opening of the council , cyprian tax'd the pride and ambition of the bishop of rome , telling * them that they should all freely speak their minds , without judging , or excommunicating any that were of another opinion , that none of them took upon himself to make himself bishop of bishops , or by a tyrannical threatning to force his colleagues into a necessity of compliance : since every bishop , according to the power and liberty granted to him , had his proper rule and jurisdiction , and could no more be judg'd by another , than he himself could judge others ; that in these matters they were to expect the judgment of our lord jesus christ , who alone had power both of appointing governours over his church , and of calling them to an account for their administration . iv. by these instances ( and many more no doubt , which the history of those times would have set before us , had the churches records come safe to us ) it appears , how early the bishops of rome set out to usurp a dominion over the church , and though they generally met with opposition , yet they still went on , and vigorously improv'd all advantages , with what success , the christian world has now for many ages found to their cost . and certainly never any stood fairer to start and carry on such a design . for , first , their church was not only apostolical , but had been founded by two of the most eminent apostles , peter and paul , which gave a mighty reputation to it in after ages ; the christian world bearing an extraordinary reverence to those great names , which the bishops of that see knew how to improve to their own advantage . for this reason irenaeus * calls the church of rome the greatest and most eminent church , and most universally known , as being founded by the two most glorious apostles peter and paul ; and s. augustine * says , that in it there always flourished the principality of the apostolick chair ; and origen took a journey * on purpose to rome , to gratify his curiosity with the sight of so ancient and renowned a church . and upon this account must be discharged very many of those great things , which several of the fathers speak so liberally concerning the church of rome ; who thought they could never express a veneration big enough towards s. peter , and consequently towards the place which he had honoured with his doctrine and residence , and watred with his blood : which however spoken by them out of a devout intent , prov'd the first rounds of that ladder , by which the roman bishops mounted up to a supremacy above the rest . it happening in a few ages that nothing was talkt of at rome , but of the prince of the apostles , and the authority of the apostolick see , 'till almost every thing there became apostolical , and was covered with s. peters name . secondly , their church was planted in the imperial city , a place that seem'd born for empire and soveraignty , that had long since conquered , and at that time governed the greatest part of the world ; a city that was the center of all nations , and the seat of majesty and magnificence , where all great affairs were transacted , and all the scenes of glory and greatness represented in a little compass . which could not but reflect a more than ordinary lustre upon those bishops that sat at the upper end of the world , and make them appear considerably bigger , more conspicuous and useful than the rest of their brethren , and by reason of the general confluence of all nations to rome , enable them in a little time to draw the cognizance of ecclesiastick causes from all parts thither . 't was this conveniency of situation gave them opportunity to insinuate themselves into the favour of the emperors , and by their power to enlarge their own borders , yea , and to succour and relieve their clients and dependants , which made many to court their protection and assistance , though often with the loss of their own freedom and liberty . this was especially done after the emperours became christians , the roman church being by them enrich'd with vast honours and priviledges , accounting that the greatness of that church would not a little contribute to the splendour and magnificence of the empire . and though the imperial seat was quickly translated to another place , yet besides that the emperours a long time retain'd their affection for rome , what the pope lost in one sence , he gain'd in another , making use of the emperours absence to enhance his own power and revenue , 'till he was able not only to lord it over his brethren , but over princes themselves . thirdly , the roman church continued for several ages the seat of true apostolick doctrine , maintaining that character that s paul had given them , that their faith was spoken of throughout the whole world , it being here preserv'd pure and uncorrupt , while a great part of the christian world besides was over run with error and heresie , and torn in pieces by schisms and factions . this made rome in those days ( while it remain'd sound and orthodox ) in a manner the standard of catholick communion , most other churches veering in point of communion , as they found the wind blow from that quarter , and saw how the business far'd at rome . accordingly theodosius in the beginning of his reign resolving to reform the doctrine of the church , then miserably degenerated in the eastern parts , commanded , * that that faith only should take place , that was profess'd by pope damasus , and peter of alexandria , that faith and religion which s. peter had delivered to the church of rome , and which had all along 'till that time flourisht there . this made way for appeals , every party being desirous to gain the good will of that church , and to have its bishop pronounce for their cause , 'till from an honourary arbitration it came to be claim'd as a right and due . and persons ( especially those who were persecuted in their own countries for their adherence to the catholick faith ) were the more encourag'd to repair hither , because here they were kindly treated , and hospitably entertain'd ; a piece of charity which the bishops of that church by reason of their ample possessions and large endowments , were very capable to afford . for besides their standing rents and revenues , their gains by collections and oblations was so great , that by them alone in the time of pope damasus , they were enabled to live in a state and grandeur like that of temporal princes , if we may believe the account given by ammianus marcellinus ; * and the story is known of praetextatus ( a zealous gentile ) design'd to be consul , who reflecting upon the plenty of that see , was wont pleasanly to tell * pope damasus , make me but bishop of rome , and i will immediately become a christian . 't is certain that church could never want plentiful incomes flowing in upon it ; and as charitable it was in those days , as it was wealthy , and was not only very kind to strangers when they came thither , but was wont to transmit very liberal distributions of its charity to forreign churches , to relieve the necessities of the brethren that were under persecution , and were condemned to the mines , as dionysius bishop of corinth tells us in his letter * to soter bishop of rome , written about the year clxxiv . and that this had been the custome of that church from the very infancy of christianity . fourthly , the church of rome by the advantage of the imperial city was capable of propagating the christian doctrine into several parts of the west , to send out disciples , receive dispatches , transmit directions , and supply all emergencies that might arise . accordingly upon this foundation the popes built and advanc't a claim to superiority and dominion . thus damasus writing * to the bishops of africk , tells them , that in all doubtful cases they ought to have recourse to him as to the head , and thence to take their determination , from whence they had received their institution and instruction in the christian faith. and pope innocent tells * decentius bishop of eugubium , that all the churches in those parts ought to take their measures from rome , and nothing to be valid , but what 's received from thence ; it being evident , that no churches had been planted in italy , france , spain , africk , sicily , and the interjacent islands by any , but such as had been ordain'd by s. peter , or his successors . and this is the plea we are so often urg'd with , whereby the roman see challenges jurisdiction over england , its commissionating augustine the monk to convert the saxons , and settle religion in these parts . but were there no more to be offered in answer to it , this were enough , that christianity had for several ages been planted here , before ever austin set his foot on english ground : as perhaps we may have occasion to shew afterwards . in short , though it became churches thus planted , to bear a very grateful respect to that mother church , that was the instrument to convey to them the christian faith ; yet did it lay them under no obligation to subjection and servitude : however the church of rome has handled the matter to its own advantage , and from the lenity and tenderness of a parent , had degenerated into the pride and cruelty of a stepmother ; and not content to exercise authority over its own colonies , began to advance its banners over all the rest ; proudly proclaiming it self the mother and mistres of all churches . i observe no more , then that pride seems to be a vice more peculiar to rome , than other places : 't was this put the old romans upon subduing the world ; and by this the emperors tyrannized over it for some ages , and when rome shifted its lords , it did not change its task-masters ; the ambition which the emperors laid down , the popes took up , and prosecuted it by far worse arts and methods , than ever the romans did of old . s. basil more than once complains * of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the pride of the west , and how little help was to be expected from them that neither understood the truth , nor would be content to learn it ; that he was resolved to write to the pope , to let him know that it did not become him to insult over and add to the miseries of the afflicted , nor to think pride to be honourable ; a thing alone sufficient to render a man odious in the sight of god : and elsewhere he expresses * a very passionate resentment , that he hated the pride of that church . v. furnished with these advantages , the roman prelates set up for themselves , and gave not over , till they had by right and wrong spread such an ecclesiastic empire over the world , as would admit neither superior nor equal . in order to the discovery whereof , it will be necessary to enquire what was of old the proper jurisdiction of the bishops of rome , before they removed those antient land-marks which the fathers had set . we have elsewhere * observ'd , ( what has been remarkt by many , and indeed is evident to any one vers'd in church-antiquity ) that in the primitive times , the external polity of the church was conform'd as near as might be to the mode that obtain'd in the civil state. now the whole roman empire consisted of thirteen dioceses , ( for so they began to style those large divisions about the time of constantine , ) whereof seven in the eastern parts , egypt , the orient , or east properly so call'd , asiana , pontica , thrace , macedonia and dacia ; and six in the west , italy , afric , illyricum , france , spain , and britain ; besides the roman praefecture , extending to the provinces round about the city , which had anciently been a peculiar government , equal , yea superior in dignity to any diocess ; whereof hereafter . in each of these diocesses were several provinces , ( 118 in all ) the chief city whereof in every province , was the metropolis , that had a kind of jurisdiction over all the rest ; both title and dignity being peculiarly settled by imperial constitution . now the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction , were concurrent after this manner ; in every city there was a civil judge , who presided over it , and the towns about it ; and to him answered the bishop of that city : in every province a proconsul or president resided at the metropolis , govern'd that whole division , received appeals , and determined all important cases brought before him from the inferior cities . correspondent to him was the metropolitan , or ( as they after call'd him ) the archbishop , whose see was in the same city , who superintended the several churches , and ordained the several bishops within his province . and then in every diocess , there was a vicarius or lieutenant , who kept his residence in the principal city , thence dispatcht the imperial edicts , and there heard and decided those causes , that were not finally determin'd by inferiour courts . and concurrent with him in ecclesiastical matters was the primate , or ( as some of them were more eminently stiled ) the patriarch , who presided over the several metropolitans within that diocess , appointed the conventions of his clergy , umpir'd the differences that arose between the several bishops , and gave the last determination to all appeals brought before him . and thus by an orderly subordination of deacons and presbyters to their bishops , of bishops to their immediate metropolitans , of metropolitans to their respective primates or patriarchs , and by a mutual correspondence between the several primates of every diocess , the affairs of the christian church were carried on with great decorum and regularity . vi. this excellent platform was not fram'd and set up all at once . in the more early ages christianity being generally first preacht and planted in the greater cities , and the ecclesiastical government settled there , thence spread it self into the neighbouring country , and persons were thence dispatcht to preach and attend the ministeries of religion in those rural plantations , who yet were in all things steer'd and directed by the bishop and his ecclesiastick senate residing in the city . as churches multiplied , and christianity extended it self into wider circles , it was found necessary to fix a particular bishop almost in every city , to whom was committed the care and superintendency over all the clergy and people there , and in all the towns and villages belonging to the jurisdiction of that place . but because controversies began to arise between the several bishops ( and sometimes between them and the inferiour clergy ) which could not easily be determin'd , where every ones authority was independant , it was necessary that some one should preside over all the other bishops of that province , as the proconsul did in the civil state , who might convene synodical assemblies , adjust the differences , and manage the ordinations of the provincial bishops . and for this none could be so fit as he that resided in the metropolis of the province ( thence call'd metropolitan ) partly because the countries for the most part round about had originally derived their christianity from thence , and 't was but fit they should pay a peculiar respect to the mother-church , partly because most persons had occasion to resort thither for the dispatch of business , and might with the same opportunity conveniently transact both their civil and ecclesiastick matters , and partly because 't was but reasonable , that the bishop of so eminent a place should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have an honourable presidency over the rest , as the council of antioch particularly provides * in this case ; ordaining accordingly , that tho every bishop might ordain presbyters and deacons , and manage the affairs of his own 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or particular diocess ( as we now call it ) yet that all the bishops of the province should acknowledge the metropolitan , and attempt nothing of moment without his knowledge and consent ; which they there enact , not as any novel constitution , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they tell us , according to a most ancient rule and canon , that had been in force from the times of their fore-fathers . to the metropolitan then upon every extraordinary occasion the provincial bishops addressed themselves , to him also other metropolitans , such especially as lay nearest to him , were wont to send letters of communion , to testify their consent with him in the faith ( a confession whereof every new metropolitan us'd to send abroad upon his advancement to his see ) and mutually to consult each others advice in all important cases . vii . this 't is plain from the writings of s. cyprian and others , was the way of administration during those first and most early ages of christianity : private causes every bishop judg'd of within his particular jurisdiction , where taking to him the assistance of his clergy , his presbyters and deacons , they did communi consilio ponderare , * weigh things by common advice and deliberation ; where the case was of greater importance , or more general concernment , it was referr'd to a provincial synod , wherein the chief bishop of the province presided , and directed all affairs . here the ordination of bishops was usually perform'd , or where a synod could not conveniently be had , by as many bishops as could be got together , the rest * who were absent by writing under their hands testifying their consent , and the whole either actually manag'd by , or at least done by the allowance and confirmation of the chief bishop . here also criminal bishops were depos'd , and the same way of general suffrage observ'd : thus when cornelius and his synod at rome * had condemn'd and cast out novatian for his schismatical usurpation of that see , the bishops that were not present at the council , did by their letters ratify and subscribe that decree . viii . in reference to the affairs of churches abroad , they acted by a kind of mutual consociation , they communicated councils , interpos'd in differences , oppos'd the same common enemies , and upon all occasions afforded ready help and assistance to one another , that dilectio communis , that cyprian so often speaks of , * the common bond of love and charity obliging them to advise together , that so by joynt consultations things might be carried on to the best advantage of ecclesiastick administration . for they look'd upon themselves , he tells us , * as members of the same body of the church , though stretcht out into many several provinces , and that therefore they were bound to have care one of another , and to watch over the welfare of the whole body . upon a persons election to any of the greater sees , they were wont to send their congratulatory letters , to give him joy of that place , to signify their concurrence with his advancement to a share of the government of the church , and their communion with him in the faith. thus cyprian by letters * approv'd cornelius his election to the see of rome , which he did , he tells us according to divine tradition and ecclesiastick institution ; nay he sent to all the bishops of his province , requiring them by their letters to do the like . and when marcian bishop of arles was depos'd for his siding with novatian , cyprian wrote * to pope stephen to send him word who succeeded in that bishopprick , that so he might know to whom to direct his communicatory letters . when any person was duly excommunicated in on church , he could not be admitted to communion in another . thus when felicissimus , who had been excommunicated by cyprian and the african synod , fled to rome , * and came thither guarded with a potent faction , he found the doors shut against him , whereof cornelius advis'd cyprian by letters , which the good man commends as replenisht with brotherly love , ecclesiastick discipline , and episcopal censure . and when the legats of novatian ( who had procur'd himself to be irregularly ordain'd bishop of rome , for which he was synodically condemn'd ) came into africk , cyprian rejected them , * and utterly refus'd to receive them to communion . in short , no sooner did any extraordinary emergency arise , but notice was presently given of it to other churches , and advice return'd what was fit to be done in those matters , and all possible assistance afforded towards the dispatching of them . in all which transactions the bishop of rome was no otherwise considered than ( as all others were ) as a bishop of the catholick church , nor was his sentence any more regarded than that of other bishops . donatus à casis nigris accus'd * cecilian bishop of carthage to constantine the great . the emperour referr'd the case to pope melchiades , and three french bishops , together with whom assembled fifteen bishops of italy , who gave judgment against donatus . wherein as the pope acted as the emperours delegate , and had no more power than the rest of his collegues , so the sturdy african slighted his judgment , and appeal'd from it . constantine hereupon referrs the business to a synod at arles in france , ann. cccxiv . where the former sentence is again brought under examination , and this thought no injury or dishonour to the bishop of rome , nay , his legates in that council subscribed only in the fifth place , * as the subscriptions publisht by sirmoud out of an ancient copy , stand at this day . in short , 't is ingenuously confess'd by pope pius the second , * then cardinal , that before the time of the nicene council very little regard was had to the church of rome . by all which we see how the government of the church in those days was carried on ; bishops superintended the affairs of the church in every city and its adjacent territory , over them were metropolitans and provincial synods , and with foreign churches they transacted by a mutual agreement and confederation for the good of the whole , but without any coercive power over one another . chap. ii. the government of the church , and power of the bishops of rome , as 't is represented in the canons of the nicene council . the sixt canon of the synod of nice set down , with the occasion of it . seven observations drawn from that canon . i. that the larger bounds of ecclesiastick jurisdiction were the roman provinces . a province what . whither the countries in italy so called . ii. that the chief church-governour in every province was the metropolitan . the prudence and convenience of that way of government . patriarchs prov'd not to be intended in the nicene canon . iii. that the bishop of rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited metropolitical power . this own'd by some of the greatest champions of rome . iv. that the metropolitick sees of rome , alexandria and antioch were ever of the greatest note in the christian church , and of these rome the chief . the eminency of sees according to the greatness of the cities wherein they were planted . this gave precedency to the church of rome . the three sees of rome , alexandria and antioch ascrib'd to s. peter . blasphemous things spoken of the pope upon that account . primacy allow'd to the see of rome . no supremacy belonging to it . the christian church then knew of no such supereminent power . v. that the rights of the roman metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but by custome and the practice of the church . this plainly shew'd to be the sence of this , and other following councils . vi. that the ordination of provincial bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . the fourth , sixth and seventh canons of this council noted to that purpose . the same shew'd to be the determination of other synods . what other rights belong'd to metropolitans . vii . that this way of ecclesiastick administration was not any late novel institution , but founded upon ancient custome and practice . what this antiquity implies . the original of metropolitans briefly enquir'd into . several instances of this way of government noted in the second and third centuries . the word metropolitan not met with till the council of nice . but the thing long before . the sum of the observations upon this canon . in this condition stood things at that time when the great council assembled at nice , an. cccxxv . where what had hitherto been transacted only by custome and mutual consent , became then a law of the church . for alexander the venerable bishop of alexandria having complain'd to the synod , that the metropolitical rights of that see had been invaded by the irregular and ambitious attempts of meletius , the schismatical bishop of lycopolis in thebais , who during the late persecution had amongst other crimes taken upon him to ordain bishops , and to confer inferiour orders where-ever he came , the synod did not only depose meletius , and in a manner null his ordinations , but pass'd among others this following canon . let ancient customs still take place ; those that are in egypt , libya and pentapolis , that the bishop of alexandria have power over all these ; because such also is the custome of the bishop of rome . and accordingly in antioch , and in other provinces , let the priviledges be preserved to the churches . this also is altogether evident , that if any man be made a bishop without the consent of the metropolitan , this great synod decrees such a one to be no bishop . and if two or three , out of a contentious humour , shall oppose the common election duly and regularly made according to the canon of the church , let the majority of voices in this case prevail . in this canon , which has been the subject of infinite debate and controversie , there are several things very observable to our purpose , which every impartial unprejudicate reader will see do naturally flow from it . first , that the larger bounds of ecclesiastical jurisdiction at that time were concurrent with the roman provinces . secondly , that the chief church governour within every province was the metropolitan . thirdly , that the bishop of rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited metropolitical power . fourthly , that the metropolitick sees of rome , alexandria and antioch were ever of greatest note in the christian church , and of these rome the chief . fifthly , that the rights of the roman metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but flow'd only from custome and the practice of the church . sixthly , that the ordination of provincial bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . seventhly , that this way of ecclesiastick admiration was not any late novel institution , but was founded upon ancient custome and practice . all which observations i shall briefly explain and make good . 1. that the larger bounds of ecclesiastick jurisdiction were the roman provinces . every city , besides what was within its walls , and immediate suburbs , had usually some adjacent territory , whither its government did extend , as strabo * notes of nemausus or nismes , a city of the gallia narbonensis , that it had under it twenty four villages , all well peopled and inhabited , and so commonly in other places ; and these were the towns and villages ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they are call'd in the ninth canon of antioch ) that were under the superintendency and jurisdiction of the city-bishop . but a province was a collection of many cities , with all the tracts and territories belonging to them ; and was greater or less according to the custome of places , or as the will of princes had set them out . augustus ( as strabo who lived about that time informs * us ) when he resolv'd to commit some parts of the empire to the immediate care of the senate , and to reserve the rest to himself , divided each moiety 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into several provinces , and caus'd a rationarium or book to be made of it ( this he did out of the commentaries * of balbus , whom he had appointed to measure the several parts of the empire : ) some account of these provinces strabo there gives us , but a more full and particular account is given by dion cassius . * how these provinces stood divided in the following ages , especially from the times of constantine , is distinctly and accurately set down in the notitia imperii , compos'd under the reign of the younger theodosius . i observe no more then that if at augustus his settlement ( which is taken notice of , and objected by some * ) the countries in italy were not styl'd provinces , but regions , ( he divided it says pliny * into eleven regions ; whence italy and the provinces , and jus italicum , and jus provinciale are frequently distinguisht ) yet this distinction held not long , nor universally , the words being promiscuously us'd , as is evident from the scriptores rei agrariae ( some whereof if their titles bely them not , liv'd not long after augustus his age ) where we find more than once , the territory of the province of picenum , as well as the region of picenum , the province of apulia and calabria * , of valeria ‖ , of tuscia * , and the like . and for after ages , especially from the times of constantine , no man can doubt of it , that has but once lookt either into the justinian , or theodosian code . ii. that the chief church-governour within every province was the metropolitan , that is , the bishop that resided in the metropolis , or mother-city of the province . for as the preventing schism and disorder had necessitated provincial bishops ( who being all equal had no power one over the other ) to chuse one common president to umpire and determine differences , and manage those affairs which could not be done by every single bishop , so reason and conveniency , the example of the civil government , and the greatness of the place , pleaded for the bishop of the metropolis to be the person , who hence deriv'd the title of metropolitan . and this salmasius * himself , how ill a friend soever to the whole episcopal order , cannot but confess was wisely contriv'd , and that had but metropolitans contain'd themselves within their proper bounds , there could not have heen a more useful and laudable institution . his business was upon all important occasions synodically to summon together the bishops of his province , and therein to enquire into their miscarriages and misdemeanors , to judg of the contentions that arose between them , to ordain persons to vacant bishopricks , or at least to ratify their ordination , and to direct all transactions that were of greater and more general concernment . therefore the fathers of antioch take care , that forasmuch as all that have any business to dispatch , are forc'd to go to the metropolis , therefore the bishops in every province should own , honour and give precedence to the bishop that presided in the metropolis , and attempt nothing of moment without his concurrence , and this according to a more ancient canon derived to them from their fore-fathers . by the ancient canon here spoken of cannot be meant this of nice , which was but sixteen years before it , and therefore without doubt referrs to the xxxiv . canon of the apostles , which almost in the same words commands the bishops in every nation to own him who is first or chief amongst them , and to esteem him as head , and to do nothing of moment without his consent , which truly expresses the ancient practice of the church ; these apostolick canons being nothing else but a collection of rules and customes agreed upon in the first ages of christianity . for ( that i may note this by the way ) 't is vain to think , that a thing then first began to be , when we find it first mention'd or enjoyn'd by a synodal decree ; the canons in such cases being very oft expressive of a more ancient practice , which they then take notice of , or enforce , only because some extraordinary accidents at that time may have given particular occasion for it . as here at nice , in the case of the rights of metropolitans , which the canon mentions and resettles , only because meletius's usurpation had brought it into question . it had been long before an ancient custome , and having lately received some little shock , the church no sooner had an opportunity of meeting together in a general council , but it establisht these metropolitical priviledges by its oecumenical authority . there are , i know , and they too men of no mean name and note , both heretofore and of later times , who tell us , that this nicene canon is to be understood not of metropolitans , but patriarchs : but where does the council say , or so much as hint any such thing , the synod both here and in all other places constantly calls them metropolitans , and makes the bounds of their jurisdiction to be provinces , not diocesses . and indeed the word diocese , as relating to this extent of ecclesiastick government , was not in use till above an intire age after . nay perhaps at this time it was scarce in use for the larger division of countries in the civil state : for it was but about this time that constantine new modell'd the government , and brought in dioceses as comprehending several provinces under them . so that either here must be patriarchs without dioceses , or if the canon be meant ( as some explain it ) of metropolitani metropolitanorum , of some prime and principal metropolitans , that presided over the metropolitans of the several provinces within their jurisdiction , then 't is plain the synod must intend such whereever it mentions metropolitans , for it all along speaks of them as of the same . in the fourth canon it provides , that in every province a bishop ordain'd shall be confirm'd by the metropolitan ; which is necessarily to be restrain'd to proper provincial metropolitans . in this sixth canon it speaks more particularly , and because the metropolitick rights had been invaded in egypt , ordains that the bishop of alexandria , no less than he of rome , and that he of antioch , and the churches in all other provinces should still enjoy their ancient priviledges . where we see it speaks of them all without any difference in this respect as provincial churches . and thus the ancient version of this canon ( whereof more hereafter ) understood it , when it rendred it thus , in caeteris provinciis privilegia propria reserventur metropolitanis ecclesiis , that at antioch , and in the other provinces , the metropolitan churches should have their own priviledges . and to put the case out of doubt what the council meant , the canon adds in the close , that no bishop should be made without the consent of the metropolitan . nothing therefore can be more absurd , than to say , that patriarchs are meant in the former part of the canon , and metropolitans only in the latter , when as the canon it self makes no difference . and indeed were that the meaning , the grave and wise fathers of that council took an effectual course that posterity should never understand their mind . if we look into the following canon , that secures the rights of the metropolitan church of caesarea in palestine , and though it grants the next place of honour to the bishop of jerusalem , yet still it subjects him to his own metropolitan . and i suppose it will puzzle any man to give a wise reason , why the church of jerusalem ( for which the christian world ever had so great and so just a veneration ) should be subject to that of caesarea , but only that caesarea was the metropolis of that province , and so had been ever since the time of vespasian , and accordingly josephus says * 't was the greatest city in the country , and tacitus * calls it the head of judaea . so miserably does alexander aristinus blunder in his exposition of this canon , when by virtue of it he makes the bishop of jerusalem to become a patriarch , and yet withal to be subject to the metropolitan of caesarea , or , which is all one , that the metropolitan of caesarea should not hereby lose his ancient power and dignity . as if any patriarch , and much more one of the five greater , could be subject to a private metropolitan , or a metropolitan could have his ancient rights reserv'd to him , when at the same time a considerable part of them are taken from him . but patriarchs were not then heard , or so much as dreamt of in the church ; nothing being truer than what balsamon has observ'd * in this case , that anciently all the metropolitans of provinces were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absolute and independent , and ordain'd by none but their own provincial bishops . iii. that the bishop of rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited metropolitical power . this is so evidently the sence of the canon , that few , who have otherwise will good enough , have yet the hardiness to oppose it . the sun it self is not clearer at noon-day , than that hereby the council design'd , that the bishop of alexandria should have the same power within his province , that the bishop of rome had in his . let the bishop of alexandria ( says the canon ) have all his ancient and accustomed powers and priviledges in egypt , libya and pentapolis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 since , or forasmuch as the bishop of rome has the like custome , that is , ( as a learned and zealous champion * for the popes supremacy does yet with great ingenuity expound it ) that he and none but he should exercise jurisdiction within his own bounds ; as the alexandrian bishop has prescrib'd limits to his diocess , so also has he of rome : and as he of rome manages the affairs of his own diocess without the interposal or medling of any other person , so we will that he of alexandria shall have the same power , and that none shall obstruct him in the exercise of it . the canon then makes a double comparison between these two metropolitans , the one respecting the extent of their jurisdiction , that one was confin'd and limited as well as the other ; the other the fulness of their power , which they might exercise within their respective limits , and that none might presume to invade or hinder it , but by the same right by which the roman prelate govern'd his churches , by the same might he of alexandria the churches subject to him . one of the greek scholiasts * summs up the canon into these words . let the bishop of alexandria have power over egypt , libya and pentapolis : and the roman bishop over those places that are subject to rome . harmenopulus * expresses it in somewhat more general terms : let the ancient customes of arch-bishops still prevail , and every one have power over his own province . i enquire not now what were the peculiar bounds , within which the power of the bishops of rome was terminated . 't is enough at present , that whether larger or narrower , limits he had , which he might not regularly pass , and that the church of rome was in those days accounted a particular church , and as much a member of the church universal , as alexandria , antioch , or that of any other province . iv. that the metropolitick sees of rome , alexandria and antioch , were ever of greatest note in the christian church , and of these rome the chief . hence they are here particularly named , while others are dismist with an et caetera , and rome as the most eminent , made the exemplar according to which the rights of alexandria were to be recovered and resettled . 't were impertinent to shew that respect was always paid to places proportionable to their temporal power and greatness ; s. cyprian * long since told us , that the reason why rome had the precedency of carthage , was pro magnitudine sua , because 't was the greater city . and 't were as endless as 't is needless to prove , that the places mention'd in this canon were capital cities of the empire : rome was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as athanasius styles * it ) the metropolis , or chief city of the roman world , it had for several ages been the governing city , and was still the seat of empire , the greatness whereof the geographical poet * has no less briefly than elegantly thus summ'd up . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rome triumphs in th' imperial seat , and is wealth 's store-house , and the world's metropolis . alexandria besides the vastness of the place , numerousness of its inhabitants , the riches and plenty of its traffick , was the seat of the imperial vice-roy , call'd the augustal prefect : indeed it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * the second city under the sun , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as aristides * styles it , the greatest next to rome ; and thence by ancient writers * emphatically call'd the city . antioch was frequently the court of emperors , constantly the residence of their lieutenants , the most ancient , rich and populous city of the east , commonly styl'd antioch the great : now the greatness of these places added a proportionable reputation to their several bishops , it being but reasonable that they should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as the fathers at antioch speak * ) precede others in honour , who presided in the most eminent and honourable cities . and because rome was confessedly the greatest and noblest city of the empire , hence the church there had an honourary precedency before all others , and the bishops of it in all publick meetings and consultations had the first place allowed them , and upon all occasions a mighty deference and respect paid to them , and their favour was courted , and addresses made to them from all parts . and in this sence 't is plain the ancients understood the honour due to the roman bishop . when the council of constantinople decrees , * that the bishop of that city shall have the next place to him of rome , for that constantinople was new rome , it sufficiently shews upon what foundation the precedency of the roman prelate stood . and that of chalcedon * much more expresly , that the cause why the fathers gave priviledges to the see of old rome was , because that was the imperial city . and in pursuance of these canons ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the emperour justinian enacts , * that the bishop of old rome should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first of all bishops . i know there are , ‖ who place the eminency of these three great sees upon another bottom , and tell us it was , because they were all founded by s. peter , two of them by himself , and that of alexandria by the ministry of s. mark his peculiar disciple , sent thither by his immediate direction and authority : and the assertion further improv'd , that these three cities being severally the chief cities of the three then known parts of the world , europe , asia and africa , thence it follows that the government of these three great churches , and in them of the whole christian world is lodg'd in s. peters successour , and 't is added * ( with greater boldness shall i say , or blasphemy ? ) that s. peter herein exprest a lively representation both of the unity of the godheads , and of the holy trinity , and that as 't is but one and the same episcopal office that is in a bishop , a metropolitan , and a patriarch , so a trinity of patriarchs meets in the unity of the pope ; so that in the see of the prince of the apostles , there is an unity in trinity , and a trinity in unity . but where men can suffer their wits want only to sport at this rate ( though 't is gravely brought in by way of argument , by some otherwise learned enough ) 't is no wonder , that nothing should be stuck at , true or false , that may serve their cause . but i spare any farther censure of this authour , finding by his life * ( publisht since the writing of these papers ) that he repented afterwards of so hasty and inconsiderate an undertaking , and oft intended to have brought that work under a review and castigation . and indeed any man may at first sight discern 't was the issue of a juvenile heat , and wanted the corrections of calmer and maturer thoughts . but perhaps it might prove no such easie task to make it out that s. peter founded those three sees , and if he did , that any such authority as is claim'd , is thence deriv'd to the see of rome . antioch and alexandria did always maintain their jurisdiction independent , though the popes frequently inculcated their being originally instituted by s. peter , as a kind of obligation to rome , and that which reflected the greatest honour upon those churches . and the fathers we see found their preheminence upon the glory and majesty of their cities , and none more expresly than that of rome , the bishop whereof was therefore honoured , caress'd and add rest unto , because bishop of rome . and had he contented himself with that place and deference which the fathers gave him , and not broken down inclosures , and trampled over the heads of his brethren , we should neither have envied , nor denied it . and though perhaps it might admit some dispute , whether rome having for so many ages lost the honor of being the imperial city , the privileges conferr'd upon that church , upon that account , ought not in reason to abate proportionably ; yet we are willing to grant , what genuine antiquity did allow , that the bishop of that place containing himself within primitive rules and orders , should be esteemed the most honourable among all christian bishops , that he should be first , but not lord , much less tyrant over his brethren . the priviledges assign'd him by the ancient canons , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says a late learned patriarch of alexandria * ) priviledges of honour , not conveyances of a tyrannical power to make or abrogate laws as he pleases . and therefore suppose the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the primacy of the church of rome ( mention'd in the beginning of this sixt nicene canon , as 't is quoted by paschasinus the popes legate in the council of chalcedon ) were granted , yet who knows not that there is a primacy of order as well as power ; a primacy amongst equals ; and such 't is plain was that which the ancient councils did assign him , not an universal , monarchical , uncontroulable power and supremacy over the whole christian church , which would have fundamentally destroy'd the very design of this nicene canon , which makes the bishops of alexandria , antioch , the other provinces , independent , and as supream within their own limits , as the pope is in his . is there no difference between precedency and supremacy , between dignity and dominion ? let the roman church be the head of all churches ( as 't is sometimes styl'd by the ancients , and frequently challeng'd by the popes ) 't is so only in an honourary sence , and in that respect other churches , especially that of * constantinople , have the same title given to them . where then shall we find the soveraign , arbitrary , and unbounded power of the bishop of rome ? and where , but in the pride , ambition and usurpation of that see ? certain i am it has not the least footing in this or any other ancient council . nor can it be suppos'd , that had the fathers of this venerable synod known of any such supereminent power of the roman bishop , as is now pretended to ( and know it they must , if there had been any , meeting from all parts of the world ) we cannot suppose , i say , they would have given the bishops of alexandria , antioch , &c. equal power within their respective provinces , without inserting into the canon a salvo to the supreme rights and prerogatives of the see of rome , especially when we find them in the very next canon , giving the bishop of jerusalem an honourable session , but still with a proviso to preserve the rights of the metropolitan of that province . v. that the rights of the roman metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but flow'd only from custome and the practice of the church . this is here laid down as one of the main foundations upon which the whole body of the canon is built , the right here convey'd not being divine institutions , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ancient customs , introduc'd by time and use and a wise contrivance . which is not only the case of metropolitans in general , but is particularly applied to him of rome , it being ( says the canon ) the custome for the bishop of rome to have such metropolitick power . had these good fathers known of any peculiar commission given by christ to peter , and in him to the bishop of rome , to be his supream and universal bishop upon earth , to govern his church by a despotical unaccountable power , or that our lord had but so much as authorized and appointed him to be superiour to all the bishops within the roman province , it had been hard , not to say unjust and unreasonable in them to conceal it , and an irreparable injury to that church , to derive its authority from any meaner original . an injury , which we cannot conceive but that the popes legates , who were then in council , must have immediately entred their protest against . but the christian world was as yet unacquainted with such notions , and the popes then either did not claim any such power , or to be sure durst not challenge it in that assembly , where they knew it must be shamefully baffled and rejected . what power soever our lord or his apostles convey'd to bishops , this is certain , that all bishops as such stand upon a common level , and that superiority and subordination among them is meerly from humane positive institution , borrowed from the forms in the civil state , and with great reason brought in to comply with the conveniencies and necessities of the church . and to this the fathers usually refer it . thus we see they here determined the case of metropolitans . and in the following canon the bishop of jerusalem's taking place next to his metropolitan before all the other bishops of that province , is ascrib'd to custome , and ancient tradition . in the council of ephesus the bishop of antioch was complain'd of for invading the rights of the metropolitan of cyprus , in deciding whereof the fathers affirm , * it would be sufficient prejudice to his cause , if he had not ancient custome on his side : and having determin'd the case against him , decree , that every province should enjoy those original rights pure and inviolable , which had been deriv'd to them by long continuance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according as the power of ancient custome had prevail'd . and when some years after by reason of the incursions of the barbarous people , the metropolitan of cyprus was forc't to remove to nova justinianopolis in the hellespont , the fathers of the sixt council in trullo confirm'd * his rights to him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to ancient custome : for the holy fathers ( say they ) have determin'd , that customs should be preserv'd in every church . vi. that the ordination of provincial bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . no man in those days was bound to go beyond his own metropolis , much less did they know of any obligation to seek to rome either for consecration , or confirmation . and for this the laws of the church are as express and peremptory as words could make them . our great council had made provision herein by their fourth canon , that a bishop should be ordain'd by all the bishops in the province : but because pers haps business , or distance , might render that inconvenient , and sometimes impossible , they decree that it should be done by three , the rest testifying their consent in writing ; and that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the validity of what was done , should be from the confirmation of the metropolitan in every province . and because the case of meletius was then before them , and had rais'd a mighty noise and clamour , they again establish this matter in the close of the sixth canon by way of recapitulation , that whoever should be made bishop without the consent of his metropolitan , his ordination should be null and void , and that if any doubt and dispute arose in this case , the majority of votes should carry it : accordingly in their synodical epistle * to the church of alexandria they tell them , they had taken care about the election of their bishops , and that it must be with the concurrence and confirmation of the bishop of alexandria . this constitution we find unanimously ratified by almost all following councils ; by that of antioch a most expresly , by that of laodicea b , by that of sardica c , by the second d and fourth e councils of carthage , by the general council of chalcedon f , who take notice of the neglect of some metropolitans in delaying the ordinations of their provincial bishop ; and in the particular controversie between anastasius of nice , and eunomius of nicomedia g , they all with one voice ratify the nicene canon . in all which canons , and infinite more that might be mention'd , there is not the least intimation given of any prerogative peculiar to the bishop of rome , or that he has any power to take this right out of the hands of the respective metropolitans . nor is ordination the only priviledge which the synod of nice vests in metropolitans , for though they more particularly insist upon this , because meletius had given such fresh occasion by violating the metropolitan rights of alexandria , yet in the beginning of the sixt canon they establish their priviledges in general , that they should have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all the ancient powers and priviledges that belong'd to their churches in every province . what these were , practice and the subsequent canons of the church do inform us ; to take care that vacant sees were well supplied , to call provincial synods , to disperse canons there agreed on for the common good , to end controversies between their bishops , to admonish the unruly , to censure and suspend the irreregular , to give communicatory letters to their provincial bishops that were to go into foreign parts , and such like . in short , the synod of antioch ( than which perhaps none ever made wiser and better rules for the government and discipline of the church ) order * the bishops of every province not only to honour their metropolitan , but to do nothing of moment without his consent . lastly , i observe hence , that this way of ecclesiastick administration was not any late novel institution , but was founded upon ancient custome and practice . 't was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says the canon most expresly . how far this antiquity does extend , it is not easie precisely to determine . salmasius * himself grants it for an hundred years before the synod of nice : and we would not have thankt him for a larger concession , had the state of things before that council been as clearly transmitted to us , as they were afterwards . indeed the records and writings of those early ages are generally lost , and the defending christianity from the assaults of heathens on the one side , and hereticks on the other , take up the far greatest part of those few that remain . so that little light is afforded us to discover the originals of particular churches , and to trace out the gradual advances of polity and church-discipline . whether the apostles themselves fixt a superiour bishop in every metropolis of the civil state , as some will have it ; or whether the apostles only form'd the scheme and draught , but left it to following ages to erect and set it up , as de marca * thinks , i leave it to the reader , who is curious about these matters , to weigh their arguments , and then pass his sentence . to me it seems probable that it actually commenc'd not long after the apostolick age , when sects and schisms began to break in apace , and when the apostles who were the supream governours and moderators being remov'd off the stage , and controversies multiplying between particular bishops , it was found necessary to pitch upon one in every province , to whom the umpirage of cases might be referr'd , and by whom all common and publick affairs might be directed . in the declining part of the second century we find philip styl'd * not only bishop of the diocess of gortyna , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) but also of all the rest of the churches or dioceses ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in crete , among which pinytus is reckon'd bishop of the parochia of gnossus . towards the latter end of the same century we find several provincial synods conven'd for determining the paschal controversie * : pope victor presided in that at rome ; in that of palestine , theophilus bishop of caesarea , and narcissus of jerusalem ; where narcissus is joyn'd with theophilus , because the bishop of jerusalem had ever the place of honour next to his metropolitan of caesarea , and this ( say our nicene fathers ) from custome and ancient tradition . polycrates bishop of ephesus , at the request of victor summon'd a synod of the bishops of asia ( i. e. of the lydian or proconsular asia , whereof ephesus was the metropolis ) wherein he was president , who all subscrib'd his opinion , as he tells us in his letter to pope victor . in france there was a convention 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the bishops of the several gallick dioceses , wherein irenaeus bishop of the metropolis of lyons was chief moderator . bacchylus also bishop of corinth ( that was a metropolis too ) held a synod of the bishops of achaia ( if s. jerome * understand eusebius aright ) and in their name wrote an epistle about this matter . this the author of the ancient synodicon * calls a provincial synod , and expresly styles bacchylus arch-bishop of corinth . how oft does s. cyprian * mention his province , and his fellow-bishops in it , to whom he communicated affairs of the church , and commanded ( mandavimus is his own word ) their help and assistance : and this province no mean one neither , as extending over africk properly so call'd , numidia , and the two mauritania's . nor can i see any reason with salmasius * to understand it of the civil province , especially when the best reason he gives , is , that the power of primates or metropolitans was not yet in force , which is a plain and shameful begging of the question . indeed if he means it only of the title , by which they were call'd , i grant that the word metropolitan is very rarely , if perhaps at all , to be found in any authentick writer before the time of the nicene council : they were in those days styl'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first bishops , and the heads of provinces , ( as is plain from the xxxiv . apostolick canon ) i. e they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief bishops that resided in the several metropoles , as zonaras truly expounds that canon . but whatever becomes of the title , the thing it self is plain to all that are not byass'd by prejudice and partiality , that there was a superiour bishop in every province , resident at the metropolis , who partly by himself , partly by the assistance of his provincial bishops meeting in council , usually manag'd all the more important church-affairs within that province . the sum in short of this great nicene canon amounts to this that the greater limits of ecclesiastick jurisdiction were concurrent with the provinces of the roman empire , that the prime governours within those bounds were the metropolitans , and though some were more honourable than others , by reason of the eminency of their episcopal stations , yet that every metropolitan had a free and independent power of ordination , and steering the main affairs of the church within that province ; that the bishop of rome had the same , and no more within the roman province ; a power not granted by any immediate commission , or divine authority , but introduc't for conveniency , and setled by custome and long continuance . chap. iii. the extent of the bishop of romes jurisdiction , considered as a metropolitan . a search into the proper bounds of the roman bishop . his power four-fold , episcopal , metropolitical , patriarchal , apostolical . the first not controverted . the last discharg'd as extravagant and groundless , and as frequently baffled , both by the reformed , and greek church . l. allatius's jeer of his country-men . his metropolitical jurisdiction considered as concurrent with that of the provost of rome . that how great , and how far extending . the suburbicary regions what . sicily no part of the urbicary regions . the usual conformity between the extent of the civil and ecclesiastick jurisdiction in those times . the power of the roman metropolitan confin'd within an hundred miles of rome . rufinus his exposition of the suburbicary churches . greatly quarrell'd at by the romish writers . his authority in other cases allow'd sufficient and unquestionable . his book approv'd by pope gelasius and others . no probability of his being mistaken in the sence of the canon , or the extent of the roman metropolitanship , or the suburbicary churches . his explication confirm'd by most ancient interpreters of this canon . the bishops of rome and italy distinct . the bishop of milan ranckt with him of rome . the objection of the bishop of romes being confin'd to so narrow a compass , considered and answered . the majores dioeceses in the epistle of the synod of arles what . the bounds of the roman bishops shew'd to have been heretofore small from an ancient notitia episcopatuum . the fraud in the first publication of that notitia . morinus noted . the greatness of rome equivalent to a large extent . i. thus far then we have gain'd ; that the bishop of rome as well as the rest was bounded within his metropolitical province ; the council supposing this as the ground of its constitution , that the bishop of alexandria should have jurisdiction over all within his province , as the bishop of rome had in his . 't is true , the council does not assign the proper limits of the roman metropolitanship , as it does that of alexandria , there being a more particular reason why it should specify the latter , that being the subject under debate , and the main , if not only occasion of the canon ; we must therefore search it out some other way . and here we are told * of a three-fold power vested in the pope ; episcopal , patriarchal , and apostolical ; or as others * distinguish a little more accurately , he may be considered under a four-fold capacity , as a bishop , as a metropolitan , as a patriarch , and lastly as pope , or as he is the vicar of christ , and head of the universal church . in which capacity he is not only more honourable than all other bishops and patriarchs , but has full authority over them , to consecrate , confirm , or depose them , yea when he pleases , to suppress old , and to erect new episcopal sees . hereby ( they tell us ) he is constituted judge over all churches in the world , and may at pleasure visit , govern , and give laws to them . for the first of these , as he is a private bishop , we have no controversie with him : and for the last , his supreme and apostolical power over the whole christian church ; 't is so wild and extravagant a claim , so groundless and precarious , so utter a stranger to scripture and primitive antiquity , that it 's needless to take pains in the refuting of it . nay , the popes themselves how desirous soever to amplify their own power , have not yet dar'd to challenge it where they knew it would be disputed or denied . in the discourse that past between constantius and pope liberius about the condemnation of athanasius , the emperour askt him , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what great part of the world are you , that you only should take his part ? and that ( as he urges a little before ) when the whole world had past sentence upon him . the proper answer to which ( had liberius known of any such power ) had been this . i only am intrusted by christ with supream authority over the whole church , and i having acquitted him , 't is no matter though the whole world besides has condemn'd him . and so no doubt he would have answered , had he been aware of any such prerogative affixt to his see. but popes had not then set this claim on foot , nor 't is like dreamt of it , nor if they had , was the world as yet dispos'd to receive it . something we said to this before , when we considered the bishop of rome as standing uppermost among the metropolitans mention'd in the nicene canon . to add more , were a vain , and impertinent loss of time ; especially after so much as has been said upon this argument , both by the writers of the greek church , ( alexius aristinus , zonar as , balsamon , matthaeus blastares , pet. antiochenus , macarius ancyranus , demetrius chomatenus , barlaam , nilus thessalonicensis , nicetus seidus , nilus doxopatrius , geo. coressius , gabriel philadelphensis , maximus margunius , meletius alexandrinus , &c. whom leo allatius * in a scornful insultation over the deplorable state of his own country is pleas'd to style graecanica ingenia , the witts of greece ) and by them of the reform'd religion , and by some too of their own church , by whom all pleas and pretences to this power have been so often and so shamefully baffled , that a man would wonder if at this time of the day they should be again rallied , and brought into open field . it remains then that we consider him in his metropolitical , and patriarchal capacity . ii. and first we shall enquire what were the bounds of his metropolitical power . and the best measures we can take in this matter , will be to enquire into the extent of the civil jurisdiction of the provost of rome , with which that that of the roman prelate must run parallel , no man can doubt , that considers the course of things in those times , when in this respect the church and the state went so fairly hand in hand . a thing not only affirm'd by protestants , but granted by the most learned and zealous writers of the church of rome . let us therefore consider first how the case stood in the civil state. the prefect of rome was an officer of great antiquity , instituted in the very infancy of that state , while govern'd by kings , but being only of a pro tempore-use , was never made fixt and ordinary till augustus , who being much engag'd in foraign wars , appointed a magistrate , who might in the interim supply his room , manage his affairs , and administer justice at home . his publick appearances were very pompous and stately , and he had several great officers under him , as may be seen in the notitia imperii . the greatest persons in the city were not exempt from his power , for calling five persons of the senatorian order to his assistance , he might try and pass sentence upon the head of a senator himself . his government extended not only to rome , but to an hundred miles round about it , where the limits of his jurisdiction ceas'd , as is expresly said in a rescript a of the emperour severus . ditioni suae non solum roma commissa ( quamvis in illa contineantur universa ) verum etiam intra centesimum miliarium potestatem te protendere , antiqua jura voluerunt , as his patent runs in b cassiodore . within this compass were several countries , which partly from their lying round about , partly from their subjection to , and dependance upon the praefecture of rome , were usually styl'd urbicariae c and suburbicariae d , and suburbanae regiones e , sometimes also regiones solitae f , the countries within which the governour of rome was wont to exercise his solemn jurisdiction , and vicinae regiones g , countries that lie next to the city . and these i doubt not are those four regions mention'd in a law h of constantine m. directed to orfitus praefect of the city . iii. this circumference salmasius conceives * ( though herein stiffly oppos'd by his learned antagonist ) to be the romana regio , mention'd in an old inscription at nola , and by the historian ( as he corrects * him out of an ancient manuscript ) in the life of probus , where 't is oppos'd to verona , benacum , and other regions of italy ; and that this was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the region of the romans , spoken of by ignatius in the front of his epistle to that church . what these four regions were , mention'd in the law of constantine , is not agreed by those that have searcht furthest into this matter . gothofred * makes them to have been tuscia suburbicaria ( another part of it being call'd annonaria ) picenum suburbicarium ( to distinguish it from the annonarium ) and of these there is no doubt : the other two he makes to be latium vetus , and latium novum , lying south of rome , and extending as far as sinuessa upon the river safo , which divided beween latium and campania . salmasius * will have the latium vetus and novum to have been but one and the same , and which was afterwards call'd campania latina , and to fill up the number , substitutes the province of valeria , so call'd from the valerian way , that lay through it . another french lawyer , * who takes upon him in less than half a sheet of paper ( which he publisht on purpose ) to state the controversie , will have five of the eleven regions ( into which pliny tells us augustus the emperour divided italy ) to belong to this , viz. the first , fourth , fifth , sixth and seventh , as those that lay next the city , and were bounded with the rivers tifernus and silarus on the east , and marca and constantinum on the west . but herein he offers no other evidence than his own conjecture . sirmondus * ( and others after him ) extends the number of the suburbicary countries to ten , which he makes the same with the ten provinces , that were under the vicarius urbicus , and to have thence taken their denomination . but there are two things amongst many others that lye strongly in prejudice of that opinion , and with me turn the scales . first , that some of these ten provinces , especially the three islands of sicily , sardinia and corsica lay too remote to come under the notion of suburbicary regions : for urbicarium , and suburbicarium , suburbanum , and suburbicum all importing the same thing ( as the learned jerom aleander * readily grants ) must necessarily imply their lying within some tolerable neighbourhood to the city . secondly , that sicily , one of the ten provinces belonging to the vicarius urbicus , is most expresly distinguish'd * from the urbicary regions , and as equally as 't is from italy , strictly so call'd , that is , the seven provinces that constituted the italick diocess . a case so clear , that sirmond * though he endeavours to say something to it , yet 't is so thin and trifling , that it rather shews he had a good mind to answer it , than that his answer would ever hold water . others * are willing to suggest , as if in that law of constantius , illyricum ought to be read instead of sicily : but this is thrown in only as a conjecture , and that too against all reason , illyricum belonging at that time to another jurisdiction . for by the famous distribution * which constantine the great made of the parts and offices of the empire , illyricum was under a praetorian prefect of its own , and so i suppose continued all the time of constantius ( in the latter part of whose reign this law was made ) though afterwards a great part of it was laid to the command of the praetorian prefect of italy . but morinus * like a young and daring champion that was resolv'd to do the work , is for quite dashing it out of the body of the law , as a word contrary to the usage of that time . all which shuffling artifices are a shrew'd sign it was a bad cause they had to manage . in short , though men of learning may by tricks and subtilty intangle and perplex an argument ( as they have done in this controversie ) yet two things are plain beyond all just exception . first , that the jurisdiction of the city-praefect reacht an hundred miles about rome . secondly , that the urbicary and suburbicary regions lay chiefly , and in all likelyhood , intirely within that compass , and deriv'd that title from their vicinity to the city , and their immediate dependance upon the government of its provost . and i cannot but a little wonder that sirmond , who more than once grants * the praefect of rome to have had jurisdiction within an hundred miles , should yet as often deny * , that he had any provinces under his government , as if there had been no provinces within that compass , when they are expresly call'd the suburbanae provinciae in the theodosian code * , and the ordinary judges in those parts commanded to return all greater causes to the tribunal of the city-praefect , and this in contradistinction to the course of other provinces , which were to be accountable to the praetorian praefect . iv. having thus found out the jurisdiction of the roman praefect , it should one would think be no hard matter to discover that of the bishop of rome , there being so known a correspondence between the civil and ecclesiastical government of those days . and though this did not always , nor universally take place ( and how should it , when time , and the will of princes made such alterations in the bounds of places and provinces ? ) yet did it generally obtain . a thing introduc'd at first for greater conveniency , founded upon long custome , and settled by several laws and canons of the church , insomuch that if a change or alteration had been , or should hereafter be made by imperial authority in any city , that then the order of episcopal sees should follow the civil and political forms , as is expresly provided by two general councils , the one of chalcedon * , the other of constantinople * . nor can any reason be given , why the bishop of alexandria should exercise a pastoral authority over three such large provinces , as egypt , libya and pentapolis , but only because they were under the civil government of the praefectus augustalis , the imperial vice-roy , who kept his residence in that city . the jurisdiction then of the bishop of rome being of equal circumference with that of the roman provost , must extend to all the city-provinces , that lay within an hundred miles round about it . accordingly we find that when great disturbances were made in the church of rome by the manichees , and other hereticks and schismaticks , valentinian the third writes * to faustus praefect of rome to expel them all out of the city ; but especially to proceed against those who separated themselves from the communion of the venerable pope , and whose schism did infect the people ; commanding him , that if upon warning given they should not within twenty days reconcile themselves , he should banish them one hundred miles out of the city ; that so they might be punisht with their self-chosen solitude and separation . the emperour thinking it but just , that they who had voluntarily rejected , should be themselves cast out of the bounds of his jurisdiction , that they who had perverted many in the capital city , should not be left within any part of his diocess to infect the people . and this was done in compliance with the course observ'd in civil cases , where notorious malefactours were so us'd . thus symmachus * the gentile was for his insolence banish'd an hundred miles out of rome . and some ages before that , severus having cashiered the souldiers that murdered the emperour pertinax , banisht * them , and charg'd them at the peril of their heads not to come within an hundred miles of rome , that is , within the limits of the city-praefecture . and more plainly yet , in the case of ursicinus , who had rais'd infinite stirs at rome about the choice of pope damasus , and had set up himself as competitor in that election , for which he had been banish'd into france , valentinian the elder afterwards ( as appears by his rescript * directed to ampelius the city-provost ) gave him and his companions leave to return into italy , provided they came not to rome , nor any place within the suburbicary regions , that is , within the jurisdiction of the roman bishop . but rufinus has put the case beyond all question , who in his short paraphrase ( for for a translation we may be sure he never intended it ) of the sixt nicene canon , tells * us , that according to ancient custome , as he of alexandria had in egypt , so the bishop of rome had the care and charge of the suburbicary churches . the champions of the roman church finding themselves sorely pinch'd with this authority , have no other way to relieve themselves but to throw it quite off their necks , and to fall foul upon rufinus , loading him with all the hard names and characters of reproach , charging him with malice , falshood , ignorance , want of learning , and indeed what not . but the world is not now to be taught that rufinus was a man of parts and learning , witness the reputation which his works had of old , and still have to this day . pope gelasius with his synod of seventy bishops allow'd * them ( the case only of free-will excepted : ) and among the rest his ecclesiastical history , wherein this very nicene canon is extant , and gives him too the title of a religious man into the bargain . so that rufinus his exposition has the popes own approbation on its side . and surely if ever his judgment be infallible , it is , when he has his council about him to advise and assist him . and though perhaps that gelasian synod , if searcht into , may not be of that authentick credit , as to lay any considerable stress upon it , yet however it stands good against them , that own its authority , and thereby approve its determination . and though it had not given this testimony to rufinus , yet there wants not other evidence that the thing was so . accordingly hincmar of rhemes , speaking of this very book of rufinus whence this passage is taken , assures us * , it was one of those that were receiv'd in the catalogue of the apostolick see. nay , his ecclesiastical history obtain'd such credit , that it was wont solemnly to be appeal'd * to by fathers and councils in some of the most weighty and important cases of the church . v. nor is there any shadow of probability , that he should be mistaken either in the sence of the nicene canon , or in the province of the bishop of rome . he was himself an italian , born not above twenty years after the synod of nice , baptiz'd , and perhaps born at aquileia , a famous city of friuli , ( honoured heretofore with the residence of augustus and some other emperours , and made afterwards a metropolis , and the seat of the praetorian prefect ) and himself a presbyter of that church : he had been frequently conversant at rome , had travell'd over most parts of the christian world , and had convers'd with persons of the greatest note and eminency in every place . in all which respects he could no more mistake the jurisdiction of the see of rome , than we can suppose , that a prebend of york born and bred in the church of england , should be ignorant how far the province of canterbury does extend . nor can there be the least reason to imagine , either that by suburbicary churches rufinus should mean any other , than what lay within those provinces , that were universally known by that title , or that he should dare so openly , and in the face of the world to shut up the bishop of rome within those suburbicary regions , had not his power at the time of the nicene council ( whose canon he must in all reason be suppos'd to explain as things stood at the time of that synod ) been notoriously known to have been confin'd within those limits . but what need we take pains to vindicate the credit of our witness ? he stands not alone in this matter , his testimony being sufficiently justified by concurrent evidence . the ancient version of the nicene canons ( publish'd by sirmond * out of the records of the vatican , and another exactly agreeing with it by mons. justell , from a very ancient manuscript ) the author whereof was perhaps not much later than rufinus , renders it by suburbicaria loca , the suburbicary places ; the three arabick versions , the alexandrian , that of the melchites , and the paraphrase of joseph the egyptian , all express it to the same effect , that he should have power over his countries and provinces , and what ever lay next to him : alex. aristenus , and sim. logotheta , two greek canonists , and a third ancient epitomizer of the canons , mention'd by leo allatius * , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the places and provinces that lay under rome , i. e. the suburbicary countries . nor will it a little contribute to the further clearing of this matter , to observe , that as the civil government of the roman provost is distinguish'd from that of italy in the writings of those times , so is this of the roman prelate : and this distinction very ancient . when paul of samosata bishop of antioch refus'd to give domnus possession of that church , an appeal was made to the emperour aurelian , who referr'd the decision of the case to the bishops of italy and of rome , as eusebius * tells us : and in the title of the letter written by the sardican synod to the church of alexandria , 't is said , * that the bishops assembled from rome and italy , i. e. italy taken in its strict and peculiar notion , as 't is there distingusht from campania , calabria , &c. thence milan as being head of the italick dioces , is in an ecclesiastick sence call'd * the metropolis of italy , and dionysius bishop of that church styl'd * bishop of the metropolis of italy , and sulpitius severus speaking of priscilian and his company coming into italy , says * they address'd themselves to damasus bishop of rome , and ambrose of milan , as bishops that had the greatest authority in those days . and in this respect in the civil sence berterius * truly makes rome to be the metropolis of the suburbicary regions , as milan was of the rest of italy . vi. but it seems no small prejudice to the great men of that church , that so venerable a person as the bishop of rome should be pent up within such narrow limits , much inferiour to many others , especially him of alexandria or antioch . but besides that the eastern dioceses ( as some think ) were generally larger than those of the west , the ecclesiastick provinces ( as we noted before ) were restrain'd to the form of the civil constitution , and were more or fewer , as it happened in the political distribution : wherein if the roman bishop had not so large an extent as some others , yet was it made up in the number , and frequency of episcopal sees , beyond what was in all those times in other places of the like extent . and therefore when the synod at arles in their letter * to pope sylvester , say that he did majores dioeceses tenere ( a passage frequently quoted by the writers of the roman church ) possess greater dioceses ; besides , that the place as salmasius * observes is very corrupt , and affords no currant sence , 't is plain that the word diocess there cannot be understood of patriarchal dioceses ( constantine not having yet made the division of the empire , nor dioceses come up in a civil , much less in an ecclesiastical sence ) and must therefore be meant of single bishopricks , in the modern use of the word , and which was not unusual in those days , as is evident from the code of the african church , and the conference between the catholicks and donatists at carthage , where nothing is more common and obvious than this usage of the word diocess , for a single episcopal see ; the places * are too numerous to be reckon'd up . and thus also . pope leo uses * the word in the case of restitutus an african bishop . vii . and indeed that the bounds of the church of rome for several ages after the nicene council were much narrower than some others , appears from an old greek notitia episcopatuum , wherein the five patriarchates are distinctly reckon'd up , with all the provinces and bishopricks contain'd under them . where under him of rome , are set down no more than six provinces ( whereof the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the province of urbicary rome is the first ) containing not above one hundred and eight episcopal sees . a number far inferiour to the rest , especially the patriarch of constantinople , who had subject to him xxxiii provinces , and in them ccclxxxix bishopricks , besides some others then newly added to him . this notitia had been heretofore publisht by carolus a s. paulo in his geographia sacra , but when he came to that part of it that concerns the diocess of rome , he quite leaps over it , pretending the manuscript copy to be imperfect , and that the words were so corrupted , that scarce any one remain'd entire ; leaving somewhat more than a bare suspicion , that he himself , or some before him had purposely rac'd the manuscript , least the nakedness of the country , the thinness and smallness of the roman diocess in comparison of others , should be discovered . but to their great confusion it has been lately publish'd * intire and perfect out of the oxford library , where the account that we have given is plain and notorious . all which considered , with how little reason and pretence to truth does morinus * appeal to the ecclesiastick notitia's , even such as were made long after the times of constantine , to prove the amplitude of the roman province , as to the jurisdiction of the bishop of rome . but to return , there can be no reason to expect , that the ecclesiastick limits in those days should be longer than those of the state , which were the standard and measure , by which the others were ordinarily regulated . nor is the greatness of any jurisdiction so much to be measured by the largeness of its extent , as by the honor and authority of the place , where 't is exercised ; as that of the lord mayor of london , though reaching no further than the liberties of the city , ( which take not in half the suburbs ) is yet a more honourable authority , than that of a sheriff of the largest county in england . in this regard the bishop of rome had though a shorter cut , a better and more noble jurisdiction , than any other prelate in the world besides ; rome being the seat of majesty and power , the residence of the emperours , the highest court of justice , the place to which all parts paid either homage , or at least respect and veneration , honoured with the title of rome the great , the provost whereof was reckoned next * in honour to the emperour , and upon all occasions went equal in dignity to the praetorian prefect , who yet commanded ten times as many provinces : he had the precedence a of all the great officers of rome , and to him belong'd civilium rerum summa , b the management of all civil affairs . hence the title given to sylvester , is that of bishop of the imperial city c and the council of chalcedon tells us , that the fathers therefore gave a prerogative to the see of rome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because that was the governing and imperial city ; and constantius the emperour though he had already condemn'd and depos'd athanasius , did yet to put the better colour upon it , desires to have it ratified by the authority enjoy'd by the bishops of the eternal city , as the heathen historian * has remark'd . and thus much may serve for the metropolitical bounds of the roman prelate . chap. iv. an enquiry into the rise and original of patriarchs in the christian church . an enquiry into the rise and original of patriarchs in general . none before the council of nice . what that council contributed to them . civil dioceses when , and by whom introduc'd . these gave start to primary metropolitans . dioceses , when first brought into the church . the title of patriarch borrowed from the jews . who their patriarchs , and whence descended . exarchs what . the word patriarch when first us'd by church-writers in a strict and proper sence . the patriarchs among the montanists , who . a short survey of the four great patriarchates . the extent of the patriarchate of alexandria . the dioecesis aegyptiaca , what . the patriarchal jurisdiction in what sence larger than that of the augustal prefect . little gain'd to this patriarchate more than a title of honour . the patriarchate of antioch commensurate to the eastern diocess . the contest about cyprus how determin'd ? palestine for some time under antioch . the patriarchship of constantinople . by what degrees it rose . what priviledge conferr'd upon it by the second general council . the bishops henceforwards exercising a kind of patriarchal power over the churches of the neighbouring provinces . the power granted to that see by the council of chalcedon . it 's ninth , seventeenth and eight and twentyeth canons considered to that purpose . jurisdiction over the three dioceses of asiana , pontica , and thrace . this settled upon a full debate and discussion of the matter . this power own'd by the synod to have been exercised of a long time before . this grant urg'd against the universal supremacy of the see of rome . the extent of the constantinopolitan patriarchate in after times manifested from several ancient notitiae . the patriarchate of jerusalem . the honour confirm'd to this church by the nicene council . it s subjection to the see of caesarea . when first attempting a metropolitical power . the contest between this bishop , and the bishop of antioch how determin'd in the council of chalcedon . when first styl'd patriarch . the extent of this patriarchate . i. proceed we in the second place to consider him as a patriarch , the highest degree of ecclesiastick government which the church ever owned . and in order to the better clearing the whole matter , it will be of some advantage , and perhaps not unpleasant to the reader , to enquire briefly into the rise and original of patriarchs in general , and then survey each particular patriarchate . the rise of patriarchs is but obscurely delivered in the records of the church , the thing not being particularly and by name taken notice of , 'till like a river that has run a great way , and gathered many tributary rivulets , it had swell'd it self into a considerable stream . that there were none at the time of the nicene council we shew'd before , the chief church-governours then being the metropolitans , some of which soon after set up for more room , and began to enlarge the bounds of their jurisdiction . and two things there were greatly contributed to that attempt . first , the mighty reputation which the synod of nice had given to metropolitans , and especially to the particular sees of rome , alexandria and antioch . this inspir'd them with an ambitious affectation of extending their superiority and jurisdiction , and prepar'd the way among their brethren , for the easier reception of it . socrates observ'd , * that long before his time ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which must reach as far as the council of nice at least ) the bishop of rome ( as he also of alexandria ) had gone beyond the bounds of his place , and had aspir'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to a power and dominion over his brethren . a remark so very clear and plain ( especially as to the bishop of rome ) that nothing is more obvious in the whole history of the church . the synod of nice was beholden by all with a just regard and veneration , and its decrees receiv'd as oracles from heaven , and the christian world finding what particular care it had taken of those three great sees , were the more ready to submit and strike sail to their usurpations . hence the following popes , but especially leo the first , do upon all occasions magnifie the nicene canons , and amplify their meaning beyond what was at first intended by them . secondly , the late division of the empire , and the alteration of it from that form , whereinto it had been cast , first by augustus , and afterwards by the emperour hadrian , new modell'd by constantine the great much about the time of the nicene council , gave a singular advantage and opportunity to promote and further this design . ii. for constantine introduc't four praetorian praefectures , each praefecture containing several dioceses ( xiii . in all ) and each diocess comprehending several provinces , the vicar or civil lieutenant residing in the metropolis of every diocess , and presiding over all the provinces within that division . and how easie was it , the world being so prepar'd and dispos'd , and the church so readily embraceing the forms of the civil state , for the chief metropolitan of every diocess to set up for himself . the dignity of the city where he resided , and the resort of people thither for the dispatch of business made him at first be esteem'd and honored as the first bishop of the diocess , and this in a little time brought on the priviledge of ordaining the metropolitans of the several provinces , and to be intrusted with almost the same powers over metropolitans , which they had over provincial bishops . and no doubt it made persons more willing to comply with such a model , that haveing frequent occasion of repairing to the metropolis , ( as is intimated in the ninth canon of antioch ) they might with the greater conveniency dispatch their civil and ecclesiastical affairs both at once . it serv'd not a little to help on this business , that the second general council gave the bishop of constantinople the next place of honour to him of rome upon the account of its being the imperial city ; which gave no small encouragement to the bishops of all diocesan metropoles to attempt the extending their superiority equal to that of the imperial governour that kept his residence in that city . but that which puts the case past dispute is ▪ that that council took in the form of civil dioceses into the church , at least , approv'd what was already taken in : for so they provide * that bishops should not go beyond the diocess to meddle in churches that were without their bounds . socrates * giving an account of this canon , says expresly , that the fathers of the synod having made division of the provinces , constituted patriarchs . and though perhaps by patriarchs socrates means no more than those pro tempore commissioners who were within such and such places appointed to judge who should be received to catholick communion ( as we have elsewhere * observ'd ) yet very plain it is , that the council there intends diocess properly , and in an ecclesiastick sence , and therefore opposes it to province , ordaining that bishops should not ordinarily go out of the diocess to celebrate ordinations , or any other church-offices ; and that the canon concerning dioceses being observ'd , the synod in every province should manage the affairs of it according to the nicene constitution . and in the sixt canon they speak yet more expresly , that if any take upon him to accuse a bishop , he shall first exhibit and prosecute his charge before the provincial synod ; and in case they cannot end it , that then the accusers shall apply themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the greater synod of the bishops of that diocess , who shall be assembled for that purpose . and if any slighting the bishops of the diocess , shall sue to the emperour , or the secular tribunals , or to a general council , he shall not in any wise be admitted to exhibit an accusation , but be rejected as a violator of the canons , and a disturber of ecclesiastick order . and to name no more in a case so evident , pope innocent * in a letter written about the year ccccviii . says of the church of antioch , that its authority reacht not over a single province , but over a diocess ; though withal he falsly makes it to have been so settled by the synod of nice . nay long before all this we meet with ecclesiastick dioceses in this sence . for by a law * of the emperour gratian bearing date may the xvii . ann. ccclxxvi . it is provided , that the same customs that were in use in civil judicatures , should obtain in church matters , and the final decision and determination of ecclesiastick causes should be made in their proper places , and by the synod of every diocess . and this course the emperour insinuates , as that which was not then first introduc't . iii. from all this it appears that according to the political constitution , diocesan or , as 't was after call'd patriarchal , jurisdiction was brought into the church , and that accordingly the bishops of some of those cities , who had hitherto been but metropolitans , advanc't into the title and dignity of primates ( which was the word that generally obtain'd in the western parts , the word patriarch being late , and little us'd in the western church ) extending their superintendency commensurate to the jurisdiction of the vicar of the diocess . and because some of these metropoles were cities of far greater eminency and account than others , as rome , alexandria , &c therefore the bishops of them were ( in the east especially ) honoured with the title of patriarchs , differing at first from other primates not so much in power , as in dignity and honour , they were diversorum nominum , sed ejusdem officii , as gratian * notes . that this title of patriarch was borrowed from the jews , there can be no doubt . upon the final destruction of their church and state , they were dispers'd into several countries , especially in the eastern parts , where not being capable of continuing their levitical polity , exactly according to the mosaick institution , they constituted some persons to exercise the chief authority among that people , who kept their residence in some of the greater cities , as at babylon , alexandria , tiberias , and afterwards probably at jerusalem . the persons thus made choice of , are thought to have been of the tribe of judah , and more particularly to have descended from the line of david . epiphanius * seems to make them ( at least them of tiberias ) to have been the posterity of gamaliel , the great councellour spoken of in the acts. but theodorit * has a more peculiar fancy , that they were the descendants of herod the great , who was by his fathers side an ascalonite , by his mothers an ●dumaean . but however descended , they were entrusted with the chief power and government over the jews within their particular jurisdictions . these are they who so often calld 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the heads of the exiles , and otherwhiles princes , and frequently patriarchs ( though besides these supream , it seems probable from some of the imperial laws , that they had an inferiour sort of patriarchs , who were but just superiour to their presbyters , or elders ) of these jewish patriarchs there is frequent mention both in jewish a , and christian b writers , and especially in the theodosian c code : whence also 't is evident that this office and title ceas'd , or rather was abolisht by the imperial authority not long before the year d ccccxxix . in the time of the younger theodosius . but though it be plain whence this title was deriv'd , yet when it first sprung up in the christian church , it is hard to say . in the canons * of the chalcedon council he is call'd exarch of the diocess , and any bishop or clergy-man that has a controversie with his own metropolitan , is allow'd to appeal to him ( the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indifferently notes any chief person in place or power , and the sence or it is to be determin'd according to the circumstances of the case : thus the canons mention both exarch * of the province , and exarch of the diocess , the first denoting a metropolitan , the second a patriarch ) but in the acts * of that council we are told of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most holy patriarchs of every diocess ; and in the several libels * exhibited against dioscurus , pope leo is intitled patriarch of great rome . and that this title was not then newly taken up we are assured from the letters * of theodosius and his empress placidia , about calling the third general council , holden at ephesus ann. ccccxxxi . in both which leo is styl'd the most reverend patriarch . this is the first time that i remember to have met with a patriarch strictly so call'd , unless we will understand the passage of socrates i mention'd concerning patriarchs in a proper sence . iv. indeed the montanists or cataphrygians , who started up under the reign of the emperour antoninus , had their patriarchs . they had three orders * of church-officers , patriarchs , cenones and bishops . but besides that they were an odd and absurd sect , whom the catholick church alwas disown'd , 't is not easie to guess what they meant by patriarchs , whom they plainly make distinct from bishops . they were it seems their prime ecclesiastick governours , the chief whereof resided probably at pepuza in phrygia , which they fantastically call'd * jerusalem , affirming it to be the new jerusalem , that came down out of heaven , and this 't is like in imitation of the jewish high-priest ; for from the judaical constitution they borrowed many of their devices , and perhaps might borrow the very name as well as thing from them , the prime church-officer among the jews after the destruction of the temple , and the abrogation of that polity , being styl'd patriarch , as we noted before . but it may be doubted , whether the montanists had those three orders from the beginning of their sect , it being taken notice of by none elder than s. jerome , nor that i know of , mention'd by any other ancient writer after him . however 't is certain , that in the common use of the word , it occurrs not till the time of pope leo , and the ephesine and chalcedon councils . after that the title became fixt , and nothing more common than the word patriarch , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 patriarchal sees in the writings of the church . what and how many these particular sees were , we are told by the sixt council in trullo * , where they are particularly enumerated , and their order and precedency adjusted in this manner , rome , constantinople , alexandria , antioch , jerusalem . from hence then we descend to survey these particular patriarchates ; not designing to meddle with secondary and later patriarchates , such as that of aquileia , grado , russia , the patriarchs of the maronites , jacobites , armenians , the catholick or patriarch of bagdad or mauzel and the like . our business now is with the five ancient , and eminent patriarchships , and though first in order , we shall reserve that of rome to be treated of in the last place , intending to discourse more fully concerning it . v. we begin with the patriarch of alexandria ( for i shall take them in order , as i conceive they grew up in time ) who seems to have gain'd little by his new patriarchship besides the honour of the title , whether we consider him in point of precedency , in point of power , or in the extent of his jurisdiction ; nay in some respects he was a loser rather than a gainer by it . in point of precedency , he was before the second metropolitan in the whole christian world , whereas now he was thrust down into the third place . in point of power he was before this change sole metropolitan of those parts , and the ordination of his suffragan bishops intirely belong'd to him , or depended upon his consent and confirmation , which now according to the constitution of church-policy must be devolv'd upon the several metropolitans under him : nor was he much advanc't in the extent of his jurisdiction . 't is true the dioecesis aegyptiaca consisted of six large provinces , all under the government of the augustal praefect , who constantly resided at alexandria ( and consequently in spirituals belong'd to the patriarch of that place : ) these in the notitia imperii * we find thus reckon'd up ; libya superior , libya inferior , thebais , aegyptus , arcadia , augustanica . whereas in the nicene canon the alexandrian metropolitanship is said to extend but over three , egypt , libya and pentapolis . but when it is considered , that thebais , arcadia and augustanica , were of old parts of , and lay hid under the more general name of egypt , and that pentapolis was the same with the upper libya , the account will be much the same . we find in the council of nice * that the bishop of alexandria was appointed to give an account of those synodal transactions to the churches throughout all egypt , libya and pentapolis , and the neighbouring countries as far as the provinces of india . where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or whole egypt ( in opposition to the other two which were but single provinces ) takes in egypt strictly so call'd , thebais , arcadia and augustanica ; and by the neighboring regions that lay as far as india , are doubtless meant the frontier countries that bordered upon the roman provinces , and were perhaps confederate with the empire , and wherein 't is like the bishops of alexandria had propagated christianity ( as we know athanasius did in india ) whose churches therefore own'd a dependance upon the see of alexandria . and in this respect i grant the bishop had somewhat a larger jurisdiction than the augustal praefect , tho otherwise they were the same . upon the erection of this see into a patriarchate , several metropolitans start up : ten of the metropolitans of his diocess , the emperour theodosius * commanded dioscorus to bring along with him to the council of ephesus . how many more he had is not certain . nilus doxopatrius in his notitia * says there were thirteen ; the old greek notitia we mention'd before a reckons ten provinces , and in them ninety nine bishopricks , which surely argues that a miserable desolation had laid waste those countries , and reduc't the number of episcopal sees . seeing before the time of the nicene council there met in synod near an hundred * bishops out of egypt and libya , whom alexander had summon'd to the condemnation of arius . and that so many there were , athanasius expresly * tells us more than once . and how greatly bishopricks were multiplied afterwards , the reader who is vers'd in these matters needs not be told . vi. the see of antioch always took place next that of alexandria , being ever accounted the prime city of the east . like the rest it arose by degrees into a patriarchate , first getting an honourary , then an authoritative superiority over that diocess . during the session of the second general council , the bishops not only of that province , but of the eastern diocess met together to ordain flavianus bishop of antioch , whose act herein was ratified by the vote of that council , as the remaining part of the synod , meeting again the next year , tell * pope damasus in their letter to him . about this time , or rather sometime before , i guess the bishop of antioch had set up for a patriarchal power , and had begun to enlarge his jurisdiction from a province to a diocess . now the eastern diocess * under the care of the comes orientis contain'd fifteen provinces , the three palestine's , phoenice , syria , cyprus , phoenice libani , euphratensis , syria salutaris , osrhoëna , mesopotamia , cilicia secunda , isauria and arabia ; cyprus indeed stood out , and would not submit to the see of antioch , and though the bishop stickled hard to bring them under , yet the cyprian bishops stoutly maintain'd their ancient rights . the case was canvass'd and debated at large in the council of ephesus * , and upon hearing the whole matter , the council adjudg'd it for the cyprian churches , that they should still enjoy their ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their liberties independent upon the see of antioch , and pass'd a particular canon in favour of them . and so they continued for many ages : and therefore in the old notitia * cyprus is not plac'd under any of the patriarchates , but is noted to be a province 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having jurisdiction within it self . but the rest of the provinces for any thing that appears , submitted , and the bishop of jerusalem with his metropolitan of caesarea , were both for some time under the see of antioch . and this renders s. jerom's meaning plain enough in that known passage * , when he tells john bishop of jerusalem , who in the controversie between him and epiphanius had appeal'd to theophilus of alexandria , that if he would have appeal'd , it should have been either to him of caesarea , who was his metropolitan , or to the bishop of antioch as metropolitan of the whole east , that is , of the eastern diocess . but when he says , this course was settled by the synod of nice , 't is plain 't was his mistake . and indeed his own ni fallor shews he was not very confident and peremptory in the case . the account of this patriarchate , as delivered by * nilus doxopatrius ( with whom in the main concurr many other ancient notitiae * ) stands thus . immediately subject to the patriarch were viii . metropolitans , who had no suffragan bishops under them , and viii . or as others reckon , xii . arch-bishopricks : besides which he had xiii . metropolitick sees ; tyre containing under it xiii . bishopricks ; tarsus vi ; edessa xi . or as others x ; apamea vii ; hierapolis xi , the latine notitiae reckon but viii ; bostra xix , or xx ; azarbus ix . seleucia in isauria xxiv ; damascus xi ; amida viii , or as the latins vii ; sergiopolis v , but by some one less ; daras x , the latin notitiae call it theodosiopolis , and allow but vii . episcopal sees ; and lastly emesa containing vi. this was the state of that once venerable patriarchate . vii . the next that succeeds is the patriarchate of constantinople , which though starting later in time , soon got beyond the other two . the bishop of byzantium or constantinople had for several ages been only a private bishop , subject to the metropolitan of heraclea , which anciently had the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as procopius * tells us ) the primacy of all the cities of that country ; in acknowledgment of which subjection the bishops of heraclea had ever the priviledge to ordain the patriarch of constantinople . but no sooner was that city made the seat of the empire , but great things were spoken of it , 't was styl'd the governing city , the metropolis of the whole world a , a great city ( says nazianzen b in one of his sermons to the people of that place ) and the very next to rome , nay not at all yielding the primacy to it , it being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first and chiefest city of the empire . and now the bishop of constantinople began to appear considerable in the world , and both church and state conspir'd to render him great and powerful . the fathers of the second general council holden in that city , considering that constantinople was new rome , conferr'd * upon him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the priviledge of honour and respect next to the bishop of rome . this at one lift set him over the heads of the bishops of alexandria and antioch . accordingly in the preceding canon of that council , and in a law * of theodosius conforme thereto concerning the bounds of dioceses , and catholick communion , he is set before both the bishops of those sees ; and if the subscriptions to this synod be of any credit , we find nectarius subscribing first to the decrees of the council . and when the acts of the clancular synod at ephesus were read in the chalcedon council * , and it was found that the bishop of constantinople was therein put in the fifth place , the bishops presently rais'd a clamour , why had he not his proper place , why was he thrust down into the fifth place ; whereupon paschasinus the popes legate declar'd that he held anatolius of constantinople in the first place : which diogenes of cyzicum affirm'd was according to the constitutions of the fathers . but to return to what we were upon . though this canon of constantinople gave the bishop no direct power , yet it gave him so mighty a value and reputation , that he wanted not opportunities enough to carve for himself . he was soon courted on all hands , his mediation requested , and his interposal desired for the ending differences , and where provincial bishops could not agree about the election of their metropolitans , the case was very often referr'd to him , and he perform'd the ordination . this in time begat a right , at least a claim , over the churches in those countries that lay next him , especially the dioceses of asiana , pontica and thrace , in which 't is plain he exercised a patriarchal power . thus to omit other instances , s. chrysostom synodically heard the cause of antoninus bishop of ephesus ( the metropolis of the asian diocess ) and afterwards went himself in person thither , where he conven'd a synod of lxx . bishops of those parts , heard the cause over again , gave judgment upon it , and ordain'd a metropolitan in that city . he likewise depos'd gerontius bishop of nicomedia , which lay in the diocess of pontica , and some others , and fill'd up their sees ; whereof we have elsewhere given an account at large . and this very instance we find produc'd and pleaded in the chalcedon synod * to prove the rights of the constantinopolitan see over those churches . i know the validity of these good mans proceedings in this matter is disputed by some , and was of old put among the articles exhibited against him to the synod at the oke . but no doubt can be made , but chrysostom thought he had sufficient authority and right to do it , and would not have attempted it , had it not been warranted by the practise of his predecessors . in the mean time i cannot but smile at the grave fancy of a learned man * , who without the least shadow of any other warrant than his own conjecture , will have chrysostom to have acted herein as the popes legate , and to have done all this by vertue of his absolute and supreme authority . so quick-sighted and acute are men to discern what never was , and so willing to believe , what 't is their interest should be true . viii . but to proceed with our patriarch of constantinople , he held on much at this rate till the general council at chalcedon holden there ann. ccccli . when what he had hitherto holden by custome , canonical authority made his right . by their ninth canon they provide , that if any bishop or clergy-man have a controversie with his own metropolitan , it shall be at his liberty to appeal either to the exarch , that is , primate of the diocess , or to the see of constantinople , where his cause shall be heard . a canon that invested him with a vast power , putting him into a capacity of receiving and determing final appeals from all those parts . the same they again ratify by their seventeenth canon , and by their twenty-eight make a more particular provision for him . first , they profess in general altogether to follow the decrees of the holy fathers , then they recognize the third canon of the second general council ( which was then read before them ) and decree the same priviledges , and upon the same account , as that had done to the church of constantinople . forasmuch ( say they ) as the reason why the fathers conferr'd such priviledges upon the see of old rome , was , that it was the imperial city . and upon the same consideration the bishops of that second general council gave equal priviledges to the see of new rome ; rightly judging ( as the canon goes on ) that the city which was honoured with the empire , and the senate , and enjoy'd equal priviledges with old imperial rome , should also in ecclesiastical matters have the same honour with it , only coming after it in the second place . and because the bishop of constantinople had hitherto had no certain diocess , nor any place wherein to exercise jurisdiction , but what he held precariously , and as it were by courtesie , in the latter part of the canon they fix his bounds , giving him power over the three dioceses of pontica , asiana and thrace , that the metropolitans of all those places , and all the bishops of the barbarous countries belonging to those dioceses , should be bound to come , and receive their ordination from the bishop of constantinople . and now he lookt like bishop of the imperial city , being invested with so ample and extensive a jurisdiction . for the three dioceses of asiana , pontica and thrace were great and large . the first * containing eight provinces ( viz. pamphylia , lydia , caria , lycia , lycaonia , pisidia , phrygia pacatiand , and phrygia salutaris , both which were anciently comprehended under the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or greater phrygia , as it stood oppos'd to the lesser , that lay upon the hellespont : ) the second * eleven ( bithynia , galalatia , paphlagonia , honorias , galatia salutaris , cappadocia prima , cappadocia secunda , hellenopontus , pontus polemoniacus , armenia prima , armenia secunda : ) the third * six ( europa , thracia , haemimontus , rhodopa , maesia secunda , scythia . ) the popes legates were infinitely enrag'd at this canon , and the powers and priviledges hereby given to the see of constantinople , and us'd all possible arts to overthrow it , but all in vain , it pass'd clearly , and was subscrib'd by all the bishops then present in the synod , amounting to a very great number , whose subscriptions are still extant * in the acts of the council . after a full discussion of the whole matter , that no pretence of force or fraud might be objected , as many of the bishops of asiana and pontica as were then in the synod were desir'd to declare whether they had freely submitted to this constitution . who accordingly stood up , and one after another did most solemnly protest that they had voluntarily and unconstrainedly assented to , and subscrib'd the canon , and that nothing was more acceptable to them . and many of them expresly declar'd they did it for this reason , because not only themselves , but their predecessors had been ordain'd by the bishops of constantinople , and that the see of constantinople had these rights 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from canons and precedent customs . so that it 's more than probable that the bishop of constantinople had exercised this power within those dioceses almost ever since the time of , and by virtue of the third canon of the second general council . and 't is observable what eusebius bishop of dorylaeum , a city of the greater phrygia , tells the synod upon this occasion , that he had been at rome , and there in the presence of the clergy of constantinople that were with him had read the canon ( i suppose he means that of the second general council ) to the pope , who approv'd and received it , ( which i the rather take notice of because not only modern writers , but gregory the great * so confidently affirms , that the church of rome neither had copies , nor did admit the acts and canons of that council . ) and whereas eusebius of ancyra scrupled to subscribe , yet he confest , that he himself had been ordain'd by the bishop of constantinople , that he had ever declin'd ordaining provincial bishops , and had done it only by direction of the bishop of constantinople . and after thalassius of caesarea in cappadocia told the synod , that they were of arch-bishop anatolius his side , and did decree the same thing . the judges hereupon having weighed all that had past , declar'd , that in the first place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that precedency and singular honour should according to the canons be paid to the arch-bishop of old rome ; and that withal the arch-bishop of the imperial city of constantinople , being new rome , ought to enjoy the same priviledges of honour , and to have besides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , power of himself , and by his own authority to ordain the metropolitans within the dioceses of asiana , pontica and thrace ; the election being first duly made within every province , and that then it shall be at the choice of the arch-bishop of constantinople , whether the metropolitan elect shall come to him for his consecration , or whether by his permission it shall be done at home by the provincial bishops ; and that this shall no ways prejudice the rights of metropolitans and provincial bishops in ordaining private and particular bishops , wherein the arch-bishop of constantinople shall not interpose . whereupon all with one voice cried out , 't was a righteous sentence , that they were all of that mind , that this just judgment pleas'd them all , that the things that had been establisht should take place , and that every thing had been done decently and in order . in conclusion , they wrote a synodical letter * to pope leo , acquainting him with what had past , and upon what grounds they had done it , and desiring his concurrence in it . and we may observe they tell him , that in settling this power upon the see of constantinople , they did but confirm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the custome which that church had of a long time obtained over those three dioceses . which puts it past all peradventure what we noted before , that from the very time of the second general council , the constantinopolitan bishops had exercised a kind of patriarchal jurisdiction over those churches , though never till now settled by canon . ix . and now let the reader impartially reflect upon the whole affair , and when he has considered what this wise and great council expresly affirm , that the priviledges which the fathers gave to the see of rome were meerly upon the account of its being the imperial city , and that for the very same reason they gave equal priviledges to the see of constantinople , only reserving a honourary precedence to him of rome ; let him tell me , whether it can be suppos'd , they could or would have said and done this , had they known , or but so much as dream't of any supream authority , which christ had immediately given the bishops of rome over the whole church of god. nor was this the only council that thus honoured the constantinopolitan see ; somewhat more than two ages after met the sixt general council in the trullus , or great arch'd-hall or secretarium of the pallace , who confirm'd * what both the former councils , that of constantinople , and the other of chalcedon , had done in this matter , and assigned each patriarch his proper place . x. what additions , or alterations after ages made in the see of constantinople , the reader may perceive somewhat by perusing the following accounts . in the greek notitia publisht * not long since out of the bodleian library , compos'd in the reign of the emperour leo the wise , about the year dcccxci . this patriarchate had under it xxxiii . metropolitans , who had under them ccclxxv . episcopal sees , besides xli . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or independent arch-bishopricks , subject to no metropolitan . leunclavius * presents us with another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or disposition of the churches of this patriarchate made by this same emperour , wherein are set down lxxxi . metropolitans , containing under them dlxxiv . suffragan sees , and xxxix . arch-bishopricks . but surely this list is either greatly interpolated , or must be of a later date than it pretends to , being so different from the other both in the number , and the names of places , and not very consistent with it self . for whereas it reckons up lxxxi . yet when it comes to set down each metropolitan with his particular suffragans , it gives but an account of lvii . of the number . but however this be , within an age or two after , partly by the addition of new provinces , partly by erecting new metropoles , it was enlarg'd for in the notitia , or discourse concerning the five patriarchal sees written by nilus doxopatrius the archimandrite , ann. mxliii . the account stands thus . * metropolitans lxv . under the bishopricks dcxl. arch-bishopricks without suffragans , and immediately subject to the patriarch xxxiv . ann. mcclxxxiii . andronicus palaeologus entred upon the empire : he publisht an order * according to which the metropolitans were to take place , wherein they are reckon'd up to the number of an hundred and nine . and in another , agreed upon by the emperour and the patriarch , put out by leunclavius * , but without any date either of time or persons , are mention'd lxxx . metropolitical sees , archiepiscopal xxxix . and thus much for the patriarchship of constantinople . xi . the fourth that remains is the patriarchate of jerusalem , the last in time , and least in circuit . for several ages the bishop of jerusalem was no more than a private prelate , subject to the metropolitan of caesarea . for so the notitia publisht by william archbishop of tyre informs * us , that according to ancient tradition , and records of good authority in those parts , the church of jerusalem had no bishop under it , nor enjoy'd any , or very little prerogative till the reign of justinian , and the times of the fifth general council ; though always out of reverence to the place , custom and ancient tradition ( as the fathers of nice inform * us ) had allow'd him a peculiar honour , and therefore those fathers decree him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the consequence of honour , that is , that he should have respect and precedence before all the bishops of that province next to his own metropolitan . and indeed whatever they of the church of rome may talk of the merit of s. peter , as the foundation of the supereminent authority of that church , surely if any church might have pleaded merit , one might have thought it should have been that of jerusalem , which for so many ages had been the metropolis of the jewish nation , the seat of their kings , adorn'd with a most magnificent temple , and all the solemnities of divine worship ; the place where our blessed saviour spent the greatest part of his publick ministry , where he preacht so many sermons , wrought so many miracles , where he suffered , died , and rose again , and whence he ascended into heaven , where the apostolical colledge was kept for some years , and all affairs of the church transacted there ; where s. james the brother of our lord was made ( and that say some of the ancients by our lords own hands ) the first christian bishop of that see ; the place where the first church was planted , and from whence christianity was propagated into all other parts of the world. this was the true mother church , and if merit might have challeng'd primacy and power , it had more to say for it self , than all other churches in the world besides . but caesarea happening to be the metropolis of that province , and the seat of the roman governour , carried away the superiority , and so jerusalem though it had an honourary respect , continued a private see , subject to the metropolitan of caesarea , as he for some time was to the patriarch of antioch . but after that the empire was become christian , and that constantine the great , and his mother helena , and some following emperours began to reflect some peculiar favours upon that place , and had grac'd it with stately and magnificent buildings , and other marks of honour ; and after that the devotion of christians began to pay an extraordinary respect to the places of our lords crucifixion , sepulchre , and resurrection , the bishops of that church lookt upon themselves as hardly dealt with to be coop'd up within so narrow a compass , and to be subjected to another jurisdiction , and therefore resolv'd to throw off the yoke , and to get what power they could into their own hands . the first that graspt at the metrpolitick rights was s. cyrill , who disputed the case with acacius bishop of caesarea , for which acacius depos'd him , and persecuted him both in the synod at seleucia , and in that which followed at constantinople about the latter end of constantius his reign . what immediately followed in this controversie , is uncertain , the history of the church being silent in that matter . in the council of ephesus , juvenal bishop of jerusalem laid claim to the metropolitical jurisdiction of that province , and sought to have it confirm'd by a decree of that synod . but cyrill of alexandria president of the council , oppos'd and hindred it . after this a high contest arose between him and maximus bishop of antioch , who challeng'd jerusalem and palestine as within his diocess . the case was brought before the chalcedon council * , where it was debated , and at last by compromise between the two contending parties brought to this issue , that the bishop of antioch should retain the two phoenicia's and arabia ( which it seems were also in dispute ) and the see of jerusalem should have the three palaestine provinces for the bounds of his ecclesiastick jurisdiction . this was assented to , and ratified by the decree of the council . and now the bishop of jerusalem had his peculiar diocess , though of no very great extent , allotted him , and the tables were turn'd , and caesarea it self subjected to him , and the fifth and last place among the patriarchs assign'd to him ; as appears from the constitution of the sixth general council . and because jerusalem lay in the borders both of the antiochain , and alexandrian patriarchates , therefore to make up its jurisdiction , we are told * that something was taken out of each , the metropolitick sees of rabba and berytus , from him of alexandria , as caesarea and scythopolis from him of antioch . and that as a badge of his ancient subjection , the metropolitan of caesarea still had the honour * to ordain the patriarch of jerusalem , as upon the fame account he of heraclea had to consecrate the patriarch of constantinople . and in this patriarchal capacity we find the bishop of jerusalem subscribing in all councils , and upon occasions summoning the bishops of his patriarchate . thus ann. dxviii . we find john bishop of jerusalem with his synod of the bishops of the three palaestines sending a letter * to john patriarch of constantinople . and when the council at constantinople under mennas had condemn'd anthimus , severus , and the rest of the acephali ann. dxxxvi . peter patriarch of jerusalem ( as he is all along call'd in the acts * of his council ) summon'd a patriarchal synod of all the bishops of the three palaestine provinces , who confirm'd what had been done in the council at constantinople . and thenceforwards the patriarchate of jerusalem runs smooth and currant through the history of the church . as to what bishops and metropolitans he had under him , the old notitiae * give us this account . the patriarch himself had immediately under him xxv . bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nilus doxopatrius * calls them , independent bishopricks , because subject to no other metropolitan ; besides which he had four metropolitans : the metropolitan of caesarea , who had twenty bishops under him ; he of scythopolis or basan , who had nine ; rabba moabitis , or as doxopatrius has it , petra , who had twelve , and berytus , who had xxxv . which by the authors we have cited are particularly reckon'd up . chap. v. the bounds of the roman patriarchate . a return to the roman patriarchate . the limits hereof not expresly set down by the ancients . unjustly pretended to reach over the whole west . this granted by them of the greek church , and why . the popes patriarchal power disown'd by the churches of milan , aquileia and ravenna . the independency and opposition of those churches to the roman see , severally evinc't by particular cases and instances . the power of metropolitans in france kept up independant from rome . the truth of this consess'd and clear'd by de marca . other instances of preserving their rights against the pretensions of rome ; hincmar of rhemes , and the synod of metz. two other national churches instanc't in : the african , and the britannick churches . the famous case of appeals in the church of africk . a clear account of that matter . their publick rejecting the power which the pope challeng'd over those churches . the letters of the council of carthage to pope boniface , and caelestine to that purpose . several useful and proper corollaries deduc't from this story for the evincing the vain pretensions of the papal power over those churches . the boldness of some in denying the truth of this whole story . the state of the britannick church . the progress of religion and church-government here 'till the times of pope gregory . the church govern'd by an arch-bishop and bishop at austin's arrival . their customs wholly different from , and independant upon rome . their absolute refusal to own the authority of austin or the pope . the slaughter of the bangor-monks suspiciously charg'd upon austin . the popes proper patriarchate most probably shew'd to be of equal extent with the jurisdiction of the vicarius urbicus . what provinces under his government . the roman synod consisting of the bishops of those provinces . a two-fold patriarchate of the pope trifling and precarious . the bishops of rome daily amplyfying their jurisdiction . the means whereby they did this briefly intimated . i. having thus dispatcht the other patriarchs , we return to him of rome , ever allow'd to be the first , and most honourable of the number . what his patriarchal bounds were , the records of the church have not so particularly set out , as they have done the rest . and here the champions of that church when they find themselves prest upon , and that rhe popes universal and apostolical power is a post not to be defended , presently retreat to his patriarchate , which with great confidence they extend over the whole western world , being content with half , when they cannot have all . and to this prodigious latitude some * of them stretch the suburbicary churches , ( as if the whole western empire had been nothing but the suburbs of rome ) and in this sence they tell us rufinus meant the canon of nice , and this upon no wiser reason than ( what is as trifling and precarious as the other ) that the whole west was the special diocess of the bishop of rome . but this looks rather like fancy and romance , than that grave and sober arguing that becomes those great names that use it . omitting therefore this extravagant notion of suburbicary churches , come we to the thing it self . and herein it must be granted , they have the later greeks , zonaras , balsamon , barlaam , nilus , &c. on their side , who very liberally give him all the western provinces , and that too by vertue of the sixth canon of nice . a concession which they make not so much out of any kindness to the church of rome , as partly out of a design to magnifie the power and greatness of their own patriarch of constantinople , who was to share equal priviledges with him of rome ; partly because they were willing to keep the pope within any bounds , whose restless ambition they saw carrying all before it , and therefore car'd not to throw him the west for his portion , for which they had no care or concernment what became of it , being mainly intent upon preserving their jurisdiction at home . and here i cannot but by the way remark the indiscreet and injudicious zeal of a very learned man * , who confidently asserts , that in the expedition of the franks for the recovery of the holy land , god by a peculiar providence let the eastern parts be subdued by the western armies ; that so those famous patriarchal sees might learn to strike sail to the see of rome , and own the greatness and dignity of that church . besides , 't is to be considered , that in this concession the greeks took their measures of things from the state of the church as it was in their time , when the pope had in a manner intirely subdued the western provinces to the see of rome . but in the better and more early ages the case was otherwise . and indeed that the popes patriarchal jurisdiction was far enough from extending over the whole west , there can be no better evidence , than that there was scarce any western church in those days , that did not upon occasion oppose the power , and remonstrate against the usurpations of the see of rome . in italy we need go no further than to those churches that lay next it , i mean the great churches of milan , aquileia , and ravenna . ii. how great milan was , and of how great reputation the bishop of it , so that he stood upon a level with him of rome , we briefly noted before ; it being next rome , the largest , richest , most plentiful , and populous city of the west , as procopius * tells us . s. ambrose his election and ordination to that see was made purely by the provincial bishops , and at the command of the emperour , without the least notice taken of the roman bishop . a case so clear , that de marca * fairly gives up the cause , and confesses that in those times and for some ages after , the pope had nothing to do in the ordination of the metropolitan of milan : nay , that this was the case of all metropolitans out of the popes jurisdiction in italy , where the bishops of every province constantly ordain'd their own metropolitans without any authority ; or so much as consent had from the bishop of rome . but then not being able to shift off the evidence of truth , and yet willing withall to serve his cause , he does in order to that design , distinguish the roman patriarchate into ordinary , over a great part of italy , and extraordinary , over the whole west . a distinction wholly precarious , and which is worse , false . and indeed what kind of patriarchate that must be , that could consist without right of ordaining metropolitans , the first and most inseparable branch of patriarchal power , would have become a person of his , i say not ingenuity , but wisdom and learning to have considered . as for milan , the metropolitick rights of that church , he confesses , continued independant at least till the year dlv. and indeed 't is plain from the epistle * of pope pelagius ; who confesses that the bishops of milan did not use to come to rome , but they and the bishops of aquileia ordain'd each other : and when he was not able to reduce them by other means , he endeavour'd to bring them in by the help of the secular arm , as appears from his letter * to narses the emperours lieutenant to that purpose . and afterwards upon a difference that hapened , milan withdrew it self from the communion of the church of rome for two hundred years * together . and though with others it was brought at last under the common yoke , yet upon every little occasion it reasserted its original liberty . thus when ann. mlix . great disturbances arose in that church * , pope nicolaus the second sent peter damian as his legate to interpose . this made it worse , the common out-cry presently was , that the ambrosian church ought not be subject to the laws of rome , and that the pope had no power of judging , or ordering matters in that see ; that it would be a great indignity , if that church which under their ancestors had been always free , should now to their extream reproach ( which god forbid ) become subject to another church . the clamour increas'd , and the people grew into an higher ferment , the bells are rung , the episcopal pallace beset , the legate threatned with death , who getting into the pulpit , and having in a short speech set forth the pope's and s. peter's power , and wheedled the people with some popular insinuations , reduc'd things to a better order . iii. the church of aquileia was much at the same pass with that of milan , the bishops whereof mutually ordain'd one another , without so much as asking the pope leave . and though pelagius * would insinuate , that this was done only to save the trouble and charge of a journy to rome , yet de marca * honestly confesses the true reason was , that milan being the head of the italick diocess , the ordaining the metropolitan of aquileia belong'd to him as primate ; and the ordaining the primate of milan belong'd to him of aquileia , as being the first metropolitan of the diocess of italy . upon this account , and that of the tria capitula , this church held no correspondence with that of rome for above an hundred years , and when gregory the great having got the emperour on his side , attempted by force and armed violence to bring them to answer their stubbornness at rome , the bishop of aquileia with his provincial synod met , and wrote an humble remonstrance * to the emperour mauricius , wherein they set forth the true state of their case , and the unjust and violent proceedings of the pope , and plainly tell him that they had at the time of their ordination given caution in writing to their metropolitan , which they never had , nor would violate , and that unless his majesty was pleas'd to remove this compulsion , their successours would not be suffered to come to aquileia for ordination , but would be forc't to fly to the arch-bishops of france , as being next at hand , and receive it there . the emperour was satisfied with their addresses , and wrote * to the pope ( baronius calls them imperious letters , written more tyrannico , like a tyrant ) commanding him to surcease the prosecution , and to create those bishops no farther trouble , 'till the affairs of italy were quieted , and things might more calmly be enquired into . baronius is strangely angry at this letter , even to the heighth of rudeness and passion , especially towards so good an emperour , that he should take upon him arroganti fastu , with so much pride and arrogancy not to beseech , but to command the pope , which he again says was done not like an emperour , but a tyrant . but the istrian and ligurian bishops , little regarded how it thundred at rome . nay , to make the ballance hang more even , they had some time since advanc't their metropolitan to the title and honour of a patriarch , which baronius * himself grants was done while paulinus was metropolitan of aquileia about the year dlxx. an honour a long time resident at aquileia , then translated to grado , and at last fixt at venice . though withal aquileia having recovered its broken fortunes , resum'd the style and dignity of a patriarch , an honour which it retains to this day . iv. let us next view the church of ravenna , and see whether that was any more conformable to rome than the rest . ravenna had for some time , especially from the days of honorius , been the seat of the roman emperours ; and in the declining times of the empire , the exarchs of italy , who govern'd in chief under the emperour , constantly resided there , while rome was under the command of a petty duke : swell'd with so much honour and advantage , the bishops of ravenna for some ages disputed place with them of rome , the exarchs taking all occasions to curb and repress the pope . ann. dcxlix . maurus , sometimes steward of that church * , entred upon the archiepiscopal see of ravenna . a man as my author grants , wise , and of a shrew'd sharp wit. he without taking any notice of rome , was consecrated by three bishops of his own province , ordain'd his own provincial bishops , and was so far from seeking any confirmation from the pope , that he received his pall from the emperour . this gave infinite distaste to pope martin , and 't is like to his successour eugenius , who sat but one year . but pope vitalian who succeeded , would not so put it up , but summons maurus to appear , and answer his contempt at rome , but he slighted the summons , for which the pope excommunicated him , and he in requital did the like to the pope , nay upon his death-bed oblig'd his clergy never to submit themselves to the bishop of rome . reparatus his successour trod in the same steps , and procur'd the emperours rescript to free that church from any subjection to the roman see. ann. dccviii . * felix of ravenna was content to receive his ordination at the hands of the pope , but when he came thither , an oath of allegiance and fidelity was required of him to the see of rome . this he utterly denied , a confession of his faith he offered , but homage he would not pay , nor engage to send money to rome . nor more he did , but home he goes , where his people gave him little thanks for what he had done , and both agreed to defend their liberty ; but it cost the old man dear , and them too for that attempt . for justinian rhinotmetes the emperour ( who favoured the pope ) being made acquainted with what was done at ravenna ; a fleet is sent under the command of theodorus patricius , the city besieg'd , and taken , several of prime quality lost their lives and fortunes , and the poor arch-bishop had his eyes put out , and was banisht into pontus , where he remain'd , 'till the severity of discipline had taught him better manners . the same courage in asserting the priviledges of their church against the papal encroachments was afterwards shewn by john , and guibert successors in that see , as were it necessary , might be particularly related . but the case is too evident to be denied , and the argument thence too strong to be evaded , how little those times understood of any patriarchal jurisdiction which the pope had over all italy , much less over the whole west . v. if we look into france , we shall find them careful to secure the rights of metropolitans , and the priviledges of provincial bishops , without being oblig'd to fetch them from rome . the second council of arles ann. cccclii . decree * , that no bishop shall be ordain'd without his own metropolitan , and three of the provincial bishops , the rest testifying their consent by letter . the second of orleans holden ann. dxxxiii . renew * the ancient form and manner of ordaining metropolitans , that it shall be done by the bishops of the province , which shews how little they depended upon any foreign power in this matter . but it 's needless to insist upon this point , which the learned de marca * has so fully cleared and vindicated , as a fundamental part of the liberties of the gallican church , and has deduc't it through the several ages and dynasties of their kings . i shall only remark , that when hincmar arch-bishop of remes had depos'd rothald bishop of suessons for great misdemeanours , rothald appeal'd to rome , and pope nicolaus espous'd his cause , wrote sharply to hincmar , and cited him to appear , and answer what he had done at rome . but hincmar would not stir , but publisht a large apologetick * to the pope , wherein he justifies his act , and though he gives good words , and great deference to the see apostolick , yet stoutly contends , that he ought to be content with a general care and inspection , and not interrupt the ordinary rights of metropolitans , and that 't was infinitely reasonable , that the criminal should be referr'd to the judgment of his own province . two years before this , viz. ann. dccclxiii . a french synod met at metz * about the marriage of king lotharius , wherein they determin'd contrary to the liking of the papal legates . however they sent letters with the reasons of their proceedings by guntharius arch-bishop of colen , and theatgaud of triers to pope nicolaus . the pope upon their arrival call'd a synod , wherein he excommunicated the synod of metz , and depos'd the two arch-bishops that were sent with the letters , and publisht * a manifesto of what he had done . to this the bishops return'd an answer , wherein having represented the personal affronts , and ill usage they had met with from him , they tell him chap. iv. that as for his froward , unjust , and unreasonable sentence , contrary to all canons , they did not own it , yea as being illegal and unwarrantable , they together with the rest of their brethren slighted and despised it , and utterly renounc'd communion with him , contenting themselves with the communion and fellowship of the whole church , over which he had so proudly exalted himself , and from which through his pride and contempt he had separated himself . and whereas he had styl'd them his clerks , they bid him take notice they were none of his clerks , but persons , whom , if his pride would have suffer'd him , he ought to have own'd and treated as his brethren and fellow bishops , with much more there spoken with a just , but smart resentment . and now can any man believe , the pope should have met with such treatment upon all occasions , and that from the wisest , gravest , most learned , and eminent persons in their several ages , had his title to the jurisdiction of the west been so clear and unquestionable , as some men seem to represent it . the same might be shew'd in other countries , and he must be a great stranger to church-history , that can be at a loss for instances of this nature . i shall therefore instance only in two more ( and with them dispatch this argument ) the african and the britanick churches . vi. i chuse to instance in the churches of africk , because so confidently challeng'd by them of rome at every turn , and because they were under the civil jurisdiction of the praetorian praefect of italy . and here omitting infinite arguments that offer themselves , i shall insist only upon the famous case of appeals , commenc'd under pope zosimus , ann. ccccxviii . and not ended 'till some years after , which will furnish us with a plain and uncontroulable evidence , how little authority more than what was honourary , the see of rome in those days had over those churches . the case , as briefly as it can well be summ'd up , stands thus , * apiarius a presbyter of sicca in africk had been depos'd by his diocesan urbanus for very notorious and scandalous offences , and the sentence ratified by a provincial council . hopeless of any relief at home , over he flies to rome , tells his tale to pope zosimus , who restores him to communion , espouses his cause , and sends him back with faustinus an italian bishop , and two roman presbyters into africk , to see him resettled in his former place . when they arriv'd in africk , they found a council of african bishops to the number of ccxvii . sitting at carthage , to whom they delivered their message partly by word of mouth , partly by writing . but the writing being demanded , a memorial was produc't containing instructions from pope zosimus what they should insist upon ; it consisted of four heads . first , concerning the appeals of bishops to the see of rome . secondly , against the busie resorting of bishops to court. thirdly , concerning the handling the causes of presbyters and deacons by the neighbouring bishops , where they were unjustly excommunicated by their own . fourthly , concerning the excommunicating bishop urban ( who had depos'd apiarius ) or at least his appearing at rome , unless he corrected what he had done amiss . but the main thing insisted on was that of appeals , and the popes sending legates thither to hear causes , and this too challeng'd by zosimus in his memorial by vertue of a canon of the council of nice , giving leave to bishops accus'd or condemn'd to appeal to rome , and power to the pope to hear and determine those appeals , either immediately by himself , or by commishoners which he should send to that purpose . the african fathers were infinitely surpriz'd to hear such a power claim'd , and more to hear it claim'd as due by a canon of nice . they had search'd into the canons of that council , which they found to be but twenty , and not one of that number to this purpose . while these things were debating , zosimus dies , and boniface succeeds , and the case is again canvast , and the result of the consultation was , that for the present things should rest upon that bottom , whereon the popes memorial had plac't them , 'till they could send to the three great churches of constantinople , antioch and alexandria for authentick copies of the nicene canons , to adjust and decide this matter . they wrote likewise to pope boniface by his legates ( who then return'd ) acquainting him with the state of the case , and what was done in it , and withal tell him , that if it were as those pretended canons claim'd , the issue would be intolerable to them : but they hop'd it would be found otherwise , no such thing appearing in their copies of that council . however they had sent to the eastern churches for such as were most authentick , and intreated him also to do the like . vii . some years pass'd in this matter , at length the messengers that had been sent into the east return'd , and brought letters * from cyril of alexandria , and atticus of constantinople , importing that they had sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most true and exact copies of the authentick synod of nice , preserv'd in the archives of their churches , copies of which they had also sent to pope boniface . hereupon a full council of african bishops is conven'd , to which pope caelestine ( for boniface was lately dead ) dispatcht faustinus as his legate . and now the case of apiarius is again brought under examination , and found worse than it was before , the farther they rak'd into it , the more foul and offensive did it appear to them , 'till the conviction of his conscience , though sore against his will , forc'd him to confess all , and save them the trouble of any farther scrutiny . and now this cause being over , and the pretence of appeals overthrown by the authentick copies of the canons of nice , nothing remain'd but to write to caelestine , which they did in a quick and smart strain , wherein they first give him an account of the case of apiarius , and how troublesome and injurious his legate faustinus had been to the whole synod , in asserting the priviledges of the church of rome , and by vertue thereof challenging that apiarius should be readmitted to communion , because his holiness ( believing his appeal , which yet could not be made good ) had restor'd him to communion , a thing which he ought in no wise to have done . next they proceed earnestly to beseech him , that henceforth he would not so easily give ear to those that came from hence , nor admit any to communion , whom they had excommunicated , which he might easily perceive was prohibited by the council of nice , which if it has taken so much care about the inferiour clergy , how much more did it intend it in the case of bishops , that where any are suspended from communion within their own province , his holiness should not rashly and unduly readmit them , that he should , as became him , reject the unwarrantable repairing of presbyters and others of the inferiour clergy , there being no canon of any council that has depriv'd the african church of this right , and that the decrees of nice have most plainly committed both the inferiour clergy , and the bishops themselves to their own metropolitans ; having most wisely and justly provided , that all affairs shall be determin'd in the very places where they arise , and that the grace of the holy spirit will not be wanting to every province , whereby equity may be prudently discern'd , and constantly maintain'd by the ministers of christ , especially since every man has liberty , if he be offended with the determination of his judges , to appeal to a provincial , or if need be , to a general council : unless perhaps any one can think , that god should enable single persons to examin the justice of a cause , and deny it to a vast number of bishops assembled in council . or , how shall a judgment then made beyond sea be valid , whereto the persons that are necessary to give in evidence , either through the infirmity of their sex , or age , and many other impediments that will intervene , cannot be brought ? for that any commissioners should be sent hither by your holiness , we do not find ordain'd by the fathers in any synod . for as to what you long since sent us by faustinus as part of the nicene council , in the true and authentick copies of that council ( which we received from cyril of alexandria , and atticus of constantinople , and which we sent to your predecessour boniface ) we could find no such matter . in conclusion , they advise him , that he should not upon the request of any man , send any of his clerks thither to execute his sentence , nor grant such leave to any , lest they should seem to introduce the smoaky pride of the world into the church of christ , which holds forth the light of simplicity , and the brightness of humility to all them that are desirous to see god : that as to faustinus , they are confident , that brotherly love continuing through the goodness and moderation of his holiness , africa shall no longer be troubled with him . such was their letter to the pope , a letter not fuller fraught with true matters of fact , than fortified with clearness and strength of reason . viii . from this naked and unartificial representation of the case , its plain ; first , that whatever power the ●●shop of rome claim'd in africk , was even by his own tacit confession , founded upon the canons of the church . zosimus did not pretend a commission from christ , or a delegation from s. peter , but only a canon of nice to justify his proceedings . secondly , that the canons of the church give the bishop of rome no power over foreign churches , either to receive their excommunicated members , to hear and decide their causes , or to restore them to communion , or to send legates and commissioners with authority to determine the cause at home ; for this , say the african fathers , nullâ invenimus patrum synodo constitutum . thirdly , that zosimus was guilty of a notorious forgery and imposture in falsifying the nicene canons , pretending a canon of sardica to be a canon of nice , and as such endeavouring to impose it , and his own power by it upon the african churches . can it be suppos'd , that zosimus should be ignorant what and how many the nicene canons were ? the popes legates were present , and as we are often told , presided in that synod , brought the decrees home with them ( as all other great churches did ) where they were no doubt carefully preserv'd among the records of that church , and the frequent occasions of those times , made them be daily lookt into . was not the pope , think we , able to distinguish between nice and sardica , between an oecumenical council , and a synod only of western bishops , call'd in another emperours reign above twenty years after . no , no , it was not a sin of ignorance , but the pope knew well enough which council would best serve his turn , that the world had a just and a mighty veneration for that of nice , and that his design would be easily swallowed , if he could gild it over with the reputation and authority of that synod . it was obvious to except against sardica , that it was but a particular council , and that the canon it made for appeals to rome was only a provisionary decree , when the injur'd person was not like to meet with justice at home , but the whole mass of bishops was corrupted , and set against him , as was the case of athanasius and two or three more in respect of the arians , who were the occasion , and for whose sakes that canon was made . but that of nice was universal , and unexceptionable , and which he hoped would pass without controul . but the african bishops according to the humour of that nation were of too honest and blunt a temper to be cajol'd by the arts of rome . they requir'd to have the matter brought to the test , and to be judg'd by the original canons , and so the fraud was discovered , and brought to light in the eye of the world. fourthly , that the church of africk , and accordingly every national church , has an inhaerent power of determining all causes that arise within it self : that this right is founded both upon most evident reason , ( nothing being fitter than that controversies should be ended in the places where they began , where there are all advantages of bringing matters to a more speedy and equal trial ) and upon the wisdom and justice of the divine providence , which would not let his assistance be wanting in one place more than another , and especially there where doing right to truth did more immediately make it necessary ; and that 't was as probable two or three hundred should sift out truth as a single person . that the nicene synod had made this the right of the african no less than other churches , and they did not understand how they had forfeited it , or that any council had taken it from them . fifthly , that it was not lawful for any person , accused or proceeded against in africk , to appeal to transmarine churches , no not to the see of rome . this they tell coelestine most expresly , and call them improba refugia , wicked and unwarrantable refuges . against this they had particularly provided in the council at milevis * not long before this contest arose , that if any clergyman had a controversie with his bishop , the neighbouring bishops should hear and determine it . but if there were any occasion of appealing , they should appeal no further than to an african council , or to the primates of those provinces . and that if any should resolve to appeal to any transmarine judgment , no man in africk should admit them to communion . the canon 't is true expresses only the appeals of presbyters , deacons , and the inferiour clergy ; but as the fathers in their letters to caelestine argue strongly , if this care be taken about the inferiour clergy , how much more ought it to be observ'd by bishops . sixthly , that the power which the bishop of rome sought to establish over other churches , evidently made way to bring pride , and tyranny , and a secular ambition into the church of god , and that if this course were follow'd , it would let in force , and domination , and a scornful trampling over the heads of our brethren , and perhaps the calling in the secular arm to remove the opposition it would meet with ; principles and practices infinitely contrary to the mild and humble spirit of the gospel . and now let the reader judge what power the pope had over the african churches , so solemnly denied , so stiffly oppos'd , not by two or three , but by two or three hundred bishops , twice met in council upon this occasion , and their judgment herein not precipitated , but past upon most mature and deliberate debate and consultation , and after that the cause had been depending for five or six years together . the truth is , so great a shock is this to the papal power , that the advocates of that church know not which way to decline it . at last stands up one , * who not being able to unty , resolv'd to cut the knot , directly charging both the acts of the council , and the epistles to boniface and caelestine , without any warrant from antiquity , to be forg'd and supposititious . but the best of it is , the writers in this cause that came after him , had not the hardiness to venture in his bottom . nor have any of the many publishers of the councils since that time stigmatiz'd them with the least suspicion of being spurious , nor taken any notice of the trifling exceptions he makes against them . ix . from africk let us sail into britain , and see how things stood in our own country , the first nation of the whole western world that received the christian faith ; it being planted here ( as gildas , an authour of untainted credit , and no inconsiderable antiquity , informs us , and he speaks it too with great assurance ) * tempore summo tiberii caesaris , in the latter time of tiberius his reign , which admit to have been the very last year of his life ( he died march the xvi . ann. chr. xxxvii . ) it was five or six years before 't is pretended s. peter ever came at , or founded any church at rome . christianity though struggling with great difficulties , and but lukewarmly entertain'd by some , yet as gildas assures us , made shift to keep up its head in the following ages , as is evident from some passes in origen , tertullian , and others , and from the known story of king lucius ( leuer maur as the britains call him , the great brightness ) the first christian king. but this we have particularly noted elsewhere * . religion being settled , that church government grew up here as in other countries , by bishops and then metropolitans , or superiour bishops , there can be no just cause to doubt . at the council of arles ann. cccxiv . we find three british bishops among others subscribing the decrees of that synod , eborius of york , restitutus of london ( the same perhaps that subscrib'd the determination made by the sardican synod ) adelfius de civitate coloniae londinensium , with sacerdos a priest , and arminius a deacon . after the empire had submitted to christianity , we cannot question but that religion prospered greatly in this island , and that constantine who made it his business to advance it in all places , would much more give it the highest encouragement in that place , to which he owed both his first breath and empire . what progress it made afterwards , i may not stand nicely to enquire ; 't is certain it flourish'd here under the roman government 'till the declension of the empire , when that guard and protection being withdrawn , the country became a prey to the neighbour picts and scots , as not long after to the saxons , a war-like but pagan nation , whom the britains had call'd in to their assistance , who drove the remainder of the britains , and with them religion into the mountains , where yet it throve under the greatest hardships . things continued thus , when ann. dxcvi. pope gregory the great sent austine the monk to convert these saxons , who after his first expedition being at arles consecrated arch-bishop of canterbury , applied himself more closely to this errand than he had done before . he found paganisme covering the greatest parts of the island , but withal a considerable church among the britains ; seven bishops * they had as bede informs us ; a number says bale * , conform'd to the seven churches of asia ; their sees were hereford , tavensis or landaff , lhan-padern-vaur , bangor , elviensis or s. asaph , worcester and morganensis , suppos'd by many to be glamorgan , but that being the same with landaff , r. hoveden * reckons chester in the room of it , or as bishop usher * thinks not improbable , it might be caer-guby or holy-head in the isle of anglesey . these seven were under the superintendency of a metropolitan , whose archiepiscopal see had been formerly at caer-leon upon uske ( the famous river isca ) in monmouthshire , but some years before austins arival had been translated to menevia or s. davids ( so call'd from the bishop that translated it ) in pembrook-shire , though for some time after retaining the title of arch-bishop of caer-leon . and to him were the welsh bishops subject , and by him ordain'd , as he by them , until the time of king henry the first . besides these episcopal sees , the britains had colledges or seminaries , and in them vast numbers of christian monks , who dwelt especially at bangor under the care and superintendency of abbot dinooth . but that which spoil'd all was , that this church had rites and usages * vastly different from them of rome , both in the observation of easter , the administration of baptism , and many other customes . a most infallible argument , that the britannick church had no dependance upon , had held no communication with the church of rome . their celebration of easter after the manner of the ancient asiatick churches , clearly shewing that they had originally deriv'd their religion from those eastern parts . to reduce therefore this church into subjection to rome , was a great part of austins work . in order whereunto by the help of king ethelbert , he procur'd a conference with them at a place upon the borders of worcester-shire , call'd from this occasion augustins oke . austin us'd all his arts to prevail upon them , perswaded , intreated , threatned , but in vain . after a long disputation they declar'd they preferr'd their own ancient traditions and customs , from which they might not depart without leave and liberty from their own church . nay , if the british fragment produc'd by one of our great antiquaries * be of any credit , abbot . dinoth plainly told him with a be it known to you , and without doubt , that they ow'd no more to the pope of rome , than to every godly christian , vzi. the obedience of love and brotherly assistance , other than this he knew none due to him , whom they call'd pope , and who claim'd to be own'd and styl'd father of fathers ; that for themselves they were under the government of the bishop of caer-leon upon uske , who under god was to oversee and guide them ▪ austin saw 't was to no purpose at present to treat further , and so reserv'd himself for another conference . a second therefore and a more general meeting is propounded and agreed to , whereto came the seven british bishops , and many other persons of learning , especially of the college of bangor . austin as before press'd them to a compliance with the roman and apostolick church . but they , offended with his proud and contemptuous treatment of them , never so much as rising out of his chair , at their coming to salute him , told him plainly , they would do nothing of what he demanded , nor would they own him for archbishop ; prudently arguing among themselves , if he would not now vouchsafe so much as to rise up to us , how much more when we have submitted to him , will he despise and scorn us . austin finding no good was to be done upon them , parted from them with this passionate farewel , that since they would not have peace with their brethren , they should have war from their enemies , and for as much as they refus'd to preach the way of life to the english , they should be punisht with death by their hands . and his word it seems was made good : for soon after ethelfrid king of northumberland , at the instigation ( as is said ) of ethelbert king of kent , march'd with a powerful army to caer-leon , and made great havock and destruction , and among the rest slew twelve hundred of the innocent monks of bangor , who were come along with their army , by fasting and prayer to intercede with heaven for its prosperous success . that austin was the first spring of this fatal tragedy , moving ethelbert , as he did ethelfrid , there are not only strong suspicions , but the thing is expresly affirm'd by several historians of no inconsiderable credit and antiquity . 't is true bede says this happened not till after austins death . but besides the inconsistency in point of chronology , 't is suspicious that passage was foisted into bede , it being wanting in the ancient saxon translation of king alfred , done within cl. years after bedes death . nay , though we should grant the slaughter to have happened after the death of austin , yet who knows not but he might easily lay the design with ethelbert , though himself liv'd not to see the execution . and the proud and haughty spirit of the man gives but too much encouragement to the suspicion . what became of the british churches after this , i am not concern'd to relate . 't is enough to my purpose , that from the very originals of this church it was independant upon rome , and that for six hundred years together ; nor could be brought to strike sail , 'till fire and sword ( the most powerful arguments of the papal cause ) had converted , that is , in effect ruin'd and destroy'd it . x. from the whole of what has been said , laid together , the impartial reader will easily make this conclusion , how vain and frivolous the pretences are to the popes patriarchal authority over the whole west , when there 's scarce any one western church that did not in those times stoutly appear against the incroachments of rome . but you 'll say , where then shall we find the roman patriarchate ? certainly within much narrower limits . and here nothing can offer it self with so much rational probability , as that his patriarchal jurisdiction was concurrent with that of the vicarius urbicus , or the lieutenant of rome , as his metropolitical was with that of the praefectus urbis , or city-provost . now the vicarius urbicus had ten provinces * under his government , four consular , viz. campania , tuscia , and umbria , picenum suburbicarium ( the suburbicary as well as other provinces being in some cases * , especially that of tribute , under the inspection of the praetorian praefect , and his lieutenant ) sicilia ; two correctorial , apulia with calabria , and lucania brutiorum ; four praesidial , samnium , sardinia , corsica , and valeria . this was the urbicary diocess , distinct from the italick diocess , the metropolis whereof was milan . within these bounds the bishops of rome , especially after the times of the nicene council took upon them to exercise jurisdiction , to call synods , ordain metropolitans , and dispatch other church-afairs . hence they had their usual synod , which was a kind of council in ordinary to the bishop of rome , and met upon all important occasions . such was the synod of pope damasus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of the bishops that assembled with him at rome , mention'd by athanasius * , as conven'd about his cause . such that of the bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in those parts , spoken of by pope julius * , as concurring with him in his letter to the eastern bishops . the old roman notitia ( produc'd by baronius * out of the records of the vatican , but of an age much later than the times we write of ) tells us this synod consisted of lxx . bishops . and much about that number , we find them in the acts of councils , as in the synod under pope gelasius a , and in that under symmachus b . thus we find pope leo c requiring the bishops of sicily to send three of their number every year upon michaelmus-day to meet the roman synod , fraterno concilio soc●andi . and the synod of sardica * sending their decrees to pope julius , desire him to communicate them to the bishops in sicily , sardinia and italy , ( i. e. that part of italy that lay within the urbicary diocess ) that none of them might receive communicatory letters from any that had been depos'd in that council . and this was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the multitude of bishops wherewith pope leo was encompast , and whom by vertue of the power and preheminence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of his own proper place and jurisdidiction he had conven'd out of many cities in italy , as the empress galla placidia speaks in her letter * to theodosius . not but that sometimes here ( as in other places ) ▪ we find foreign bishops convening in synods , with those under the jurisdiction of the roman bishop , especially upon some extraordinary emergencies : but then this was only in a brotherly way , and at the invitation of the chief bishop of those parts , and not that they were under his charge and government . he had no direct and immediate influence over any but those who lay within the bounds , over which the civil governours who resided at rome , extended their authority , and who no doubt fell in the willinglier with his jurisdiction , for the conveniency of their being aided and assisted by the church of rome . by all which we see , that no sooner were dioceses divided and settled by the civil constitution , but the roman bishop began to extend his jurisdiction commensurate to the urbicary diocess , within which his metropolitical was at last swallowed up . this the learned arch-bishop of paris * readily grants , and thinks is intimated in the ancient version of the nicene canon , which we mention'd before , where the bishop of rome is said to have principality over the suburbicary places , and all the province ; the first denoting the government of the provost , the latter that of the vicarius , or lieutenant of rome , and consequently the one represents the popes metropolitical , the other his patriarchal jurisdiction . 't is true he often tells us of a two-fold patriarchate the pope had , ordinary , and extraordinary , the one reaching to the urbicary diocess , the other over the whole west . but with how little reason and pretence of truth we noted before . we grant the pope had always great honour given him by all , and more by the western churches , but authoritative power he had not but over his own special diocess , nor does s. basil's styling him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chief of the western bishops , imply any more than dignity and precedence ; or the empires being divided into east and west , and in allusion thereto the churches being sometimes distinguish'd into eastern and western make any more for his western patriarchate , than it did for the bishop of constantinoples being patriarch over the whole east . arguments which i should be asham'd to mention , but that they are produc'd by such great names , and are indeed the best they have in this matter . i grant that according to the ambitious humour of that church they were always attempting to enlarge their borders , and to propagate their power beyond its just limits : and partly by recommending persons to be bishops in foreign churches , and thence proceeding to impose them , partly by interposing in ordinations , and exacting an oath of obedience to the see of rome from the persons consecrated , partly by challenging the immediate decision of episcopal causes , and a power to confirme , translate , excommunicate , depose , or restore all delinquent bishops , partly by drawing appeals to rome , and taking the determination of matters from the cognizance of their proper judges , and arrogating the sole priviledge of judging and condemning heresies , partly by claiming to preside in all councils , and if disoblig'd , withholding their assent to the decrees of synods , partly by sending their legates into foreign countries to hear and decide cases , and take up controversies , by taking off , and engaging brisk and active bishops by honourary imployments , by sending commissions to the bishops of the greater sees , and lodging certain powers in their hands to act as their vicars within their several provinces , that so they might seem to derive their authority from the roman see , as they did at thessalonica , corinth , justiniana prima , arles , &c. partly by giving all imaginable encouragement to persons , whether of the clergy or laity to send to rome for the resolution of difficult and important cases , and partly by dispatching missionaries to convert pagan countries ; by these and infinite other the like arts and methods , they grew in time though not 'till some ages , to challenge and exercise a power over all the churches of the west . but from the beginning it was not so . the summ then of all that has been discours'd hitherto is this ; that as 't was the dignity of the city of rome gave the bishops of that place preheminence above all other primates or patriarchs , so 't was the division of the empire made by constantine , exalted his power from that of a metropolitan to a patriarch , and enlarged it to an equal extent with the diocess of the lieutenant of rome ; within which bounds they pretty well contain'd themselves 'till their pride and ambition began more openly to break out , and to disturb the peace and order of the church . chap. vi. the encroachments of the see of rome upon other sees , especially the see of constantinople . the roman bishops breaking the bounds of all laws and canons . their taking hold of all occasions of magnifying their own power . instances of julius , damasus , innocent , zosimus to this purpose . the briskness and activity of pope leo. his many letters written to advance the reputation of his authority . his jealous eye upon the growing greatness of the see of constantinople . the attempts and actings of his legates in the council of chalcedon . their mighty opposition against the passing the xxviii . canon of that synod . the fraud of paschasinus in citing the sixth canon of nice . their protestation against the power granted to the bishop of constantinople . pope leo's zeal and rage against these synodal proceedings . faelix his excommunicating acacius of constantinople . the pretended occasion of that sentence . the same spleen continued and carried on by pope gelasius . a reconciliation procur'd by the emperour justin between the bishops of rome and constantinople . pope john's insulting over epiphanius in his own church at constantinople . john the seconds raving letter to justinian . the bishop of constantinople assumes the title of oecumenical patriarch . this in what sence ( probably ) meant . the passionate resentment of pope pelagius hereat . the same zeal shew'd by his successour gregory the great . his letters written upon that occasion . the hard words he every where bestows upon that title . his mistake about the offer of that title to the pope in the chalcedon council . the true state of that case . this title frequently given to the constantinopolitan bishops in the council under menans , before john assum'd it . baronius's poor evasion of that matter . gregory still continues to thunder out anathema's against this title . all this suspected to be but noise , and the quarrel only because themselves had not the title . phocas his usurpation of the empire . the monstrous villany and wickedness of that man. pope gregory's scandalously flattering caresses to him and his empress . boniface the third makes suit to phocas , and procures the title of oecumenical to be affixt to the see of rome . the popes daily enlargement of their power and tyranny , and their advantages for so doing . the whole concluded with the canons or dictates of pope hildebrand . i. though custome and the canons of the church had set out the bishop of rome his proper portion in the ecclesiastick government , yet how hard is it for covetousness and ambition to keep within any bounds ? a spirit of pride still fermented in that see , that made them restless , 'till they had thrown down all enclosures , and that their sheaf alone ( as it was in joseph's vision ) arose and stood upright , and the sheaves of their brethren stood round about , and did obeysance to it . in the discovery whereof we shall only remark the more general attempts they made concerning it . and first nothing made more way to their usurpt dominion , than the magnifying their own power , and the priviledges of their church upon all occasions . ii. to begin no earlier than pope julius ; in his letters to the bishops of antioch , to make them more willing to submit their cause to be tried at rome , he had it seems highly extoll'd the greatness of that church , and the dignity and authority of his see , as appears by the summ of their answer * , and his rejoynder to their letter . not long after pope damasus writing also to the eastern bishops , commends * them that they had yielded due reverence to the apostolick see : and though this was spoken with modesty enough ( aw'd hereinto perhaps by the synod at rome , in whose name he wrote ) yet in his epistle * to them of numidia , and in general to all catholick bishops ( if that epistle be genuine ) he speaks out , telling them that according to ancient institutions , they did well in all doubtful cases to have recourse to him as to the head , and that this was founded upon custome and ecclesiastick canons ; concluding his long epistle thus , all which decretals , and the constitutions of all my predecessors , which have been publish'd concerning ecclesiastical orders and canonical discipline , we command to be observ'd by you , and all bishops and priests , so that whoever shall offend against them , shall not be received to pardon , the cause properly respecting us , who ought to steer the government of the church . this was most pontifically spoken , and boldly ventured at , especially if we consider how little the african bishops regarded the authority of the roman church , when the case of appeals arose a few years after , as we have already seen at large . siricius came next to damasus , and he in his letter * to himerius of taragon in spain , magnifies the roman church as the head of that body , and bids him convey those rules he had sent to all the bishops in that and the neighbour countries , it not being fit that any bishop should be ignorant of the constitutions of the apostolick see. innocent the first , more than once and again styles * the church of rome the fountain and head of all churches , and this built upon ancient canons ; and yet perhaps meant no more , than that it was the principal and most eminent church of the christian world : an honour , which upon several accounts intimated before , antiquity freely bestow'd upon it . zosunus in a letter to the council of carthage ( produc'd by baronius * out of a vatican copy ) makes a mighty flourish with the unlimited power of s. peter , that he had the care not only of the roman , but of all churches , ratified by the rules of the church , and the tradition of the fathers , that both by divine and humane laws this power descended upon the bishop of that see , whose sentence none might presume to reverse . iii. leo the great entred that see about the year ccccxl. a man of somewhat a brisker and more active temper , than those that had been before him , and one that studied by all imaginable methods to enlarge his jurisdiction , and being a man of parts and eloquence , did amplify and insinuate his power with more advantage . he tells * the mauritanian bishops , that he would dispence with the election of those bishops , who had been immediately taken out of the laity , so they had no other irregularity to attend them , not intending to prejudice the commands of the apostolick see , and the decrees of his predecessours ; and that what he pass'd by at present , should not hereafter go without its censure and punishment , if any one should dare to attempt , what he had thus absolutely forbidden . and elsewhere * that bishops and metropolitans were therefore constituted , that by them the care of the universal church might be brought to the one see of s. peter , and that there might be no disagreement between the head and the members . and in a sermon upon the martyrdom of peter and paul , in a profound admiration he breaks out * into this rhetorical address . these ( says he ) are the men that have advanced thee to this honour , that thou art become a holy nation , a peculiar people , a royal and priestly city , that being by the holy see of s. peter made head of the world , thou mightest govern farther by means of a divine religion , than by worldly power . for although enlarg'd by many victories , thou hast extended the bounds of thy empire both by sea and land , yet is it far less which thou hast conquer'd by force of arms , than that which thou hast gain'd by the peace of the church . iv. but leo was a man not only for speaking , but for action . he saw the emperours and the eastern bishops were resolv'd to advance the see of constantinople , that it might bear some proportion to the imperial court , and that the synod of constantinople had already adjudg'd it the place of honour next to rome ; that therefore it concern'd him to bestir himself to stifle all attempts that way , well knowing that the glory of that would eclipse his lustre , and cramp those designs of superiority and dominion , which the bishops of rome were continually driving on over the church of christ . a general council was now call'd to meet at chalcedon , ann. ccccli . wherein were present no less than six hundred and thirty bishops : hither pope leo sent his legates , furnished with peremptory instructions ( which they afterwards read openly in the synod ) to keep a quick eye upon all motions that way , and with all possible resolution to suppress them . at the opening of the council , the legates cunningly slipt in a clause , telling * the fathers , that they had such and such things in command from the most blessed and apostolical bishop of the city of rome , which was the head of all churches : which either was not heeded by that synod , or pass'd by in the sence before declar'd , as allowing it an honourary preheminence above the rest . in the fifth session of that council * the papal legates mov'd that the epistle of leo about the condemnation of nestorius might be inserted into the very definition of the council against that heresie . craftily foreseeing what a mighty reputation it would give the pope in the eye of the world , and to what vast advantage it might be stretch'd afterwards . but the council stiffly oppos'd the motion , and said , they freely own'd the letter and were ready to subscribe it , but would not make it part of the definition . the legates were angry , demanded the letter back again , and threatned to be gone , and to have a synod at rome . and when the emperour intimated some such thing , the bishops cried out , they were for the definition as it was , and they that did not like it , nor would subscribe it , might if they please get them gone to rome . after this , all things went on smoothly 'till they came to frame the canons , among which one was * , that the bishop of constantinople should enjoy equal priviledges with the bishop of rome ; and then the legates could hold no longer , plainly telling them , that this was a violation of the constitution of the great synod of nice , and that their commission oblig'd them by all ways to preserve the papal dignity , and to reject the designs of any , who relying upon the greatness of their cities , should attempt any thing to the contrary . to prove that this was contrary to the nicene decrees , they produc'd the sixth and seventh canons of that council , beginning thus as paschasinus repeated them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. the church of rome ever had the primacy . let egypt therefore have this priviledge , that the bishop of alexandria have power , &c. where instead of the first words of that canon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let ancient customs still take place , the legate shuffled in this sentence as more to his purpose , the church of rome ever had the primacy . and admitting here that this was only the title to that canon in the roman copy , yet 't is somewhat more than suspicious , that paschasinus intended it should be understood as part of the canon it self . which if so , there could not be a bolder piece of forgery and imposture . but the fathers were not to be so impos'd upon . aetius arch-deacon of constantinople produc'd a copy from among the records of that church , which he delivered to constantine the secretary , who read it according to the genuine words of the canon , without any such addition , let ancient customs still take place , &c. and in confirmation of that were next read the second and third canons of the second general council at constantinople . and because the legate had objected that the canon had been procur'd by fraud , the judges requir'd the bishops concern'd to declare their minds , who all readily declar'd the contrary . the case having been thus fully debated , and nothing material being alledg'd against it , the canon pass'd by the unanimous suffrage of the fathers , the roman legates only entring their protestation , and resolving to acquaint the pope with what was done , that so he might judge both of the injury done to his own see , and the violence offered to the canons . v. no sooner did the news of what had pass'd in the synod arrive at rome , but pope leo storm'd to purpose , wrote * to anatolius bishop of constantinople , charging him with pride and ambition , with invasion of the rights of others , with irreverence towards the nicene canons , contrary to which he had exalted himself above the bishops of alexandria and antioch . he dispatch'd * letters also to the emperour marcianus , to his lady the empress pulcheria , and to juvenal bishop of jerusalem , and the rest of the fathers of the synod , all to the same effect , complaining of the pride of anatolius , and the irregular proceedings of the council , that the priviledges of churches were destroy'd , the bounds of metropolitans invaded , many depressed to make way for one , venerable decrees made void , and ancient orders trodden in the dirt . that whatever rules were made contrary to the canons of nice were null , that the care and inspection of these things was committed to him , a duty which he could not neglect without being guilty of unfaithfulness to his trust , that therefore by the authority of s. peter he repeal'd and made void what ever any council had agreed upon , repugnant to the nicene canons , yea , though done by many more in number than were in that venerable synod , declaring that no regard or reverence was to be paid to their constitutions . in all which though nothing appear above ground but a mighty zeal for the honour of the nicene canons , yet 't is plain enough 't was his own ambition , his envy and emulation that lay at the bottom . and indeed , neither leo , nor any of the bishops of that see could ever pardon the chalcedon synod , not only for making the bishop of constantinople equal to him of rome , but for placing the primacy of the roman church , not in any divine right , but only in romes having been the seat of the empire . vi. henceforward they beheld the bishops of that place with an evil eye , as competitors with them in the government of the church , and the likeliest persons to give check to their extravagant designs , and therefore laid hold upon all occasions to weaken their interest , and to vent their spleen against their persons . and it was not long after , that a fit occasion presented it self . john the tabennosiot * had by gifts and bribes ( enabled thereto by being steward and treasurer of that church ) procur'd himself to be made bishop of alexandria , expresly contrary to his oath lately made to the emperour zeno , that he would never attempt that see. for which he caus'd him to be expell'd , and peter mongus , who had been heretofore consecrated to that place to be restor'd . peter was a patron of the eutychian heresie , but which at first he craftily dissembled , insinuating himself into the favour and friendship of acacius bishop of constantinople , who constantly held communion with him . but was so far from siding with him in any heretical sentiments , that no sooner did he hear * that peter had publickly anathematiz'd the chalcedon council , but he dispatch'd messengers to alexandria to know the truth of things , before whose eys peter cast a mist , having form'd a judicial process about that matter , and brought in persons to depose that he had done no such thing . nay , he himself wrote * to acacius , assuring him , that the charge was false , and that he had , and did confirm and embrace the council of chalcedon ; though all this was pretence and elaborate hypocrisie . john driven out from alexandria , flies to rome , giving out himself to be a martyr for the cause of pope leo , and the faith of the chalcedon synod . welcome he was to pope simplicius , who wrote to the emperour in his behalf ; but dying not long after his arrival , his successour faelix readily espous'd the quarrel , and after some preparatory messages and citations ( wherein he required of the emperour zeno , that acacius might be sent to rome , there to answer what john of alexandria laid to his charge ) taking advantage of two synods at rome , held one soon after the other , twice excommunicated and depos'd acacius , for communicating with him of alexandria . letter after letter he wrote both to the emperour , and the clergy and people of constantinople , that the sentence against acacius might be own'd and put into execution , who yet continued in his see 'till his death , without any great regard to the sentence from rome , which he so far slighted * , that to be even with him , he struck the popes name out of the diptychs , to shew the world he renounc'd all communion with him . this so much the more enrag'd his enemies at rome , who all his life long pelted him with continual clamours and threatnings . nay , faelix and his successours persecuted his very memory , denouncing censures against any that should mention his name with respect and honour . and i cannot but observe that in the edict * that was pass'd against him at rome , mention is made of nothing but contumacy against the popes admonitions , the ill usage and imprisonment of his legates , and the affront therein offered to his person , and in the excommunicatory letter sent to acacius himself , though favouring of hereticks was the great and indeed only thing pretended abroad , yet the very first thing wherewith he charges him , is contempt of the nicene council , and invading the rights of other mens provinces . it seems though he was loth to speak out , it was the decree of the late synod of chalcedon still stuck in his stomach , by which the constantinopolitan patriarch had been advanc'd to so much power in the east , and made equal to him of rome . and indeed gelasius , who came after faelix , says * plainly , that the apostolick see never approv'd that part of the chalcedon canons , that it had given no power to treat about it , and by its legates had protested against it , and thence most infallibly inferrs , that therefore it was of no authority or value ; and accordingly peter of alexandria , which was the second see ( i. e. according to the constitution of the nicene canon ) could not be duly absolv'd by any other power then that of the first see , i. e. his own ; accounting that of constantinople ( as he elsewhere * asserts ) not to be reckon'd so much as among metropolitan sees : and as he argues in his epistle * to the emperour anastasius , if christians be oblig'd in general to submit to their regular bishops , how much more should submission be made to the bishop of that see , to whom both god and the subsequent piety of the church have always given the preheminence above all bishops ; and so he goes on , according to the custome of the men , to speak big words of the authority and priviledges of the apostolick see. vii . several years this breach that had been made remain'd , 'till justin , a man of very mean originals , having by no good arts gain'd the empire , thought it his interest to oblige and unite all parties . and first he begins to court the pope , to whome he wrote * , giving him an account of his advancement to the empire , and begging his prayers to god to confirm and establish it . this hormisda in his answer calls a paying the first fruits of his empire due to s. peter . hereupon reconciliation is offered , and john bishop of constantinople writes to him to that purpose , which he at length consents to upon this condition , that the name of acacius might be stricken out of the diptychs ; which at last is done , and that of the pope again put in , and so a peace is piec'd up , and the catholick faith profess'd on both sides , according to the decrees of the four general councils . and though epiphanius , who succeeded john in the see of constantinople , maintain'd the same correspondence , yet when ever it came to any important instance , the pope could not forget his proud domineering temper over the bishops of that church . which sufficiently appear'd about this very time , when john the first , hermisda's successour , being by theodorick king of the goths sent embassadour to constantinople , with this message to the emperour justin , either that he should restore to the arians their churches in the east , or expect that the catholicks in italy should have the same measures , he departed from rome with weeping eyes and a sad heart , being grieved not more to be made the bearer of a message , so contrary to his judgment , than to be put upon an imployment that seemed a diminution to the papal dignity ; he being ( as marcellinus * observes ) the only pope that had ever been commanded out of the city upon any such errand . however arriving at the imperial city , he resolved to keep up his port , entred with great state , and being invited * to sit upon a seat even with that of epiphanius bishop of that church , he refus'd , telling them he would maintain the prerogative of the apostolick see , not giving over , 'till a more eminent throne was purposely plac'd for him above that of the bishop of constantinople . as if it had not been enough to reproach and vilify him at a distance , unless contrary to all laws and canons , and to the rules of modesty , civility and reason , he also trampled upon him in his own church . nay , anastasius * adds , that the emperour in honour to god came before him , and prostrated himself upon the ground to adore and worship him . pope john the second , about ten years after writing * to justinian ( though there want not very learned men , who question the credit of that epistle ) talks stylo romano , just after the rate of his predecessours ; he tells the emperour , 't was his singular honour and commendation , that he preserv'd a reverence for the roman see , that he submitted all things to it , and reduc'd them to the unity of it , a right justified by s. peter's authority , conveyed to him by that authentick deed of gift , feed my sheep ; that both the canons of the fathers , and the edicts of princes , and his majesties own professions declar'd it to be truly the head of all churches . where yet ( as in infinite other expressions of that nature in the pontifical epistles ) he warily keeps himself within general terms , capable of a gentler or a brisker interpretation , as it stood with their interest to improve . viii . wearied out with continual provocations , oppositions and affronts from rome , the patriarchs of constantinople began to think upon some way , by which they might be better enabled to bear up against them . to this end , john who from his extraordinary abstinence was sir-nam'd nesteutes or the faster , being then bishop of that see in a synod conven'd there ann. dlxxxix . about the cause of gregory bishop of antioch , procur'd the title of oecumenical or universal bishop to be conferr'd upon him ; with respect probably , to that cities being the head seat of the empire , which was usually styl'd orbis romanus , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the universe , or whole world , and it could not be therefore thought extravagant , if the bishop of it did assume a proportionable title of honour , nothing appearing that hereby he laid claim to any extraordinary jurisdiction . nor indeed is it reasonable to conceive , that the eastern patriarchs ( who as evagrius , who was advocate for gregory in that synod , tells us * ) were all either by themselves or their legates present in this council , together with very many metropolitans , should at one cast throw up their own power and authority , and give john an absolute empire and dominion over them ; and therefore can be suppos'd to grant no more , than that he being the imperial patriarch should alone enjoy that honorable title above the rest . besides that every bishop as such , is in a sence intrusted with the care and sollicitude of the universal church , and though for conveniency limited to a particular charge , may yet act for the good of the whole . upon this ground it was , that in the ancient church , so long as order and regular discipline was observ'd , bishops were wont upon occasion not only to communicate their councils , but to exercise their power and functions beyond the bounds of their particular diocess , and we frequently find titles and characters given to particular bishops ( especially those of patriarchal sees ) equivalent to that of universal bishop : i cannot but mention that passage of theodorit , who speaking of nestorius his being made bishop of constantinople , says * , that he was intrusted with the presidency of the catholick church of the orthodox there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was nothing less then that of the whole world. a passage which perhaps might the more incourage and invite john at this time to assume the title . ix . but in what sence soever intended , it sounded high ▪ but especially made a loud noise at rome , where they were strangely surpris'd to find themselves outshot in their own bow ; for though they had all along driven on the design with might and main , yet they had hitherto abstain'd from the title . pelagius , who at this time sat in that chair , was extreamly netled at it , and immediately dispatch'd letters * to john and the bishops of his synod , wherein he rants against this pride and folly , talks high of the invalidity of all conciliary acts without his consent and approbation , charges them , though summon'd by their patriarch , not to appear at any synod , without authority first had from the apostolick see , threatens john with excommunication , if he did not presently recant his error , and lay aside his unjustly usurpt title of universal bishop ; affirming that none of the patriarchs might use that profane title , and that if any one of them were styl'd oecumenical , the title of patriarch would be taken from the rest , a piece of insolence which ought to be far from all true christians ; with a great deal more to the same effect . i know the last publishers of the councils make this epistle to be spurious , a false piece of ware patch'd up in insidore mercators shop . but however that be , plain it is from s. gregory * , ( who sent copies of them to the bishops of antioch and alexandria ) that pelagius did write such letters , wherein by the authority of s. peter he rescinded the acts of that synod , propter nephandum elationis vocabulum , for the sake of that proud and ungodly title , prohibiting his arch-deacon then at constantinople , so much as to be present at prayers with the patriarch of that place . x. gregory the great succeeded pelagius , whose apocrisiarius , or agent he had been at constantinople when the thing was done . a man of good learning , and greater piety , and of somewhat a more meek and peaceable temper , then most of those that had gone before him , which perhaps he owed in a great measure , to those sad calamitous times , he so oft complains of , wherein he liv'd : and yet as tender in this point as his predecessours . john of constantinople had lately sent him an account * of the proceedings in the case of john presbyter of chalcedon , wherein he took occasion to style himself oecumenical patriarch almost in every sentence . this touch'd pope gregory to the quick , and as he had an excellent talent at writing letters , he presently sends to mauritius the emperour , to the empress constantina , to the patriarchs of alexandria and antioch , to john himself , and to sabinian his own deacon then residing at constantinople . in all which he strains all the nerves of his rhetoric to load the case with the heaviest aggravations , complaining * that by the contrivance of this proud and pompous title , the peace of the church , the holy laws , and venerable synods , yea and the commands of our lord jesus himself ( who by that instrument , tu es petrus , &c. had committed the care of the whole church to peter , prince of the apostles ) were disturb'd and shatter'd ; that it better became bishops of this time rather to lye upon the ground , and to mourn in sackcloth and ashes , than to affect names of vanity , and to glory in new and profane titles , a piece of pride and blasphemy , injurious to all other bishops , yea to the whole church , and which it became the emperour to restrain : * that by this new arrogancy and presumption he had lift up himself above all his brethren , and by his pride had shewn , that the times of antichrist were at hand ; that he wondred the emperour should write to him to be at peace with the bishop of constantinople , chiding * sabinian his deacon for not preventing the emperour's commands being sent to him . to eulogius bishop of alexandria , and anastasius of antioch ( whom elsewhere * he tickles with their three sees being the only three apostolical sees founded by s. peter prince of the apostles , and that they mutually reflected honour upon each other ) he represents , * how great a diminution this was to their dignity , that they should therefore give none this title , for that so much undue honour as they gave to another , so much they took away of what was due to themselves ; that this fond attempt was the invention of him , who goes about as a roaring lyon , seeking whom he may devour , and a forerunner of him , who is king over all the children of pride . he tells john * himself , and that as he pretends with tears in his eyes , that unless he quitted this proud foolish title , he must proceed further with him , and that if his profane and ungodly humour could not be cur'd by gentler methods , it must be lanc'd by canonical severity ; that by this perverse ▪ title he had imitated the devil , and had made himself like to lucifer son of the morning , who said , i will ascend above the heights of the clouds , i will exalt my throne above the stars of god ; telling us , that by clouds and stars we are to understand bishops , who water by their preaching , and shine by the light of their conversation , whom while he despis'd and trod upon , and proudly lift up himself above them , what did he but aspire above the height of the clouds , and exalt his throne above the stars of heaven ; that such proud attempts had been always far from him or his predecessors , who had refus'd the title of universal bishop , when for the honour of s. peter prince of the apostles , the venerable council of chalcedon offered it to them . xi . in which last passage ( inculcated by him at every turn , no less * than four or five several times ) i cannot but remark either his carelesness , or insincerity ; carelesness , in taking such an important passage upon trust ; or insincerity , if knowing it to be otherwise , to lay so much stress upon so false and sandy a foundation . for the truth is , neither were his predecessors so modest , that i know of , as to refuse such a title , neither did the synod of chalcedon ever offer it to them . there being nothing in all the acts of that council that looks this way more than this , that four persons that came from alexandria with articles against dioscorus their bishop , exhibited their several libels of accusation , which they had presented to pope leo ( who had beforehand espoused the quarrel ) with this inscription , to leo the most holy and religious oecumenical archbishop and patriarch of great rome . these libels the papal legats desired might be inserted into the acts of the council ; which was done accordingly ( as is usual in all judiciary proceedings ) for no other reason ( as the synod it self tells * us ) but this , that remaining there , they might thence be again rehears'd in council , when dioscorus himself should appear , and come to make his defence . this is the true state of the case , and now let the reader judge , whether the council offer'd the pope this title , when they were so far from approving it , that they did not so much as once take notice of it . i do not deny , but that the pope's legats might have an eye that way , and design to have that title remain among the records of the council ( as they were watchful stewards to improve all advantages for their master ; ) and therefore we find them sometimes subscribing * themselves vice-gerents of leo of rome , bishop of the universal church , which yet elsewhere * they thus explain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the apostolical and chief bishop of the whole church . but however they intended it , certain it is for any thing that appears to the contrary , that the fathers themselves never dreamt of any such matter , and accordingly when they came * singly to declare their judgments about the epistle of pope leo , they style him only pope , or archbishop of rome , nor do his legates there give him any other title . and in their synodal epistle * to him , they superscribe it only , to the most holy and blessed archbishop of rome . binius * indeed will have the word oecumenical to have been in the inscription , and that it was maliciously struck out by some transcriber , because ( says he ) in the body of the epistle the fathers own leo to be the head of the universal church , and the father of all bishops . when as the letter has not one word to that purpose , more than this , that as the head presides over the members , so did leo over the bishops in that synod ; which can import no more than his presiding by his legates ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in his qui tuas vices gerebant , as the last publishers of the councils truly correct the translation ) in that council . but suppose the pope had had this title conferr'd upon him , ( as gregory untruly affirms ) 't was no more than what was frequently given to the patriarch of constantinople , as , to omit other instances , is evident from the council holden there ann. dxxxvi . under mennas , and another under john 18 years before , where john and mennas , successively bishops of that see , have both in the acts of those councils , and in libels of address from whole synods , the title of oecumenical patriarch near twenty times bestow'd upon them . and this was several years before it was assum'd by that patriarch john whom we mention'd before . and 't is methinks a sorry evasion of baronius * , and his footman binius ‖ ( though 't is that which they always have at hand , when an argument pinches , which they know not how to decline ) that this title was foisted into the acts of the council by some later greeks . and yet they produce no authority , no nor shadow of pretence from any ancient copy that ever it was otherwise . and what if the church of rome did receive the acts of that council , and yet make no such clamours and loud outcry against it ? perhaps it did not intirely admit the acts of that synod under john of constantinople ann. dxviii . binius himself says , they were but magna ex parte recepta , in a great measure receiv'd by the church of rome . and who knows whether this title might not be some part of what was rejected . but if not , perhaps the popes might slight it as a title only accidentally given , not claim'd as due . whereas pelagius and gregory rant so much against the other john , because he assum'd it in opposition to rome , and had it by a solemn synodical act conferr'd upon him . i observe no more concerning this , than that leo allatius * ( who is not wont to neglect the least hint that may serve his cause ) speaking of this passage , barely takes notice of baronius's inference , without the least sign of his approving it . but to return . xii . while gregory was venting these passionate resentments , john the patriarch dies . but the quarrel died not with him , cyriacus , who came after him , keeping up the title . this put the popes passion into a fresh ferment , and now all the hard things are said over again , and cyriacus * is warn'd to lay aside the scandal of that ungodly title , that had given so much offence ; and that * he would hold no communion with him 'till he had renounc'd that proud and superstitious word , which was the invention of the devil , and laid * a foundation for antichrist to take possession , nay peremptorily affirms * with an ego autem fidenter dico , that whoever either styles himself , or desires to be styl'd by others , universal bishop , is by that very pride of his a fore-runner of antichrist . and when he understood that john bishop of thessalonica , urbicius of dyrrachium , john of corinth , and several others , were summoned to a synod at constantinople , not knowing whether a snake might not lye hid in the grass , he writes * to them , giving them an account of the rise and progress of that proud and pestiferous title , ( as he calls it ) cautioning them not only not to use it themselves , but not to consent to it in others , nor by any overt act to approve or own it ; and if any thing should be craftily started in the synod in favour of it , he adjures them by all that is sacred , that none of them would suffer themselves to be wrought upon by any arts of flattery and insinuation , of rewards or punishments to assent to it , but stoutly oppose themselves against it , and couragiously drive out the wolf that was breaking into the fold . xiii . he that shall view these passages , and look no farther than the outside of things , will be apt to think , surely s. gregory was the most self-denying man in the world , and that he and his successors would sooner burn at a stake , than touch this title . and yet notwithstanding all these passionate outcries , 't is shrewdly suspicious , that they were levell'd not so much against the title it self , as the person that bore it . we have taken notice all along what an inveterate pique the bishops of rome had against those of constantinople , ever since the emperours and councils had made them equal to them , and this now added to all the rest , seem'd to exalt constantinople infinitely above s. peter's see. had this title been synodically conferr'd upon the pope , we had heard none of this noise and clamour ; but for him to be pass'd by , and his enemy the patriarch of constantinople to be crown'd with this title of honour , 't was this dropt the gall into his ink. and therefore in the midst of all this humility he ceas'd not to challenge a kind of supremacy over that bishop : who doubts ( says he * ) but that the church of constantinople is subject to the apostolic see , a thing which both the emperour , and eusebius the bishop of it , daily own . but this 't is plain is there spoken in the case of rites and ceremonies , wherein it seems all churches must take their measures from rome ; unless with spalato * we understand it of a subjection in point of order and dignity , that rome was the first see , and constantinople the second . the truth is , to me the passage seems suspected , and that constantinople is there thrust in for some other place ; and the rather , because there was no eusebius at that time bishop of that see , nor for a long time either before or after . however , gregory had all his eyes about him , that no disadvantage might surprise him ; and therefore in his letter to the bishops of greece ( mentioned before ) that were going to the synod at constantinople , he tells them , that although nothing should be attempted for the confirmation of the universal title , yet they should be infinitely careful , that nothing should be done there to the prejudice of any place or person : which though coucht in general terms , yet whoever understands the state of those times , and the pope's admirable tenderness in those matters , will easily see , that he means himself . and indeed , that the bishops of rome look'd upon the title of oecumenical bishop to be foul and abominable only 'till they could get it into their own hands , is evident , in that gregory had scarce been 12 months cold in his grave , when pope boniface the third got that title taken from constantinople , and affix'd to the see of rome ; the manner whereof we shall a little more particularly relate . xiv . mauricius the emperour had in his army a centurion call'd phocas , one whose deformed looks were the index of a more brutish and mishapen mind . he was * angry , fierce , bloody , ill-natur'd , debauch'd , and unmeasurably given to wine and women ; so bad , that when a devout monk * of that time oft expostulated with god in prayer , why he had made him emperour , he was answer'd by a voice from heaven , because i could not find a worse . this man taking the opportunity of the soldiers mutinying , murder'd the emperour , and possess'd his throne , which he fill'd with blood , and the most savage barbarities . ten of the imperial family * he put to death , and so far let loose the reins to fierceness and cruelty , that he had it in design , to cut off all those , whom nobility , or wisdom , or any generous or honourable actions had advanc'd above the common rank . and yet as bad as this lewd villain was , scarce was he warm in the throne when he receiv'd addresses from pope gregory , who complemented the tyrant , and that too in scripture-phrase , at such a rate , that i know not how to reconcile it with the honesty of a good man. his letter * begins with a glory be to god on high , who , according as it is written , changes times , and transfers kingdoms , who gives every one to understand so much , when he says by his prophet , the most high ruleth in the kingdom of men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will. the whole letter is much of the same strain , representing the happy advantages the world would reap under the benign influences of his government . and in another * written not long after he tells him , what infinite praise and thanks they ow'd to almighty god , who had taken off the sad and heavy yoak , and had restor'd times of liberty under the conduct of his imperial grace and piety . he wrote * likewise to the empress leontia ( one who is said to have been not one jot better than her husband ) with flattering caresses ; and under abundance of good words , courts her kindness and patronage to the church of s. peter , which he fails not to back with , thou art peter , and upon this rock , &c. to thee i will give the keys , &c. xv. not long after gregory dies , and sabinian , who succeeded , living not full six months , boniface the third of that name takes the chair . he had very lately been apocrisiarius , or the pope's legate at constantinople , where he wanted not opportunities to insinuate himself into the favour of phocas , and the courtiers . and now he thought it a fit time to put in for what the popes notwithstanding all the pretences of self-denial , so much desir'd , the title of universal bishop , and the rather because cyriacus patriarch of constantinople , was at this time under disfavour at court. from the very first entrance upon the papacy he dealt * with phocas about this matter , and at length gain'd the point , though not without some considerable difficulty and opposition , aegre nec sine multa contentione , as my authors have it . at last out comes an edict from phocas , commanding , that the church of rome should be styl'd and esteem'd the head of all churches , and the pope universal bishop . a rare charter sure , not founded upon the canons of the church , but upon an imperial edict , and this edict too granted by the vilest and the worst of men. but so they had it , no matter how they came by it . and now that title that had so lately been new , vain , proud , foolish , prophane , wicked , hypocritical , presumptuous , perverse , blasphemous , devilish , and antichristian , became in a moment not only warrantable , but holy and laudable , being sanctified by the apostolic see. xvi . from henceforth the church of rome sate as queen , and govern'd in a manner without control . for the empire being broken in the west by the irruptions of the lombards into italy , and its power declining in the east by the successful invasions of the saracens , the emperours were but little at leasure to support and buoy up the honour of the constantinopolitan patriarchate . advantages which the popes knew well enough how to improve . and indeed every age made new additions to the height of the papal throne , and the pride of that church increasing proportionably to its power and grandeur , hector'd the world into submission to the see of rome , which as imperiously imposed its commands and principles upon other churches , as tyrants do laws upon conquer'd countries . witness ( for a concluding instance ) those extravagant canons * or articles , ( dictates he calls them ) which pope gregory the seventh publish'd about the year mlxxv. i know monsieur launoy ‖ has attempted to shew that these dictates concerning the prerogative of the see apostolic were not fram'd by gregory the seventh . whether his reasons be conclusive , i am not now at leasure to enquire . sure i am they are without any scruple own'd for his by baronius , and generally by all the writers of that church : and launoy himself is forc'd to grant , that several of them are agreeable enough to the humour , pretensions , and decrees of that pope . they run thus . 1. that the church of rome is founded by our lord alone . 2. that the bishop of rome only can be truly styl'd universal bishop . 3. that he alone has power to depose or reconcile bishops . 4. that his legate , though of an inferiour degree , is above all bishops in council , and may pronounce sentence of deposition against them . 5. that the pope may depose absent bishops . 6. that where any are excommunicated by him , we may not , among other things , so much as abide in the same house with them . 7. that he only may , according to the necessity of times , make new laws , constitute new churches , turn a canonry into an abby , and on the contrary divide a rich bishoprick , and unite such as are poor . 8. that it is lawful only for him to use the imperial ornaments . 9. that all princes shall kiss none but the pope's feet . 10. that his name alone shall be recited in churches . 11. that there is but one only name in the world [ that is , that of pope . ] 12. that it is in his power to depose emperours . 13. that in case of necessity he may translate bishops from one see to another . 14. that wheresoever he please , he may ordain a clerk to any church . 15. that whoever is ordain'd by him , may have the government of any other church , but may not bear arms , nor may receive a superiour degree from any bishop . 16. that no council ought to be call'd general without his command . 17. that no chapter nor book shall be accounted canonical without his authority . 18. that no man may reverse sentence past by him , and he only may reverse all others . 19. that he ought not to be judg'd by any . 20. that none presume to condemn any person that appeals to the apostolic see. 21. that the weightier causes of every church ought to be referr'd to that see. 22. that the church of rome never err'd , nor , as the scripture testifies , shall ever err . 23. that the bishop of rome , if canonically ordain'd , is by the merits of s. peter undoubtedly made holy , as s. ennodius bishop of pavia bears witness , favour'd herein by many of the holy fathers , as is contain'd in the decrees of the blessed pope symmachus . 24. that by his leave and command subjects may accuse [ their superiours . ] 25. that without any synod he may depose and reconcile bishops . 26. that no man shall be accounted catholic , that agrees not with the church of rome . 27. that it is in his power to absolve the subjects of unjust governours from their fealty and allegiance . these were maxims with a witness , deliver'd like a true dictator and head of the church . and it shew'd , the world was sunk into a prodigious degeneracy , when a man durst but so much as think of obtruding such principles upon the consciences of men , and imposing them upon the belief of mankind . the end . books printed for , and sold by richard chiswell . folio . speed's maps and geography of great britain and ireland , and of foreign parts . dr. cave's lives of the primitive fathers , in 2. vol. dr. cary's chronological account of ancient time. wanley's wonders of the little world , or hist . of man. sir tho. herbert`s travels into persia , &c. holyoak's large dictionary , latine and english . sir rich. baker's chronicle of england . wilson's compleat christian dictionary . b. wilkin's real character , or philosophical language . pharmacopoeia regalis collegii medicorum londinensis . judge jones's 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. dr. sherlock's visitation sermon at warrington . dr. west's assize sermon at dorchester 1671. lord hollis's relation of the unjust accusation of certain french gentlemen charged with a robbery 167● . the magistrates authority asserted , in a sermon , by james paston . cole's latine and english dictionary . mr. james brome's two fast-sermons . dr. jane's fast sermon before the commons . 1679. mr. john jame's visitation sermon april . 9. 1671. mr. john cave's fast-sermon on 30. of jan. 1679. mr. john cave's assize sermon at leicester july 31. 1679. dr. parker's demonstration of the divine authority of the law of nature and the christian religion . mr. william's sermon before the lord mayor . 1679. mr. william's history of the powder treason , with a vindication of the proceedings relating thereunto , from the exceptions made against it by the catholick apologist and others ; and a parallel betwixt that and the present popish plot. speculum baxterianum , or baxter against baxter . mr. hook's new philosophical collections . dr. burnet's relation of the massacre of the protestants in france . dr. burnet's conversion and persecutions of eve cohan a jewess of quality lately baptized christian . dr. burnet's letter written upon discov . of the late popish plot. dr. burnet's impiety of popery being a second letter written on the same occasion . dr. burnet's sermon before the lord mayor upon the fast for the fire , 1680. dr. burnet's fast serm. before the house of com. dec. 22. 80. dr. burnet's sermon on the 30. of january 1681. dr. burnet's sermon at the election of the l. mayor . 1681. dr. burnet's sermon at the funeral of mr. houblon . 1682. dr. burnet's answer to the animadversions on his history of the rights of princes , 1682. dr. burnet's decree made at rome 1679. condemning some opinions of the jesuites and other casuists . published by dr. burnet , with a preface . dr. burnet's a letter giving a relation of the present state of the difference between the french king and the court of rome . bibliotheca norfolciana , sive catalogus lib. manuscript . & impress . in omni arte & lingua , quos hen. dux norfolciae regiae societati londinensi pro scientia naturali promovenda donavit . octavo . elborow's rationale upon the english service . bishop wilkin's natural religion . hardcastle's christian geography and arithmetick . dr. ashton's apology for the honours and revenues of the clergy . lord hollis's vindication of the judicature of the house of peers in the case of skinner . lord hollis's jurisdiction of the h. of peers in case of appeals . lord hollis's jurisdiction of the h. of peers in case of impositions . lord hollis's letters about the bishops votes in capital cases . duporti versio psalmorum graeca . dr. grew's idea of philological history continued on roots . spaniara's conspiracy against the state of venice . dr. brown's religio medici : with digbies observations . dr. salmon upon the london dispensatory . brinsley's posing of the 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sanway's unreasonableness of the romanists . record of urines . doctor ashton's cases of scandal and persecution . cole's latin and english dictionary . the tryals of the regicides in 1660. certain genuine remains of the lord bacon in arguments civil , moral , natural , &c. with a large account of all his works , by dr. tho. tennison . dr. puller's discourse of the moderation of the church of england . dr. saywel's original of all the plots in christendom . sir john munsons discourse of supream power and common right . dr. henry bagshaw's discourses on select texts . mr. seller's remarks relating to the state of the church in the three first centuries . the country mans physician ; for the use of such as live far from cities or market towns. dr. burnet's account of the life and death of the earl of rochester . dr. burnet's vindic. of the ordinations of the church of engl. dr. burnet's history of the rights of princes in the disposing of ecclesiastical benefices and church lands . — life of god in the soul of man. markam's perfect horseman . dr. sherlock's practical disc . of religious assemblies . dr. sherlock's defence of dr. stillingfleet's unreasonableness of separation . dr. sherlock's vindication of the defence of dr. stillingfleet in answer to mr. baxter and mr. lob about catholick communion . the history of the house of estee , the family of the dutchess of york , octavo . sir rob. filmer's patriarcha , or natural power of kings . mr. john cave's gospel to the romans . dr. outram's 20. serm. preached on several occasions . dr. salmon's new london dispensatory . lawrence's interest of ireland in its trade and wealth stated . dvodecimo . hodder's arithmetick . gro●ius de veritate religionis christianae . bishop hacket's christian consolations . the mothers blessing . a help to discourse . new-englands psalms . an apology for a treatise of human reason , written by m. clifford esq ; . the queen-like closet , both parts . vicesimo qvarto . valentine's devotions . guide to heaven . pharmacopoeia collegii londinensis reformata . books lately printed for richard chiswell . an historical relation of the island of ceylon in the east indies : together with an account of the detaining in captivity the author , and divers other english-men now living there , and of the author 's miraculous escape : illustrated with fifteen copper figures , and an exact map of the island . by capt. robert knox , a captive there near 20 years , fol. mr. camfield's two discourses of episcopal confirmation , octavo . bishop wilkin's fifteen sermons never before extant . mr. john cave's two sermons of the duty and benefit of submission to the will of god in afflictions , quar. dr. crawford's serious expostulation with the whiggs in scotland , quarto . a letter giving a relation of the present state of the difference between the french king and the court of rome ; to which is added , the popes brief to the assembly of the clergy , and their protestation . published by dr. burnet . alphonsus borellus de motu animalium , in 2 vol. quarto . dr. salmon's doron medicum , or supplement to his new london dispensatory , octavo . sir james turner's pallas armata , or military essayes of the antient , grecian , roman and modern art of war , fol. mr. tanner's primordia : or the rise and growth of the first church of god described , octavo . a letter writ by the last assembly general of the clergy of france to the protestants , inviting them to return to their communion ; together with the methods proposed by them for their conviction . translated into english and examined by dr. gilb. burnet , octavo . dr. cave's dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops , metropolitans , and patriarchs : more particularly concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of rome , and the encroachments of that upon other sees , especially constantinople , octavo . dr. cave's his history of the lives , acts , death , and writings of the most eminent fathers of the church that flourished in the fourth century : ( being a second volume ) wherein amongst other things is an account of arianism , and all other sects . of that age. with an introduction containing an historical account of the state of paganism under the first christian emperours , folio . books in the press . doctor john lightfoot's works in english , fol. mr. selden's janus anglorum englished , with notes : to which is added his epinomis , concerning the ancient government and laws of this kingdom , never before extant . also two other treatises written by the same author : one of the original of ecclesiastical jurisdiction of testaments ; the other of the disposition or administration of intestates goods : now the first time published , fol. mezeray's history of france rendred into english , fol. gul. ten ▪ rhyne med. doct dissertat . de arthritide , mantyssa schematica , & de acupunctura . item orationes tres de chemiae ac botaniae antiquitate & dignitate . de ▪ physiognomia & de monstris . cum figuris & authoris notis illustratae , octavo . d. spenceri dissertationes de ratione rituum judaicorum , &c. fol. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a31419-e270 epist . ad philadelph . p. 30. vid. ad trall . p. 16. notes for div a31419-e510 mat. xxiii . 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chrysost . in loc . 1 pet. v. 3 , 5. life of s. greg. naz. sect. v. num. ix . notes for div a31419-e3100 joh. xx . 21. 1 pet. v. 1 , 2 , 3. 11 cor. xi . 5. gal. ii . 7. — 9. rev. xxi . 14. matth. xix . 28. matth xx . 25 , 26 , 27. * de rom. pontif. l. 2. c. 1. col. 5●9 . c. 12. col. 628. l. 4. c. 4. col. 803. * l. 2. c. 12. l. 4. c. 4. ubi supr . * barlaam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 25. edit . graec. * firmil . ep. ad cypr. inter ep. cypr. p. 150. * epist . 74. ad pomp. per tot . p. 129. * epist . supr . cit . p. 143 , &c. * synod . carth. apud cypr. p. 282. * adv. haeres . l. 3. c. 3. p. 232. * epist . 162. col . 728. * euseb . h. eccl. l. 6. c. 14. p. 216. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 herod . hist . l. 1. in vit . commod . p. 32. tibi proficiscentium major facultas fuit : primò , quia in commune imperii caput undique gentium convenitur ; tum , quod clementissimum principem in hac parte degentem , varia omnium desideria vel necessitates sequuntur . symmach . l. 4. epist . xxviii . ( ad protad . ) vid. sis not lectii . * de fid . cathol . c. th. leg . 2. vid. soz. l. 7. c. 4. p. 708. * lib. 27. p. 1739. * hieron . ad pammach . adv . error . jo. hierosol . p. 165. * ap. euseb . h. e. l. 4. c. 23. p. 145. * epist . v. concil . tom. ii . col . 876. * innoc. epist . i. ibid. col . 1245. * epist . 10. ad gregor , p. 54. * ap. baron . ad an. 372. t. 4. p. 322. * prim. chr. part. 1. ch. 8. p. 227. edit . 1. vid. breerwoods quaer . 1. & berter . pithan . fere per tot . aliique . * can. 9. * cypr. epist . xxxiii . p. 47. xxxii . p. 46. * vid. cone . nic. can. iv . * cornel. epist . ad fab. antioch . ap . eus . l. 6. c. 43. p. 245. * epist . xxix . p. 41. * epist . xxx . p. 42. * epist . xlii. p. 56. * epist . lxvii . infin . * epist . lv. p. 78. * epist . xli. p. 55. * optat. l. 1. p. 27 , &c. & const . epist . ad melch. ap . euseb . l. 10. c. 5. p. 391. * vid. conc. tom. 1. col . 1428. * epist . cclxxxii . p. 802. vid. epiph. haeres . 68. p. 307. sozom . l. 1. c. 24. p. 438. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nist territorium est universitas agrorum intra fines cujusque civitatis : quod ab eo dictum quidam aiunt quod magistratus ejus loci intra eos fines terrendi , id est , submovendi jus habet . l. 239. § 7. de verb. signific . * geograph . l. 4 p. 186. vid. plin. l. 3. c. 4. p. 39. * lib. 17. p. 84. * vid. j. front. de colon . inter s●r . rei agr. à goes . edit . p. 141. frag . de term. ib. p. 148. * lib. 53. in vit . august . * sirmond . censur . p. 1. c. 2. p. 10. aleand . refut . conject . p. 1. c. 3. p. 25. * lib. 3. c. 5. p. 41. front. ib. p. 118. 123. & alibi . * ib. p. 127. ‖ ib. p. 144. * hyg . de limit . ib. p. 211. * appar . ad primat . pap . p. 273. can. ix . * de bell-jud . l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 854. * hist . l. 2. p. 359. * in can. ii. concil . c p. p. 88. * l. allat . de consens . eccles . orient . & occid . l. 1. c. 12. n. 4. p. 190. * alex. arist . in loc . * epit. can. sect. i. tit. i. in jur. gr. rom. p. 1. * epist . xlix . p. 63. * epist . ad solit . p. 644. * dionys . de script . orb. vers . 355. p. 8. * dion . orat. xxxii . ( ad alex . ) p. 362 * orat. in rom. p. 358. tom. 1. * alexand. ap . eustath . comment . in homer . i●iad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stephan . in v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * can. ix . * can. ii . * can. xxviii . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 8. edit . graec. vid. barlaam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 26. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 374. fac . 2. edit . graec. ‖ l. allat . ib. c. 2. n. 6 , 7 , &c. p. 12 , &c. morin . exercit . eccles . l. 1. exerc . 1. p. 9. * morin . ib. p. 8. 11. vide sis etiam hieron . aleand . de region . suburb . dissert . 11. c. 2. p. 90. * vit. i. morin . p. 5. 7. * melet. alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 14. * constantinopolitana ecclesia omnium aliarum est caput . lib. 1. cod. just . tit. 11. l. 24. * concil . ephes . can. viii . * can. xxxix * ap. theod. l. 1. c. 6. p. 31. a can. xix . b can. xii . c can. vi . d can. xii . e can. i. f can. xxv . g conc. chalced. act. xiii . col . 715. * can. ix . * de primat . c. 4. p. 57. * de concord . l. 6. c. 1. n. 9. p. 176. * epist . dionys . corinth . episc . ap . eus . l. 4. c. 23. p. 144. * euseb . h. eccl. l. 5. c. 23. p. 190 ▪ * de script . in bacchyl . c. 44. * a papp● edit . p. 7. * vid. epist . xlii. p. 56. xlv . p. 59. * loc. ●itat . * l. allat . ib. c. 8. n. 1. p. 158. filesac . de s. episc . auctor . c. 9. §. 3. p. 225. * bellarm. de r. pont. l. 2. c. 18. col . 659 aleand . de reg . suburb . part. ii. c. 4. p. 142. sirmond . censur . p. ii. c. 5. p. 76. * ap. theod. l. 2. c. 16. p. 94. * ib. 16 n. 2. col . 240. a ap. vlp. de offic praef . urb . l. 1. ff . §. 4. lib. 1. tit. 12. & collat . ll. mosac . tit. 14. de plag . b form. lib. 5. p. 207 c l. 3. c. th. lib. 9. tit. 30. l. 3. lib. 11. tit. 3. l. 9. tit. 16. ib. d l. 9. c. th. lib. 11. tit. 1. l. 12. tit. 16. ib. l. 12. tit. 28. e l. 13. c. th. lib. 9. tit. 1. f vlp. ubi supr . §. 13. g l. 4. c. th. lib. 14. tit. 10. h l. 1 c. th. lib. 14. tit. 6. * epist . ad amic . p. 4. euchar. p. 1. c. 1. p. 7. p. 11. c. 1. p. 249. * euchar. ib. p. 11. & not . salm. in vit . probi . * conjectur . de region . suburb . c. 5. p. 27. 30 , 31. & com . ad c. th. lib. 14. tit. 6. l. 1. * epist . cit . p. 23 , 24. eucharist . 1. c. 5. p. 170. 186 , &c. * io lechasser . observat . de eccles . suburb . p. 4 , 5. * censur . conject . l. 1. c. 4. p. 23. advent . p. 1. c. 3. p. 31. * refut conject . p. 1 c. 3. p. 26. * lib. 11. c. th. tit. 16. l. 9. p. 120. * censur . ubi supr . c. 6. p. 38. vid. advent . ib. p. 36. * aleand . ubi supr . c. 2. p. 23. * vid. zosim . hist . l. 2. p. 688. * exercit. eccles . l. 1. c. 30. p. 243. * cens . c. 1. p. 9. adv. c. 1. p. 7. * cens . p. 12. propemp . l. 1. c. 7. p. 87. * lib. 9. tit. 1. l. 13. * conc. chalc can . 17. * conc. c. p. in trull . c. 38. * l. 62. c. th ▪ lib. 16. tit. 5. * prosp . de promiss . div . p. iii. prom . 38. p. 60. * herodian . hist . l. 2. p. 97. * ext. ap . baron . ad ann. 371. vid. item rescr . ad maxim . v. v. ibid. * h. eccl. l. 1. c. 6. * distinct . xv . c. 3. sancta romana . p. m. 34. * adv. hincm . laud. cap. 21. p. 100. * vid. conc. nic. ii. act. 1 con. t. vii . col. 80. 85. vid. cyril . epist . ad pp . afric . conc. t. 2. col . 1143. * censur . p. ii . c. 4. p. 68. * de eccl. occid . & or. consens . l. 1. c. 12. s. 4. p. 191. * h. e. l. 7. c. 30. p. 282. * ap. athan. apol. ii. p. 588. vid. ad solitar . p. 640. * ap. ath. ib. p. 643. * ap. theod. h. eccl. l. 2. c. 15. p. 91. * sac. hist . l. 2. p. 169. * pithan . p. 1. c. 3. p. 26. * ext. conc. t. 1. col . 1429. * de primat . c. vlt. p. 390. * vid. cod. can. eccl. afric . can. 53. 56. 71. 93. 98. 99. 117. 118. 119 123. & in collat . carthag . passim . * epist . lxxxvii . c. 2. p. 158. * a d. bevereg . inter annot. ad can. xxxvi . conc. vi. in trull . p. 135. * exerc. eccl. l. 1. exercit . xxx . p. 250. * — adoratum populo caput , & crep●t ingens sejamis : deinde ex facie toto or be secunda , &c. juvenal . satyr . x. vers . 62. orbe &c. ] quia praefectus vrbi fuit venerabilis , secundus à caesare tiberio . vet. scholiast . ibid. — erubuit tanto spoliare ministro imperium fortuna tuum : stat proxima cervix ponderis immensi — p. stat. sylv. l. 1. c. 4. vers . 5. de rub. gallico . p. v. vid. gothofred . conjectur . dissert . i. c. 1. ii. c. 5. & j. dartis . de reg. suburb . part. i. c. 16. p. 147. a l 3. c. lib. 1. tit. 28. symmach . l. 10. epist . 36. p. 503. b id. ib. epist . 30. p 459. c ap. eus . de vis. c. l. 3. c. 7. p. 487. can. 28. * a. marcell . hist . l 15. p. m. 1454. * l. 7. c. xi . p. 347. * concil . c. p. can. 11. * l. 5. c. 8. p. 275. * life of greg. nazianz . sect. v. num. 8. * epist . xviii . non longe abinit ▪ * lib. 16. c. th. tit. 2 l. 23. * distinct . xcix . p. 302. * haeres . 30. p. 60. * dial. 1. tom. iv . p. 22. a seder olam , r. abraham , r. dav. ganz . in zemach , david . benjamin in itin . &c. b epiph. haeres . xxx . ubi supra . cyril . catech. xii . p. 261. hieron . comm. in esa . c. 3. p. 18. & alibi . chrysost . adv . jud. l. 4. p. 448. & de hisce intelligendus est locus in epistola hadriani ap . vopisc . in saturnino p. 960. c lib. 16. tit. viii . de judaeis . l. 1. 2. 8. 11. 13 , 14 , 15. 17. 22. 29. d vid. c. th. ubi supr . l. 29. & theod. loc . supr . citat . * can. ix . & xvii . * con. sard. can. vi . * conc. chal. act. ii . col . 338. tom. 4. * ib. act. iii. col . 395. * ext. ibid. col . 57. * hieron . epist . ad marcellam . p. 28 t. 2. habent primos de pepusa phrygiae patriarchas . secundos , quos , &c. * vid. apollon . ap . euseb . l. 5. c. 18. p. 184. &c. 16. p. 180. * can. xxxv . * ca. 116. fol. 76. ubi vid. comment . panciroll . * gel. cyz . h. conc. nic. l. 2. c. 32. p. 268. * conc. chalc. act. i. p. 100 t. iv . * ap. l. allat . de cons . eccl. or. & occid . l. 1. c. 9. n. 2. p. 167. a chap. 2. num. 7. * vid. alexand . epist . encycl . ap . socr. l. 1. c. 6. p. 11. * apol. ii. p. 611. vid. p. 560. * ap. theod. l. 5. c. 9. p. 211. * not. imp. orient . c. 104 fol. 71. * act. vii . col . 787. &c. tom. iii. * vbi supr . p. 147. * hier. ad pammach . tom. 2. p. 178 * ap. l. allat . l. 1. c. 9. n. 1. col . 165. * ap. guil. tyr. l. 23 mirae . notit . episc . &c. * de aedific . justin . lib. 4 c. 9. p. 87. vid. chron. alex. ad an. const . xxv . p. 666. a chrysost . homil. iv . de verb. esai . t. 2. p. 865. b orat. xxvii . p. 472. * can. iii. * c. th. lib. 16. tit. 1. l. 3. * conc. chalc. act. 1. col . 116. * act. xi . col . 669. * morin . l. 1. exercit. xiv . p. 102. impp. theodosius & honorius aa . philippo pf . p. illyrici . omni innovatione c●ssante , vetustatem & canones . pristinos ecclesiasticos , qui nunc usque tenuerunt , per omnes illyrici provincias , servari praecipimus : tum , si quid dubietatis emerserit , id oporteat , non absque scientia viri reverendissimi sacrosanctae legis antistitis vrbis constantinopolitanae ( quae romae veteris praerogativa laetatur ) conventui sacerdotali sanctoque judicio reservari . dat. prid. jul. eustathio & agricola coss. [ 421 ] * vid. notit ; imp. c. 122. fol. 78. * ib. c. 126. fol. 79. * ib. c. 132. fol. 82. * act. xvi . col . 798 , &c. tit. iv . * lib. 6. indict . xv . epist . 31. col . 614. * ext. ib. col . 833. vid. ib. col . 838. a. * can. xxxvi ▪ * inter annot . d. bevereg . ubi supr . * jur. gr. rom. l. 2. p. 88. * ext. ap . l. allat . loc . cit . c. 24. col . 411 , &c. * ext. ad calc . codin . cle offic . cp . p. 117. * ib. l. 3. p. 244. * ad colc . lib. 23. histor . suae p. 1015. * can. vii . * act. vii . col . 614. &c. * guilielm . tyr. loc . citat . * nil . doxopatr . ap . l. allat . ubi supr . c. 9. n. 5. col . 196. * ext. conc . t. v. col . 188. * ext. ibid. col . 276. &c. * ap. guil. tyr. ibid & miraeum notit . episc . p. 48. * vbi supra . * sirmond . censur . de eccl. suburb . c. 4. p. 69. advent . p. ii c. 1. p. 63. * ph. berter . pithan . diatrib . ii. c. 3. p. 170. 171. * goth. lib. 2. c. 7. p. 406. * deconcord . l. 6. c. 4. n. 7. 8 p. 188. vid. n. 6. * ext. conc. t. v. col . 805. * epist . v. ib. col . 794. * plat. in vit . steph. ix . p. 172. * p. dam. act. mediol . à seipso conscript . ext . ap . baron . t. xi . p. 265. & jo. monach. de vlt. p. dam. c. 16. * epist . supr . laud col . 815. * loc. supra citat . * ext. ap . baror . an. 590. n. xxxviii . tom. 8. * ext. ib. n. xliii . * tom. 7. p. 568. * hieron . rub. hist . ravennat . l. 4. ad ann. dcxlix . p. 203. 205. 206. vid. bar. ad ann. 669. n. ii . iii. t. 8. * baron . cod . an n. ii . iii. iv . rub. ibid. p. 213. 214. * can. v. conc. t. 4. col . 1012. * can. vii . ib. col . 1781. * de concord . l. 6. c. 3. per tot . c. 4. n. 3. 4. * ext. ap . bar. ad ann. 865. t. 10. n. xxxv . &c. * annal. incert . auct . ad ann. 863. inter script . coetan . a pith. edit . p. 62. * ext. loc . cit . * epist syv. afric . ad bonifac. concil . t. ii . col . 1670. item ad coelest . ib. col . 1674. concil . carth . vi . col . 1589. cod. can. eccles . afric . in init . * ext. ubi supr . col . 1143. * conc. mil. ii . can. xxii . t. 2. col . 1542. * m. a. capell . de apellat . eccl. afric . c. 4. p. 118. * gild. de excid . brit. non longe ab init . * antiq. apost . life of s. paul. §. x. n. 7. introd . to the apostolici . n. 8. 9. * bed. l. 2. c. 2. p. 111. vid. galfr. monomuth . l. 11. c. 12. girald . cambr. itin . cambr. l. 2. c. 1. p. 856. & not . d. powell . ibid. * de script . cent. i. n. 70. p. 64. * annal. par. post . sub joann . r. fol. 454. * de primord . eccl. brit. c. 5. p. 91. * bed. ubi supr . p. 110. * spelm. conc. brit. an. 601. t. 1. p. 108. * notit . imper . c. 48. fol. 149. * vid zosim . hist . l. 2. p. 688. * epist ad afric . in init . * ep. ad orient . ap . athan . apol. ii . p. 580. * ad. ann. 1057. tom. xi . p. 243. a concil . t. iv . col . 1260. b ibid. col . 1312. c ep. iv . c. 7. p. 101. * ext. ep. ap . hilar. in fragm . col . 407. * conc. t. 4. col . 53. * de concord l. 1. c. 7. §. 6. p. 26. * ap. sozom. l. 3. c. 8. p. 508. ap . alban . apol. ii. p. 579. * theod. h. e l. 5. c. 10. p. 212. * dam. epist . v. conc. t. 2. col . 876. * epist . 1. c. 15. ib. col . 1022. * vid. innoc. epist . 21. 24. 25. conc. t. 2. * ad an. 418. tom. 5. * epist . 87. c. 1. p. 157. * epost . 84. c. 11. p. 155. * serm. 1. in natal . app. c. 1. p. 79. * conc. chalc. act. i. conc. t. 4. col 93. * act. v. col . 555. &c. * ibid. act. xvi . col . 810. * epist . 53. c. 2. p. 130. * epist . 54. 55. 61. 62. 105. * evagr. h. e. l. 3. c. 11. 12. &c. p. 343 & seq . vid. gest . de nom . acacii . conc. t. 4. col . 1081 gelas. epist . 13. ad epp. dard. ib. 1199. & tom. de anath . vincul . ib. col . 1227. * evagr. ib. c. 16. p. 347. * ext. epist . ib. c. 17. * basil . cil. h. eccl. ap . niceph. l. 16. c. 17. p. 683. * ext. in calc . gest . de nom . acac. ubi supr . col . 1083. faelic . epist . vi . ib. col . 1073. * tom. de anath . ubi supr . * ad epp. dard. ib. col . 1207. * epist . viii . ib. col . 1182. * inter epist . hormisd . conc. t. 4. col . 1469. * chron. indict . 3. philox . & prob. coss . p. 61. * niceph. h. e. l. 17. c. 9. p. 746. * in vit . joan . 1 ▪ conc. t. 4. col . 1601. * epist . 2. ibid. col . 1745. * h. eccl. l. 6. c. 7. p. 450. * haeret. fab . l. 4. c. 12. t. 4. p. 245. * pelag. epist . viii . conc. t. 5. col . 949. * lib. 4. indict . 13. epist . 36. col . 549. vid. etiam epist . 38. ibid. * lib. ● ▪ pist . 39 ▪ 555. * ib. epist . 32. * epist . 33. * epist . 39. * lib 6. ind. 15. epist . 37. * lib. 4. epist . 36. * epist . 38. * epist . 32 , 36 , 38. lib. 7. epist . 30. * conc. chalc. act. iii. col . 419. conc. t. 4. * ib. act. vi . col . 579. * act. xvi . col . 818. * act. iv . col . 472. &c. * ext. ib. col . 834. * not. in loc . col . 997. * ad an. 518. t. 7. p. 5. ‖ not. in conc. sub menna . conc. t. v. col . 274. * de consens . eccl. or. & occ. l. 1. c. 19. n. 7. col . 289. * lib. 6. epist . 4. ( vid. l. xi . epist . 47. al. 45. * ib. ep. 24. * epist . 28. * ib. ep. 30. * lib. 7. epist . 70. * lib. 7. epist . 64. * de rep. eccl. l. 4. c. 4 , n. 28. p. 582. * cedren ▪ compend . hist . p. 404. * cedren . ib. p. 407. vid. anastas . sinait . quaest . xvi . p. 182. * vid. niceph . l. 18. c. 41 , 55. * l. xi . epist . xxxvi . indict . vi . col . 793. * ib. ep. xliii . col . 796. * ib. ep. xliv . * sabell . ennead . viii . l. 6. col . 528. plat. in vit . bonif. iii. p. 85. naucher . vol. ii . gener. xxi . p. 754. adon . martyrol . prid . id. novembr . * ext. inter epist . greg. vii . ad calc . ep. lv . conc. t. 10. col . 110. & ap . baron . ad ann . 1076. p. 479. ‖ epist . part. vi . epist . 13. ( ad ant. faur . ) the romane conclaue vvherein, by way of history, exemplified vpon the liues of the romane emperours, from charles the great, to rodulph now reigning; the forcible entries, and vsurpations of the iesuited statists, successiuely practised against the sacred maiestie of the said empire: and so by application, against the residue of the christian kings, and free-states are liuely acted, and truely reported. by io. vrsinus ante-iesuite. speculum jesuiticum. english beringer, joachim. 1609 approx. 443 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 120 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14210 stc 24526 estc s118919 99854126 99854126 19533 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14210) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 19533) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1041:13) the romane conclaue vvherein, by way of history, exemplified vpon the liues of the romane emperours, from charles the great, to rodulph now reigning; the forcible entries, and vsurpations of the iesuited statists, successiuely practised against the sacred maiestie of the said empire: and so by application, against the residue of the christian kings, and free-states are liuely acted, and truely reported. by io. vrsinus ante-iesuite. speculum jesuiticum. english beringer, joachim. gentillet, innocent, ca. 1535-ca. 1595, attributed name. [4], 167, 176-243, [1] p. printed [by john windet] for iohn iagger, and are to be sold at his shop in fleetestreete within temple barre, london : 1609. io. vrsinus = joachim beringer. a translation of: speculum jesuiticum. sometimes attributed to innocent gentillet. printer's name from stc. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the 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of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature -early works to 1800. papacy -history -early works to 1800. europe -history -early works to 1800. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the romane conclave . wherein , by way of history , exemplified vpon the liues of the romane emperours , from charles the great , to rodvlph now reigning ; the forcible entries , and vsurpations of the iesuited statists , successiuely practised against the sacred maiestie of the said empire : and so by application , against the residue of the christian kings , and free-states are liuely acted , and truely reported . by io. vrsinvs ante-iesuite . io. de turre-cremat . de illicitis dispensat . ecclesia iuribus & legibus regitur , siue debet regi ; non talibus actibus , siue exemplis . d. and. fol. 46. dum enim henrici , frederici , lodouici pugnant : sultani , chami , ottomani , miserâ nostrâ magni sunt , ditiones suas perditione nostra dilatârunt . london printed for iohn iagger , and are to be sold at his shop in fleetestreete within temple barre . 1609. ¶ the names of the authours out of whose records , these memorials are collected . auentine . bartolus . barnus de vitis pontif. benno . blondus . catal. testium verit . collenutius . cuspinian . the decretals . aeneas siluius . feronius . functius . gunther . guicciardine . hub. goltz . helmoldius . hutenus . ioan. de cremona . iouius . krantzius . gerard moringus . munster . mutius . nauclerus . otho frisingensis . pandulfus . paral. vrsperg . petrus de vineis . platina . radauicus . sleydan . ia. spigelij annot. theodore de nyem . tritemnius . ab. vrspergensis . wimphelinagus ger. zeigl . de vir . illust . german . ¶ to the vnresolued reader , peace and profit . in disputations words multiply words : in tedious discourses ( for the most part ) groūded vpon the sole authority of running reason , small satisfaction is afforded to weake consciences . in this argument , i must confesse , matters of weightie consequence are debated ; the romish prelates are accused of intrusion and vsurpation : and they againe , as stiffely maintaine faire and filiall vsage , with successiue diuolution . to what purpose were it then , for any man how learned , or zealous soeuer , to inforce his vtmost indeuours , to put end to a controuersied question ; if when all hath beene said , that truth and learning can alleadge : euery passionate and discontented humorist may take vpon him with colours and cunning distinctions , to oppose and contradict his opposites assertions . in this case , what conscience can but remaine distracted in vtramque partem ? the disputants on either side , are men of admirable reputation for their learning . both of them bring warrant ( or at least ) seeme to bring warrant to maintaine their partie . yet oftentimes vpon priuate passion , so impertinently and maliciously , that either they seeme not to haue read the authours whome they quote ; or hauing read them , they doe not vnderstand them , or vnderstanding them , they doe of purpose misconster them . vpon which conceite it should seeme , that this our ante-iesuite , in assured hope to worke more by example , then discourse , hath purposely declined these ambiguous disputations ; and in liew therof hath brought vpon the stage of iudgement , time and testimonie , veritatis parentes , to pleade nothing for themselues , but matter on record . a course that hath seldome in so doubtfull a controuersie beene presented to audience . the remembrancers were men without exception , and some of them by testimonies on either side , genere , pietate , & eruditione nobilissimi , atque harum rerum testes pene oculati : their names and credits you are acquainted with ; your vnderstandings will informe you of their maners , and the times , wherein , and vnder whome they flourished . nothing then remaineth , but a rectified conscience , to make true vse of the application . which to effect , behold our ante-jesuite , hath not onely runne the truest and plainest path-way to confidence , but also in old and auncient fashion , hath of purpose thus attired his actors , that the busiest-headed iesuite that euer put pen to paper , may rather with impudencie cauill at antiquitie , then with his fierie wit , become a stumbling-blocke to the wauering , by excepting to his pen or person . you your selues sit iudges ; and as vnpreiudicated arbitrators examine the pleas : both parties are at the barre , and shall produce their best titles , euen titles of prescription . whereunto , how-euer paul plant , or apollo water , let that great god who searcheth the reines , and loueth nothing but trueth , giue a plentifull increase to the restauration of his reformed kingdome , amen . thine in assurance , c. h. a trve relation by way of historie , discovrsing vpon the trecheries , insolencies , and tyrannies , which the romane popes from time to time haue practised , vpon , and against the sacred maiestie of the germaine empire : and so by insinuation , vpon all christian kings , princes , and free common-weales . amongst the manifolde and infinite choyce of precedents , arguing and prouing , god himselfe , to bee both the parent and protector of order : herein especially appeareth the most euident and remarkeable confirmation thereof ; in that all those godly and goodly conformities ( whereby from euerlasting , religion , and the vnfained zeale thereof , together with the mutuall references of humane life , and ciuill societie , haue beene by due and orderly proceedings maintained and perfected ) haue tended euen from the prime-birth of mankind , by admirable prouidence , to aduance the priesthood to gouerne the church , and the temporall magistrate to take care of the commonwealth ; and both distinguished by their peculiar orders and dignities , without intermedling one in anothers office. for albeit the fathers of the old testament , abel , seth , noah , abraham , and iacob , who liued before the promulgation of the written law , are registred to be sole gouernours aswell of religion as of lay-matters : and that in succeeding ages , both amongst the egyptians , and many other nations ( the presidents no doubt being taken from the examples of the foresaid patriarkes ) none by the authoritie of plato were chosen to be kings , but such as formerly had beene interessed in the administration of their religious ceremonies : yet by the written law of moses , god manifested his determinate pleasure in distinguishment of eithers authoritie : the priests to teach , to sacrifice , to pray : the princes with the people , to sit in iudgement , to obserue discipline , to procure peace , and that according to order and equitie . in the new priesthood , in the new testament ( being the very institution of christ the sonne of god , and the sauiour of the world , ) himselfe , being ordained by the will of his father , a prince , and a priest for euer , vtterly refusing to intermeddle in temporall gouernement , tooke vpon him the charge of spirituall matters onely : for that , his kingdome was from eternitie and celestiall , not transitorie and politicall . for he knew , that in his kingdome , worldly matters , temporarie , vaine , and passeable , were not to be managed ; but blessings heauenly and euerlasting to be distributed . whereupon he gaue pilate , demaunding him as concerning his temporalitie , this sweete answere , that , his kingdome was not of this world : neither that he came to be ministred vnto , but to minister ; yea , to lay down his life for the saluation of many . and when the multitude would haue created him a king , hee auoyded it . the iudgement , or portion of an offered inheritance , he refused : and not onely commanded to giue vnto caesar , that which was caesars ; but where the tribute money was demanded ( lest he should giue an euill president to others ) the siluer being taken out from the fishes mouth , he deliuered it vnto the kings officers . moreouer , when he vnderstood that his disciples distracted through the ambition of superioritie , contended for primacie , hee told them ; that not they , but temporall princes were to affect soueraigntie ; hereby putting them in minde of their calling , as dis-vnited from worldly gouernement , and humane policies . at last , after his glorious resurrection , he sent them to preach the gospel ouer the whole world , but with no other commission , then what he himselfe had receiued from his father . intimating by this mandat , that they were neuer called , nor chosen for lordship , but that through the preaching of the gospel , and the glad tidings of saluation , they were bound to beget a congregation to the father in eternitie : that , him they should loue , feare and inuocate with all their power : and being astonished with no torments , calumnies nor threates , they should not forbeare to confesse his holy name before all men . that , in prayer , they should carie themselues zealously , faithfully , constantly , modestly , soberly , and chastly : that , vpon cause of offences , they should studie mildnesse ; compassion towards good men oppressed , and patience amidst their miseries : that , by the bond of peace , they should retaine vnitie of spirit ; and finally , that casting away the care of earthly easements , they should meekly indure pouertie , and worldly displeasures , that thus by their doctrine , and example of life , christ might be glorified , the church increased , and their ministerie admired . and surely the apostles , and their successors , in all their trauailes ouer the face of the earth , thus vndertaken by the commandement of their master , so behaued themselues in all occurrances , but especially in this obseruancie of difference betweene politicall gouernement and ecclesiasticall orders , that by this note onely they were acknowledged to bee the true disciples and followers of their glorified master . for they not onely preached with puritie the euerlasting will of god ( without intermingling of humane fancies ) but also , in all places accustomed to teach ; that vpon earth caesars ( kings ) were to bee acknowledged next vnto god , and to be reuerenced before all other mortall men ; they stiled them their lords , payed them tribute , made intercession vnto god for their welfare ; and vnto such as spake euill of the magistrate , they threatned reuenge from aboue . from all worldly affaires , especially from the abuse of armes , they abhorred ; knowing that the twofold sword of the church was intrusted to saluation and regeneration , and not for distruction . so farre were they euen from imagination , to thinke it lawfull to disenthronize any king or potentate , though a most wicked one ; either to absolue his people from their othes of allegiance , or to proue masteries with him about precedencies . but rather they thought it a worke worthy their calling , by the space of two hundred and seuentie yeeres , to suffer most bitter and terrible persecutions , and those too rather to bee indured by stedfast faith in christ iesus , by zealous calling vpon his name , and by glorious martyrdome ; then by rebellious impatiencie , and violent meditation of requitall ; and all this , not without admirable increase , and good successe to the church of christ . for in what age was the face of the church more amiable , or liker the head thereof , euen christ iesus , then when after his ascension , his disciples ( striuing to fulfill his testament ; and their successors , treading in the very same footesteps ) preached faithfully and purely the gospel through iudaea , samaria , and palestine ? after that , when so glorious and conspicuous , as when with their fellow labourers , taking their iournyes towards other nations , but especially towards rome ( at that time the chiefe seate of the empire ) and the bordering regions , they imployed their times in dressing , in planting and in watering the lords vineyard , viz. from the time of linus to siluester , and caesar constantine by the space of two hundred and fiftie yeeres , vnder most vnsufferable persecutions , euen to the losse of their liues and dearest bloods ? but assoone as constantine by the diuine prouidence had giuen peace to the afflicted churches , and that the bishops being deliuered from their lurking corners , from vaults and from dennes , wherein during the time of persecution they had safe conducted their bodies , then , i say , shamed they not to giue themselues ouer to the delights of the world , to vnprofitable idlenesse : to liue a pleasurable life ; to degenerate from the wayes of their predecessors , through neglect of gods word , being wholly seduced with carnall affections . then began they to giue coulorable clothing to the doctrine of christ and his apostles , by canons , decretals , and ceremonies : then began they to deuise new appellations of dignitie : to preferre one church before all other , and finally blushed not to confound all orders both ciuill and ecclesiasticall . whereupon presently followed so vniuersall a confusion of doctrine , discipline and order , that they no longer seemed to represent the late pastours of the lords flocke , but rauening wolues ; not priests but blasphemers ; not doctors but deiectors of soules from the sweete aspect of the face of god. for surely , they did not onely obscure in a wonderous maner the sinceritie of the christian doctrine by their humane traditions ; gaue it so great a scandall by superstitious impietie , and heathenish inuocation of soules departed ; and so wickedly polluted it with blasphemous idolatrie ; but all honestie and discipline being troden vnderfoote , in all seducement and oppression of veritie , they spent their whole dayes in sodomiticall abuses , in wantonnesse , in luxurie , in ribaldrie , in whoring , in sacrilege , in contention , in necromancie , in charmes , in homicide , and such like transgressions : and that more is , being possessed with a diabolical affectation of gouernment & pride , cleane contrarie to the diuine commandement , they began to busie themselues in secular affaires ; to withdrawe their faiths from the subiection of kings , to vsurpe vpon other mens patrimonies ; to thrust in their crooked syckles ( and that at aduenture ) into another mans haruest ; to arrogate both presences ; to challenge the iurisdiction of both swords ; to tollerate no equall , much lesse no superiour ; to defraude one of his right , an other of his honour ; to giue law to kings , and prescribe them ordinances ; basely to esteeme of emperours , as if they reigned at will ; to accurse them and murder them ; to set princes together by the eares ; to sow dissentions ; to patronize factions ; to absolue subiects from their othes of allegiance ; and finally by their nouell and slie policies , to mooue them to vnlawfull rebellions : so farre forth , that after they had once pleaded prescription in their incrochments , they more defaced the maiestie of the romane empire , by their dissimulations , slaughters , warre , and such varieties of wickednesses , then any forraine or barbarous enemy could haue done by the sword or violence . for to let passe the empire of the east , ruinated by the cunning and slie cariage of the romane bishops , the grecians being first expulsed italy by the lombards , and presently ( they againe being oppressed by the french ) called in against astulphus king of the lombards , for calling vpon steuen the second for his subsidy money : euery man that is any thing seene in historie , knoweth ( the romane empire being by the prowes of charles the great , transferred from the grecians to the germanes ) how the emperours of germanie haue beene harried by the incredible subtilties and combinations of the romane bishops ; wearied with most lamentable warres , and lastly the goodly and most flourishing forces of the empire by their vngodlinesse disvnited , impouerished , and wasted . surely the remembrance of these times are so distastfull and lamentable , that i had rather wash them out with teares , then aggrauate them by speech : but fithence our pen is fallen into repetition thereof , i perswade my selfe , that it shall proue neither a digression from my proiect , neither impertinent from the point of our argument , to paint out in most liuely colours , what hath beene the humilitie , obseruancie , loyaltie & obedience of the roman bishops manifested throughout all ages , sithence the dayes of the aforesaid charles towards the most worthy germane emperors , their very good lords and especiall benefactors . ❧ charles the great . to begin therefore with the frenchmen , who first transferred the empire from the grecians to the germanes : who liueth so ignorant , that knoweth not , with what immunities and honourable indowments they adorned the romane clergie ? first , charles surnamed the great , to his eternall renowne deliuered that sea , being most grieuously laide vnto by desiderius king of the lombards , to the vtter confusion of his armie . against herisigus duke of benouent , he likewise defended his frontiers : and presently after that , hee restored leo the third to his sea , at baryona , being expulsed from rome by the faction of his aduersaries . ❧ lewes surnamed pius . this man was emperour in the yeere of christ eight hundred and fourteene , at what time egbright gouerned the west saxons , and first called our countrey anglia . lewes succeeding his father charles ( as the romane chronicles record ) with no lesse liberalitie , granted vnto the romane bishops and his successours , the citie of rome together with his dukedome : and defended the iurisdiction and dignitie thereof , euen to the imputation of superstition . notwithstanding ; neither the remembrance of the good seruices of the father , nor the vertues of the sonne , could so farre foorth wey with gregorie the third , as to suppresse , much lesse to mitigate his diuelish intendments once conceiued against this lewes . for the warre being on foote betweene lewes and his sonnes ; he ( as it behoued an apostolicall bishop ) sought not to quench the fire of this vnkindnesse betweene father and child , but being sent by lewes into the campe of his sonnes to capitulate the peace , with condition to returne againe vnto the emperour ; reuolting from lewes , he remained with his sonnes , and like a true apostata , abetted and complotted this vnnaturall dissension ; so farre foorth , that the father was taken , and being committed to most seuere imprisonment , with his yonger sonne was finally thrust into the monasterie of suessons . behold here a most strange precedent of ingratitude in children against their dearest parents , and the detestable impietie of a bishop against a most innocent emperour ; both equally gilty of like periurie and disloyaltie . from that time , although the royal diademe continued for some certaine ages in the posteritie of lewes , neuerthelesse their hellish humors did no more spare the issue , then in former time it compassionated the parent . and no maruaile , for this was the onely marke that they shotte at , that hauing once shaken off the right which the emperour pretended in the confirmation of bishops , they might with more securitie euer after haue meanes to ouertop them in greatnesse . which their most prouident proiect was long a hatching , neither could it bee deliuered to discouerie , before the yeere eight hundred ninetie fiue . at what time charles the grosse departing out of italy to warre vpon the normans , who at that time miserably infested the sea coasts of france ; hadrian the third layed hold vpon this opportunitie , and in the very beginning of his pontificie , made his complaint vnto the senate and people of rome ; that in the election of bishops , the imperiall authoritie was not to be stood vpon , but that the suffrages of the clergie and the people ought alwayes to be free . by this decree he disseysed the emperours of their whole right , which but lately they possessed both vpon the bishops and the citie ; thereby pointing out to his successors a course how to attempt proiects of higher nature in future ages . and surely from those times , what vpon the deficiencie of the issue of charles the great , which had most fortunately gouerned the empire for the space of one hundred and odde yeeres : and what in regard of that most horrible schisme proceeding from that chaire of pestilence , managed betweene the bishops themselues by mutuall murders , poysenings , and all other kind of enormities , their continued machinations against the emperours some-deale ceased ; vntill they reassumed a new occasion of plotting & reiterating their former courses against otho the first , emperour of germanie . ❧ otho the great . he was chosen emperour in the yeere nine hundred thirtie and sixe . in england reigned adelstan . for at what time , in the reigne of otho , iohn the thirteenth , noble in trueth by birth , but most base in conuersation , gouerned the romish sea , and polluted peters chaire with ryot , gaming , pandarisme and women , &c. at that very same instant likewise berengarius duke of lombardie , amongst many other cities , forbore not to presse hard vpon the citie of rome also . the cardinals grew discontented , aswell at the popes epicurisme , as at berengarius his tyrannie . two of them more agrieued then the rest ( whether vpon scruple of conscience , or in remembrance of the greatnesse of the romane name , or in hatred of the pope ) resolued to pray in aide of otho , a prince of that time much celebrated for his vertues amongst the loraners , the french , the hungarish , the danes , and all the other barbarous people , vnder his obedience throughout that part of the world . whereupon , calling some others to councell , by letters and messages they solicite otho , that he would vouchsafe to assist the declining estate of the church and common-wealth : that hee would represse the tyrannie of berengarius cruelly raging vpon the christian people : and that he would not let , to deliuer the church from so fell and impure a beast . the bishop comming to the knowledge of these passages , first cut off three of his fingers , that indited the letters , and then slit his chancellors nose , for giuing approbation thereunto . but otho , who thought it not fitte to leaue the church succourlesse in times of danger , hauing amassed all necessaries for warfare , marcheth into italy with fiftie thousand souldiers . expelleth both berengarius and his sonne adelbert : then speedeth towards rome . where arriued , although the inhumane cruelties of the bishoppe were not vnknowne to his maiestie : yet in reuerence of the apostolicke sea , at first hee decreed no hard or vnbeseeming censure against him , but causing all things that had beene iniuriously taken from him to bee restored , hee presented him moreouer with great masses of gold , siluer and iewels . and appointing him a time of conference ; secretly and friendly hee repeated what he knew of his fore passed offences , wishing him therafter to abstaine from so grosse and foule enormities ; to leade a thriftie life ; to bee an ornament , and not a dishonour to the church ; that integritie of life was no lesse commendable in a churchman , then artes and learning . for the present , the pope protesteth great hopes of amendment : the emperour reioyceth thereat , and leauing rome iournieth towards papia , there minding to winter , but withall exacteth a solemne oath from the bishoppe taken vpon the body of saint peter ; that in his absence he shovld no way be assisting to berengarivs , nor his sonne . the emperour had scarce left the gates of rome , but the bishop returning to his wonted inclination , not onely followeth his pleasures , his whoredomes , his ryottes , his poysenings , and all other mischiefes , of like nature ; but also hauing forgotten his plighted faith to the emperour , reuoketh adelbert from fraxineto , whether hee had fled out of italy to the saracens , and promiseth him his vtmost assistance against the emperour : hee dispatcheth also his legats to make like complaint against him at constantinople . the emperour , vnto whome such grosse and wilfull periurie seemed more then wonderfull , vpon the first intelligence thereof , thought it not fitte rashly to listen thereunto , but dispatcheth certaine of his seruaunts to rome to learne the certaintie of the businesse . vpon their returne , and iustification of these , and more vile indignities , the emperor ( not vniustly moued to displeasure ) suddenly hasteth towards rome : where pitching his tents hard vnder the walles ( iohn and adelbert being fled into campania ) he is most honorably receiued into the city by the inhabitants . vnto him they promise faith and loyalty , and sweare thereafter neuer to elect a pope without the consent of the emperor otho , caesar , augustus , and his sonne otho . iohn being thus escaped ; and for feare of caesar lurking in campania in woods and corners ; after three daies , at the instance both of the clergie and the people ( desiring a commission to enquire vpon the life and conuersation of iohn ) the emperor agreeth , and proclaimeth a councell ; whereunto he calleth all the bishops and abbots of italie , such as he knew to bee men of integrity , honest , and zealous . who appearing vpon the day prescribed , although his abominable life was such , that euen by the generall opinion of the councell , it could not but be deciphered by the remotest nations , yet this most vertuous emperor , tooke order that they should not proceed to any rash iudgement , but to determine all accusations with mildnesse of mind and deliberate advice . whereupon with the archbishops of liguria , tuscanie , saxonie and france , he dispatcheth his letters vnto iohn , reciting therein the cause and maner of his accusation : not forbearing to intreat him to make his personall appearance , to say for himselfe against his accusers . but he returning for answer ; that it should easilie appeare , what slight esteeme he made of that councell ; and that , he would suddenly proceed to excommunication , in case they presumed to elect any other : the emperor in a most solemne oration intimateth to the councell , his periuries towards himselfe , and his dishonest conuersation towards the whole christian world . vpon hearing wherof , with one consent the councell declared this apostata iohn for his euill life to be worthilie depriued : and leo chiefe secretary of the romane church was chosen to succeed him . in the interim wherof , the emperor not to be burdensome vnto the state of rome , had dismissed many of those companies of souldiers which at first hee had brought with him into italie . which comming vnto the vnderstanding of this reprobate bishop , who full well was acquainted with the disloyall and mutable humours of the italian nation , sendeth his espialls to rome , with exhortations to the people to attempt a surprize vpon the emperor and his weake companies ; for which their good seruice he promiseth to reward them with all the treasures of the church and saint peter . the romans being hereunto incouraged , partly by the weaknesse of caesars army , and partly with the conceit of these golden mountaines , arise , and at the sound of a trumpet charge vpon the emperor . he maketh a stand vpon the bridge of tiber , and there with his fearelesse and old trained companies , valiantly receiueth the charge : the romanes receiue the iust reward of their trechery : for being routed , and put to flight , neither sanctuary , nor vnsanctuary could warrant any one mans life ; the fury of the souldiers slew the periurd , aswell at the altar , as in the shambles . when this was done , caesar stood in good hope , that after so great a punishment , the romanes would proue afterwards to be of more quiet and aduised dispositions , and in this conceit , he hastneth to spoletum , the place of adelberts rendeuou . vpon which absence iohn betaking him to his wits , through the mediation of certaine good-wenches , heretofore of his ancient acquaintance , so worketh with many of the roman gentry , that iohn is receiued into the city ; and leo with much labour escaping their hands , flieth vnto the emperor . the deposement of leo , and the cruelty of iohn , which he had already inflicted vpon some few , being known ; caesar repaireth his army , with intention to be revenged vpon the romans , as well for the iniury offered to his own person , as for the wrong in deposing a bishop of his owne institution . in midst of which intendment , by the iudgement of almighty god , meaning to make this iohn an exemplary president to the world of his most iust indignation , it came to passe , that he died a most strange kind of death . for when vpon a certain night without the walles of the city , hee was sporting himselfe with an other mans wife , the diuell gaue him such a knocke on the temples , saith luitprandus of ticine , that within eight daies he died of the wound . other write , that he was wounded by the womans husband ; and so gaue vp his impure soule to the diuell his master , whom he had long serued . but death gaue no surcease to the seditions first occasioned by this monster . for the romans , in place of the deceased , set vp benedict the fift , and afterwards required confirmation from the emperor , then residing at spoletum . the emperor disallowing the election , disdainfully dismissed the romans , little mistrusting any such welcome : and by fire and sword wasting all things about the city , finally compelled them , that expulsing ( or rather yeelding vp ) benedict , they should accept of leo : binding them by oth , that they should not presume to alter any thing , which he had set down for the churches gouernment . hereupon leo being restored to his sea at barionea , and over wearied with the disloyall humours of the roman people , retransferred the whole authority of chosing the roman bishops from the clergy and people of rome , vnto the emperor ; as it is set downe . distinct . 6. c. in synodo . and otho , having in this maner marshalled his affaires , returned into germanie , taking benedict with him ; who not long after through griefe of mind , being committed to the safe custody of adaldag , othoes chancellor , and archbishop of hanburg , died at hamburg , and there lieth buried in the cathedrall church . ❧ otho the third . he raigned in the yeere of christ 984. about the dayes of etheldred . some few yeeres after , as otho succeeded his grandfather in the empire : so did hee likewise in the contentions of the bishops . for when as iohn the xvij . being dead , by the right of election , inuested vpon him by the donation of leo the viij , to his predecessor otho the great , hee had chosen gregorie the v. for pope ; crescentius and the people stomacking that a man of the german nation should be aduanced to be their bishop , and him also chosen by the sole authority of the emperor , they resolued to depose him ; and in his place they substituted , iohn the xviij . of that name , first bishop of placentia , a man well stored with coyn , and a great scholler . gregorie maketh his repaire into germanie to the emperor , and there vnfolding his hard vsage , so prouoked the emperor , that he besiegeth the city , and pressed it so closely , that the people almost hunger starued opened their gates , and receiued his maiesty . being now in possession , and vnderstanding , that like power by warrant of gods word , was bequeathed him ouer a wicked bishop , as ouer a common theefe ; at first he gaue commandement that the eies of the captiue bishop should be put out , the fingers of both his hands to be cut off , and then clothed in vile attire , with his stumps and feet manacled , to be set vpon an asse , so to be conueyed through the city , and finally to be thrown headlong from the rocke tarpeia . crescentius the consul hee also caused to be mounted vpon a base beast , his face towards his taile , his nose and eares to be cut off , so to be a common spectacle to all beholders , and lastly to be hanged vpon the common gallowes in sight of the city walles . thus hauing wrecked his iust indignation vpon his aduersaries , he not only restored gregorie , the xj . moneth after his deposall to his pristinate dignity : but also this good and most excellent emperor , left an example to his successors , that these proud churchmen were not to be managed by lenity and mildnesse , but to be curbed by roughnesse and seuerity . for it was the receiued opinion of that age , that looke which of the caesars shewed himselfe to be of more milde disposition , then some others ; so much the more wantonlike would they dally with his lenity , and more basely prosecute him with railings , & foule-mouthed reproches ; as by that which followeth , i will clearely make manifest vnto you . ❧ henricus niger . hee ruled anno christi . 1039. in england harold harefoot . this seuerity of otho , last before spoken off in punishing the treason of iohn , for some certaine time so terrified the bishops , that vntill the smart was forgotten , openly they attempted nothing against the maiesty of the sacred empire . but no sooner had benedict the xj . by satanicall and magicall inchantmentes leaped into the place , but by how much his skil and confidence in that profession was remarqueable , by so much the more insolent was his cariage in the popedome . for no sooner was conradus , ( a most faithfull steward of the law and religion , emperor of romans , alwaies augustus ) gathered to his fathers ; but this firebrand going to counsell with his minion laurentius , and other his fauorits ; bendeth his studies , how hee might dispossesse henrie the sonne of conrade from his hereditary succession to the crowne of the empire ; and disturbe the peace of the church with schisme and dissension . to the effecting of which stratageme , hee sendeth the crowne of the romane empire vnto peter king of hungarie , with this motto vnder written . petra dedit romam petro : tibi papa coronam . the rocke gaue peter rome : to thee the pope this crowne . but the emperour , vnder the leading of godfrey duke of lorain , a most excellent souldier , and faithfull seruitor , confronted peter , tooke him prisoner ; and further , meaning to repay theophilact the ringleader vnto so dangerous a schisme , according to his deserts , set forward for rome . vpon brute whereof , theophilact , ( alias benedict the ninth ) stroken in remorse of conscience , and amazed with terrour , bartered the papacie to one of his companions , the archpriest of saint iohns de porta latina , the master of hildebrand , for the summe of one thousand and fiue hundred pounds . who ascending the seate by the staires of such abominable iniquitie , by changing his name , was thenceforth stiled , gregorie the sixt . now is the cup brimfull ; and the papacie so managed , that all good men being either reiected or oppressed , euery other party , as he was caried away by ambition , or inabled for briberie , cast to lay hold-fast vpon this so high a step of dignitie ; more entring like theeues and robbers by the windowe , then by the doore . so that in these dayes ( besides the archpriest iohn gratian ) ascended also into this seate of iniquities ; iohn bishop of sauoy who ( changing his name ) was otherwise nominated siluester the third . thus was the roman church ren tinto diuers factions : three popes appeared at one instant , viz. benedict the ninth , siluester the third , and gregorie the sixt , and euery one claimeth lawfull succession in peters chaire , and pleadeth possession . where is now the church ? who is this head ? who shall now stand vp to arbitrate so difficult a controuersie ? none is now to be seene but the emperour ; and him , without question , surnamed niger , god himselfe stirred vp ( hauing set germanie in good order ) with an armie to trauaile into italy , where calling a councell , he inforceth theophilact to flie : hee imprisoned gregorie , and afterward with hildebrand , exiled him into germanie . the bishop of sauoy he dispatched to his charge ; and in their places consecrated syndoger bishop of bamberg , otherwise called clement the second . of whom he receiued the inauguration of the imperiall crowne , and then inforced the romans to take an oath : that thereafter they should neuer presume to meddle with the election of a romane bishop , without expresse commission first obtained from the emperour . for his most excellent maiestie did well foresee , that in those times the world was giuen to so much licentious libertie , that euery factious and potent companion , though most ignoble , would not sticke to arrogate vnto himselfe that so eminent a dignitie , by corruption and vnderhand-courses , which by the strict commandement of god , was not to be bestowed vpon any liuing creature , saue him who for learning and sanctitie of life , ought worthily to bee preferred therevnto . this vsage now grew vnto so inueterate a custome , that euery sedicious and wicked varlet presumed , that hee might without scruple of conscience vsurpe vpon saint peters chaire ; as did damasus the second , by birth a bauarian . this man hauing gotten poyson for his purpose , slue clement , and laboured by villanie to attaine to that promotion , which whilom was accustomed to bee bestowed onely vpon vertue . but god , the most iust reuenger of such wickednesse preuented him , and the three and twentie day after his vsurped installment , sent him to accompanie the dead in the place of darkenesse . ❧ henricus quartus . he raigned in the yeere of christ 1056. in germanie . in england edward the confessor . albeit , that euen hitherto , from the dayes of charlemaine , the romane bishops being generally possessed with the spirit of supremacie , by sleights and deuises , did continually oppose themselues against the maiesty of the empire , and left no practise vnattempted , that might weaken or discountenance the emperors soueraignty ; that so they might dispose of all things at their pleasures without all feare of controlment : yet was it not the will of almighty god , to suffer them as yet totally to cast off the yoke of duty , by warrant of holy writ inuested vpon princes and great personages placed in authority . but what can humane wisedome plead in search of gods purposes ? perdere quos vult iupiter , & hos dementat : for now the malice , impiety and treason of the roman clergy , together with their diabolicall ambition , especially vnder that figuratiue dragon ( gregorie the seuenth ) grew like a violent tempest so outragious and exorbitant , that those times may truly be recorded to be the daies , which vtterly razed , blemished , and wounded the maiesty of this famous empire with the fatall ruine of glory and honor. for this mischieuous monster , not contented to haue poisoned six bishops , and to haue deposed his master alexander , for imploring assistance from the emperor ; neither mindfull of the fauours which henrie ( surnamed niger ) had afforded him , in curteously dismissing him from perpetuall imprisonment , seperated from the company and sight of all mortall creatures , whereinto ( as we told you before ) he had beene condemned with gregorie the sixt : at what time , the normans raged through apulia , calabria and campania , partly relying vpon the great wealth of matilda , a most potent woman in those daies , and partly animated to see the empire distracted with most dangerous wars raised by the warlike nation of the saxons against the emperor , scarce three yere seated in his gouernment ; together with the reuolt of the germane bishops whom the impostor our perpetuall aduersary had seduced from the seruice of their master : then i say , this man first of all other , against the custom of his predecessors , absolutely vsurped vpon the papacy , without all consent of the emperor , before that time alwaies accustomed to be mediated in the election of these bishops . and in future ; to preuent the residue of the bishops and abbots from seeking their confirmations at the emperors hands , he set forth a decree vnder pain of excommunication ; that hee had not onlie power in heauen to bind and to loose , but also that he had plenitude of iurisdiction in earth , to take away , and to giue empires , kingdomes and principalities . then began he impudently to boast : to vsurpe vpon the temporall and supreme iurisdiction , and that by a law of his own coyning : to esteeme of kings and emperors as tenants at will : to imprison caesars ambassadors opposing against his insolencies , & finally leading them through rome in ignominious manner , to expell them the city . henrie , albeit he were infinitely perplexed with the war of saxonie , yet knowing that this nouell and vnvsual pertinacie of the bishop , was not to be forgotten , calleth a councell at wormes ; wherein , audience being giuen to the ambassadors , which came from rome , and hildebrands disloyall letters being read ; besides the saxons , all the german and french bishops , made a decree ; that sithence pope hildebrand a fugitiue monke first of all other incroched vpon the papacie without the good liking or priuity of the romane emperor , constituted of god to be his soueraigne lord , and that , contrarie to the custome of his predecessors , contrarie to law , and contrarie to his oth of instalment : and moreouer had vsurped vpon both iurisdictions , the temporall and ecclesiasticall , as the decij and worshippers of false gods were accustomed to doe : that ipso facto he was deposed from his bishoprick ; for sheep were no longer to be intrusted to the keeping of such a woluish shepheard . one rowland a clerke of parma , was dispatched to rome with letters containing the sentence of the councel : in whose name he was commanded to interdict gregorie from all ecclesiasticall function ; and moreouer to enioyn the cardinals , that making choice of another for bishop , they should present him to the emperor . in like maner , caesar himselfe dateth his letters vnto hildebrand , to the clergy , and the roman people : commanding according to the iniunction of the councell ; that himselfe should returne to a priuate life ; and that , they forsaking hildebrand , according to their accustomed priuiledges should proceede to the election of a new pastor . at the receit of this newes , hildebrand became not so much lenified , as furiously exasperated , and insolently imboldned . for , whereas before he had excommunicated but some certaine of the emperors familiars , whose aduice he presumed caesar to haue vsed in these his proceedings : now presumeth hee by nouell president to excommunicate caesar himselfe in a hellish conuenticle , against the order of christian piety , ratified by the sacred canons of holy writ ; him , i say he prescribeth , depriueth of all kingly authority , dispoileth of his kingdom , and absolueth his subiects from their oths of obedience . behold , he was no sooner risen from the seat wherin he sat to excommunicate caesar , but the chaire being lately made of strong and new timber , suddenly by the prouidence of god in most terrible manner was rent into a thousand shatters : manifestly foreshewing , that by that rash and vnaduised excommunication , this cruell scismaticke should proue the author of a most fearefull diuision in the church of god. and surely these were neither blind nor idle predictions . for the princes and german bishops , taking notice of the curse , some vpon a vaine superstition , some in hope of bettering their estates , and others in remembrance of their ancient hatred against henrie , at the next assembly of the states , threatning a reuolt , vnlesse he would suppliantly desire forgiuenesse of the pope ( now resolued to come into germanie ) brought the controuersie vnto so narrow a pinch , and his maiesty into such mistrusts of despaire , with the dispoiling him of his reall possession , that he was fain to promise the princes , that hee would goe vnto the pope , and personally craue absolution at his foot . wherupon putting off his regall habiliments , with his wife and yong sonne barefooted , and clothed in canuasse , being made a spectacle for angells and men to admire at , in a most bitter winter , and a most dangerous kind of trauell , commeth to canusium where the pope then resided : there before the gates of the city fasting and sutor-like from morning till euentide , he danceth attendance : meane while hildebrand within , amongst whores and shauelings laugheth him to scorne . three daies he patiently indureth this lamentable affliction , desiring admittance . he is denied . at three daies end instancing admittance with greater importunacie , it is answered ; that his holinesse is not yet at leysure to attend his suit . henrie by patience making a vertue of necessity ( in that he could not be admitted into the city ) contenteth himself to abide in the suburbs , but not without many incommodious greeuances . for the wether was sharpe , and all places appeared hoary with frost . at last , after his incessant three-daies petitioning , and deniall , at the instance of maud the countesse of adelaus earle of sauoie , and the abbot of clunois , he is admitted vnto presence . vpon the fourth day in signe of vnfained penitency , he resigned his crowne and imperiall ensignes , and maketh a protestation that hee were vnworthy to enioy the title of an emperor , if he should againe commit the like offences against the roman sea , as formerly he had done . for all this , this inexorable prelat would neither pardon nor absolue him , vnlesse he would put in good securitie , that according vnto his popish pleasure he would expiate the offence in a councell , and be forth comming at euerie day and place appointed , ( there the pope being iudge ) to answer vnto all accusations without once plotting in his thoughts anie scruple of reuenge . 2. yea after his purgation , and reconciliation , either to retain , or forsake his kingdom , if the pope thought it so fitting 3. thirdlie , that before the examination of his cause , he should not presume to weare anie kinglie habit , neither haue borne before him anie imperiall ensignes , that hee should not meddle in state gouernment , nor exact anie oth of allegiance vpon his vassalls . vpon promise of performance , and future obedience , the attonement is now at length confirmed aswell by oth as indenture , and henrie absolued . now obserue i beseech you , the restlesse humours of attainted consciences . the court of shauelings , deep polititians , men of profound reaches ; and admirable well seen in the principles of machiuell , and carefull aswell to preuent future blowes , as to oppose against present perils , either reuoluing in their far reaching wits , or suspecting in their seared consciences , that henrie beeing sure seated in a peaceable estate , could not possibly disgest so vilanous an indignity , nor the world allow of so base a tiranny ; fall againe to their old plots , but a new-counsell ; viz. how they might vtterly dispossesse henrie of his empire . rodulph duke of sweuia , henries brother in law , is presented with a golden crowne , thus inscribed . petra dedit petro , petrus diadema rodulpho : and withall the bishops of magunce and colen are commanded , that ( rebelling against henrie ) they shold set it vpon rodulphs head , and assist him therin to the vtmost of their forces . was it for loue , or honor may the world dispute , that the pope became thus bountifull of an other mans patrimony , to bestow it vpon rodulph ? or doth any history make mention that rodulph was a more kinde son to the church , then henrie ? beleeue me , the pope did neither vpon any such respects , it was far from his imagination . but this was the windlace of all : if henrie must liue in peace , henrie must seek reuenge : but if the duke of sweuia find him play on one side , romandiola shall be secured on the other side . let rodulph or henrie sinke or swim , meane while res nostrae tutiores redduntur , that is , the court of rome may securely swagger ; if henrie haue the better , yet shall he be much the weaker : if henrie haue the worse , then all the care is taken , for rodulph is infinitly beholding vnto vs. and be it as be may : nether party ( being potent princes ) shall haue cause to laugh at their bargain ; let time try the sequell ; and so it hapned . o the blind folly of ambition . for albeit that rodulph was the emperors sworne liege-man , his brother in law by mariage , indowed with the dukedom of sweuia after his decease , and honored with many other fauours : notwithstanding being seduced by the faire and false protestations of the bishops , and borne out by his own greatnesse and the succours of saxonie , he inuadeth the empire , and rebelliously to his vtmost power moueth war against his soueraigne master . caesar by the admonishment of the bishop of argentine , seeing the danger arising from all parts , leuieth his people , affronteth rodolph , and setteth all vpon the hazard of a battell . the issue whereof was this , that the pope vpon mistrust of the worst , commanded both parties to peace , and that henrie should expect his sentence at the synode , which shortly hee would proclaime to be held in germanie . which limitation , when henrie stomacked , vpon protestation that hee would suffer no assembly to bee holden in germanie , vnlesse rodolph were first remooued : the pope ( rather then hee would disharten rodolph by finall peace ) renueth the excommunication , and sendeth foorth his mandates full stuffed with hellish furie . henrie is nothing abashed , but the third time giueth the battell at elistrum of misia , and there ouerthroweth his enemy . this came to passe in the yeere 1080. the ides of october . rodolph being grieuously wounded , and from the field conueied to merseburg , intreateth the bishops and the leaders of his people to compeere before him . where being assembled , rodolph feeling death seazing vpon him , stretched forth his right hand and said : my lords , this is the hand with which i plighted my faith to my lord henrie . at your intreaties , thus , and thus many times hath it vnfortunately fought against him : returne yee , and make good your first othes to the king : i am to depart to my fathers . rodolph being vanquished , and germanie by his death resonably well quieted , henrie neither forgetting hildebrands iniuries ; neither hauing his spirits so peaceably affected , but that hee could call to remembrance , how the pope had twise excommunicated him ; how for three dayes space being a most suppliant petitioner in a very cold season , he could attaine no reconciliation ; as also , that cunningly hee had assisted his enemie , euen the competitor of his kingdome , proclaimeth a synod of the bishops of italy , lombardy , and germanie , to bee celebrated at brixia a citie of norica . where being assembled , and the acts of hildebrand examined , with one consent they promulge this suffrage . for that it is apparently knowne , that hildebrand was not elected of god , but most impudently by fraud and briberie , made his owne way to the papall dignitie : and therein being seated , hath subuerted all the orders of the church , disquieted the whole christian world ; intended the death both of body and soule , to a most peaceable and catholicke king ; defended a periurd prince , and amongst the peaceable , sowed seedes of discord , &c. wee here congregated by the grace of god , and assisted by the legats and letters of nineteene bishops , assembled against the foresaid hildebrand at mognuce the eight day of pentecost , doe canonically giue iudgement against the said hildebrand , that he is to bee deposed and expelled , for vnaduisedly preaching of sacriledges and factions , defending periuries and scandals ; abclieuer of dreames and diuinations , a notorious necromancer ; a man possessed with an vncleane spirit ; and therefore an apostata from the true faith : and vnlesse vpon the receite of this our iudgement , hee shall voluntarily resigne the seate , we doe finally accurse him . these businesses being thus dispatched , and germanie quieted , in the yeer 1081. the emperour iournyeth to rome , and pitching his campe before the castle of saint peter , hee chargeth the romanes with so many assaults , that they are glad to pray for peace , and to open their gates . the bishop with his followers retireth into the bastile of adrian : wherein being besieged , he worketh the emperour more disquiet by craft and subtiltie , then the emperour could doe him , by mine or engine . for as henrie accustomed frequently to make his orisons in saint maries in mount auentine , this traitour suborned a certaine villaine , secretly to conuey vpon the rafters of the church , great and massiue stones ; and so to dispose them , that as the emperour should kneele at his prayers , from aloft they should fall vpon his head , and dash out his braines . as this villanous regicide , the minister of popish iniquitie , was hastning his dissiegne , and labouring to fit this massie stone to the execution of his treason , the stone fell down and drew this villaine downe withall : so that bruising the table whereon it fell , supported with strong tressels , it rested on the pauement , and there by the iudgement of god , dashed in pieces the carkise of this trayterous workman . the romanes vpon notice of the treason , fastning a corde to one of his legges , for three dayes space dragged him along through the streetes of the citie . this failing , had the pope so shallow a pate , as to carie about him but one string to his bow ? or was he so honest a man , that rather then hee would spare the blood of christian people , hee would giue ouer his owne life , nay his seate , for the saftie of many thousands ? obserue what followeth : to be sure , that neither germanie should long breath in peace , now rodolph was gone ; nor the emperour bee secured in italy ; he turneth to the art of diuersion ( a point of warre well knowne amongst souldiers ) and stirreth vp the saxons in his absence to create harman prince of lucelburg in lorain , emperour at isleb . by hercinia : who likewise by the prouidence of god at the siege of a certaine castle , was miserably slaine by the fall of a stone cast from the battailement of the wall by the hand of a siely woman . hee being gone , ( the romish religion will still be dealing , rather then loose one iot of their reputes , if they cannot otherwise preuaile ) this inhumane tyrant thirdly stirred vp ecbert marques of saxonie : and him also god predestinated to suffer condigne punishment for his rebellion . for the fift yeere after , he was beset in a mill neere brunswicke by the emperours guard , and thete miserably slaine . once againe , hildebrand flieth to his wits , and perceiuing , that his stake in germanie was cleane lost ; himselfe immured in a bastill , where he could not alwayes continue , and that he had small reason to fall into the sight of caesar , hee dissembleth a parley , and during the conference iudaslike forsaking his companie , in disguised habit flieth vnto salerne amongst the normans . caesar forthwith assembled a senate of his nobles and bishops , according to the custome of his predecessors , giueth order for an ecclesiasticall diet : where hildebrand , as a thiefe and a robber ; a perfidious fugitiue , a forsaker of the fold ; a traytor to the flocke , a debalker of christian charitie , by the vniuersall consent of the conuocation , is denounced and condemned . in his place is promoted guibert archbishop of rauenna , a louer of peace and concord ; a man learned and religious : by the consent of the cleargie hee is consecrated bishop by the name of clement the third , in the yeere of christ 1084. this done , he rein-stalleth caesar and his spouse bertha , and saluteth them augusti , with the vniuersall applause of the people . as for hildebrand , either through griefe , or guiltinesse of conscience , he died in exile ( as the saying is ) ab aris & focis in the towne of salerne . but this firebrand of warre and discord being extinguished , the furie of the prelates amongst themselues was neuer the neere allayed ; howbeit , thereby , the world enioyed peace ; and germanie her pristinate maiestie . for vrban ( after victor the second , a bishop but of a fewe dayes standing ) intruded vpon the papacie at gurstung by the faction of hildebrand , but especially by the money of matilda , and the armes of the normans . him the emperour with the greater part of his nobilitie accused of irreligion , and denounced him in the number of the wicked . this fellow , notwithstanding that he had long wandered sine lare , sine grege , yet he so artificially finished the webbe begun by hildebrand , that instead of vrbanus , the world stiled him turbanus , yea , hee went far beyond his schoolemaster hildebrand in wit and villanie . for , being not able any way to wrong henrie by secret inuasion ( papists will doe nothing openly , or at least without pretext ) he commandeth the canons of that most pestilent knaue hildebrand , to be confirmed and holden in force against him . then draweth he into parricide cunrade the sonne of henry , begotten on his first wife , by his fathers appointment viceroy of italy . vpon him he bestowed matilda the wife of roger the norman , and by him expulseth clement the third , installed by the good liking and consent of his father . but vrban and cunrade being both quickly dispatched , paschal the second loth to come behind his predecessors in treacherie , and taking it for good policie , to giue caesar no breathing time to prouide against tempests , by the example of vrban , in a synode at rome reuiueth and ratifieth the curse of gregorie against the emperour . buls are but words , and words are no weapons for popes . whereupon a quicker corasiue must bee applied : the other sonne of henrie ( named also henrie ) the princes of aquisgrane must salute as caesar , notwithstanding that already he had giuen his father his oth of loyaltie and true leigeman . o lord ! where shall not a man finde a man for blood , if promotion , or money , or mariage be offered for recompence ; but especially , if the man of blood may resort vnto a churchman , and receiue absolution for so cruell and vnpardonable mischiefes ? of such persons , and such stratagems , behold in those dayes the popes made their especiall vses : they may be as bold in these times and in these points to pleade vniuersalitie and antiquitie as they did and doe for their masse , and the residue of their trumperie . for yong henrie is vp in parricidiall rebellion : papa impellit , saith the historie : and being borne out by the armes of the saxons , so caried the warre , that this most valorous emperour , and stout reuenger of the impeached maiestie of the empire , being harried with continuall conflicts , and weary of his life through the perpetuall burden of popish vexations , as he trauailed towards the dyet of mogunce , by treason vpon the high way , and that against a publique oth of safe conduct , was taken by his sonne henrie : then being degraded most vnwillingly of all imperiall ensignes , as also of his crowne by the bishops of mogunce , colen and wormes ; hee was committed to prison in the towne of leyge : where pining to death through griefe , he finished his troublesome daies in this most lamentable maner . notwithstanding such was the irreconcilable rancor of these charity-preaching fathers , that they not contented with these their most cruell turmoiles practised against his life ; hyena-like , with as barbarous bestiality they also preyed vpon his liuelesse carkasse . for the body being already buried in the monastery of leyge , they inforced the bishop of the place to dig it vp againe , and without either honor to so great a personage , or reuerence to holy sepulture , they commanded it to bee cast amongst other carcases into a prophane place . the reason was grounded vpon one of their owne canons : quibus viris ecclesia non communicat , illis etiam nec mortuis communicare possit . repentance etiam in nouissima hora , and the reward of him that came into the vineyard at the cloze of the day , equalized to his , that began to worke in the dawning , is of no force with them . it is scripture ; and scripture , you know , is not sufficient for saluation . i quake in writing . councels may controll it ; the church , the councels ; and who is the church ? the pope ; for otherwise it were folly to broche so many positions , as it doth , against law , conscience and sound diuinity , if it lay not in their fulnesse of power to doe and vndoe , say and vnsay . to conclude , at last , the body is conueyed in a coffin of stone from leyge to spire , and there also for fiue yeeres space , it remained without the duties of christian buriall . ❧ henrie the fift . now let vs see , if henrie the fift , seduced by the witchcraft of the false pope , to vsurpe vpon the empire of his father , experimented any other allowance of loue and fidelity from the bishops , then did his ancestor . comming vnto rome to be crowned with the imperiall dyadem , he thought it much to concerne his honor , to demand restitution of his right in the confirmation of bishops , abbots and prelates . the pope forgetfull of all former fauours , doth stoutly deny the motion . from request they fall to blowes , insomuch that the pope with certaine of his seruants was taken prisoner , and conueied to mount soracte , now called mount siluester . paschal seeing no remedy , sent vnto the city for notaries , and at length confirmeth and reuiueth to the vse of the empire , the auncient prerogatiues claymed by the emperovrs in the creation and inuestiture of popes and bishops : and in requitall is honoured againe by the emperour , with many rich presents . but such was the iust iudgement of god towards this henrie ; that as he obserued not faith towards his father , no more did others keep towards him . for euen those men who for his sake had forsaken his father , rise now in rebellion against the son. for presently vpon his returne in the yeere 1116. into germanie , the pope congregateth a full councell of his owne creatures , and there bewailing his sinne , which he had committed in surrendring his priuileges ; after long and solemne debating of the case , vndoeth all he had done before ; confirmeth the decrees of gregorie the seuenth ; and vpon the custome lately taken vp , excommunicateth henrie . hereupon many the princes of germanie , and especially the bishop of mogunce fall into rebellion . caesar sendeth vnto the pope , to treat a peace , but by his death that businesse was determined . after his decease the cardinalls create gelasius pope , neither calling caesar to councell , nor once acquainting him with their determinations . whereat caesar being agreeued , flyeth to rome , & consecrateth mauritius archbishop of brachar for pope . gelasius being deposed , and maurice confirmed , they both conspire with ioynt consent to curse the emperor in his retrait from rome , dispersing their ministers through germanie after the precedents of their predecessors to incite the subiects of the emperor to rebellion . henrie fearing the sequell , hastneth into germany . gelasius being dead , calixtus the second being his successor , warreth vpon the antipope , whom as wee told you the emperour had consecrated . henrie perceiuing the pope , vnderborne by the armes of the normans , to bee too strong for him , and that he began to meate the same measure towards him , as his predecessors had towards his father : in the yeere 1122. by the speciall mediation of the apostolicke legat lampert , afterward pope , and called honorius , he became so deuote a conuert to papacie , that hee resigned his whole right of inuestiture concerning the ring and the staffe ; granted a free election and consecration to be thenceforth vsed in all churches ; and couenanted to restore , or at least , to cause to be restored all regalities , formerly renounced , or at least as many as remained in his dispose . the pope againe couenanted , that the election of bishops and abbots should be done in the emperors presence , without violence : so farre foorth that the elect should receiue his regalities , by the scepter from the emperour . this concord bore date at wormes , nono cal. octob. anno dom. m.c.xxii . but , albeit this henrie vtterly discouraged with the thunder-bolts of curses , gaue way to all popish vsurpations , and to the euerlasting staine and impouerishment of the germane empire , thrust his necke vnder the yoke of the romish tyrannie , yet , in regard of new tumults and rebellions practised in belgia and the higher germanie , he could not liue out the remainder of his daies in affected peace . for appeazement wherof , as he trauelled towards vtrick , he fell sicke , and died without issue . this accident , and not iniustly , men argued , to haue proceeded from the iudgement of god , for that contrary to his commandement , he had behaued himselfe so vngraciously towards a father , that had so well deserued of him his sonne . ❧ lotharius saxo. hee raigned in the yeere 1125. about the fiue and twentie yeere of henry the first . henrie being gone , and germanie still reeking in blood and ciuill war : the greatest care that the bishops tooke , was to prouide , that the people should not reunite their forces , and take time to breath from these inhumane and vnnaturall murders . whereupon after the death of henrie , when as cunrade duke of sweuia , henrie the fift sisters sonne , laied claime to the empire ; against him by the cunning of albert archbishop of mogunce , they set vp lotharius duke of saxonie , the man in truth whose infidelity they had vsed in the miscarriage of henrie the fifth . cunrade is now in march , and hauing ouertopped mount septim . is honorably receiued of the millanois and crowned by the archbishop anselme at modoecia , the chiefe sea of the kingdome of italie . honorius , in fauour of lotharius , and in despight of the house of henrie ( which he thirsted vtterly to extinguish ) deposeth anselme , and by the terror of his curses inforceth cunrade to post out of italie : who finally in despaire of the germane aide by reason of their factions and dissensions , vtterly giueth ouer his further hopes of inioying the empire , and by the mediation of s. bernard of clareual , falleth to make his peace with his corriuall lotharius . lotharius being now sole and absolute lord of the empire , according to his saxonish simplicity , honouring the papall sea with more then common obseruancie , ceaseth not to deserue well thereof by all the offices of loue and duty , which an obedient sonne to the church could possibly imagine to performe . innocentius the second , the successor of honorius , expulsed by anacletus antipope and roger duke of apulia , flying vnto him for succour , to his infinit charge he restored to his sea at barionea . but beleeue me , neither these kind offices , nor any worldly respects , were of ability either to frustrate or to mollifie the popish auarice : for when the pope had declared lotharius emperor , he made shew as if he would againe seeke restitution of the auncient rites , which the empire claimed in the election of bishops and abbots : but the rauenous pope not only refused to vnloosen his talents vpon what he had already seised , but also re-attaching whatsoeuer lotharius himself either by the perswasion of bernard , or in feare of further sedition , had voluntarily offered to the romish sea , he laboured by all other meanes to adde more to the former , through his immesurable avarice . for when lotharius hauing expulsed roger the apulean ; would haue bestowed the dutchy vpon earle reignold the generall of his armie ; the bishop impleded him , as concerning the right of donation , with so vehement a contention , that neither being minded to yeeld to other , the controuersie at last was faine to be thus determined : viz. that both parties should lay their hands vpon the staffe of the feodarie ensigne , then to be deliuered to the new duke of apulia : thereby signifying that both of them had equall interest in the transportation of that dukedome . so that , the more humility accompanied with sweet behauiour and moderation , that this all-praise-worthy emperor shewed towards the papacie : the more the waywardnesse and malice of the romanists began to shew it selfe , and that without feare or modesty . for whereas this emperor in receiuing the diademe had cast himselfe at the popes feete , the clergie , to vse the precedent to the debasement of succeeding emperors ; and to deliuer it as a trophee to posterity , as soon as his backe was turned , set vp in the lateran pallace his protraiture , with this inscription . rex venit ante fores , iurans prius vrbis honores : post homo fit papae , sumit quo dante coronam . the king attends before the gates : and sweares the city-rites to keepe : from romes great pastor takes his crowne , and vowes to hold in vassalage . what was this , but a bewraying first of their frowardnesse , manifested in despising the maiesty of so high a calling ; and secondly of their pride , in that forsooth , they would seem either to ouertop , or obscure , the victorious gests of him , who to his immortall commendation had subiected vnder tribute , the duke of polonia , the pomeranes and the russies : who i say , to the no small honor of the maiesty imperiall ; had inforced the king of denmarke to beare the sword at his coronation ; had subiugated the states of cremona , and papia , and brought the vanquished bononians and piemontois into the forme of a prouince : and finally with the conquest of apulia , had brought vnder obedience many most noble cities in that dutchy . now is he vanquished , and acknowledged the popes bondslaue . for what other signification doth the popes ( creature ) import , but to be his vassall or seruant ? such are these admirable seruants of seruants , whom euen emperors themselues are glad to acknowledge and respect as lords and masters . ❧ conradus tertius . he raigned in the yeere of christ 1138. about the third yeere of king steuen . lotharius , in his second retrait out of italie , being departed this world not farre from trent , conrade the same prince ( whom as before we told you ) the malice of honorius had frustrated of the empire , and banished italie , now succeedeth his dead predecessor . but , albeit ( after the decease of lotharius ) the princes of the empire , and that in the presence of theodoret the popes legate , and with his very good liking , did elect him king of romans , yet by no meanes could the popes assent be gotten to perfect the election . for whereas hee had conferred to roger duke of apulia , that dukedome , with the titulary dignity of a kingdome , in liew of ransome for himselfe , and his cardinalls taken in battell ; and conrade in preiudice of the empire would neither ratifie , nor hearken vnto so vnreasonable a motion : nocentius complotting with roger , incited guelfo duke of bauaria , to rebell against conrade , for that hee could not obtaine at his hands the graunte of his brothers dutchie : herewith , the emperour had so much to doe to defend his owne , that hee quite forgot to thinke vpon the recouery of sicil and apulia . behold here a president of papall fidelity , if his auarice bee not supplied by losse to the state. about this time these fatall factions of the guelfes and gibellines ( whereof others haue discoursed ) began in germanie . for as nauclerus reporteth out of hermanus , whilst the battell was fighting betweene conrade and guelfo , those of the kings party tooke for their word or motto , hie wiebling , which is as much to say , the king : as being nobly discended from a village of that appellation : those which followed guelfo , reclaimed , hie welf . where after it came to passe , that those two denomidations of guelfes and gibellines , became the originall of all the factions in italy . which falling out happely for gregorie the ninth to make vse of , from thenceforth , he gaue them such large entertainment , that no city , towne nor people were cleere from the infection of so spreading a contagion . for vpon no other ground , saue the vse of these names , euen vntill our daies with more then admirable fury , city bandied against city , prouince against prouince , yea & in a city one part of the people confronted another . not only the factious people continued this dissension amongst themselues : but the bishops also in this quarrell prosecuted one another to the vtmost of their furie . amongst others , that boniface the eight , then whom the romane sea neuer indured a more fell monster , persecuted from place to place all those whome hee knew to bee of the gibelline faction , ransacking and spoiling all places whereunto they made any repaire of abiding . whereupon some finding no safety in cities , setled their abodes in woods and forrests : manie of the gentrie , like wilde beastes inhabited the sea coastes , and at last left italie to bee companions with pirates . for they assured themselues , that the pirates could not haue vsed them worse , then this malefacius nero would haue done , if he had once caught them in his clutches . as for example : when hee heard that certaine of the contrarye faction were fledde to genoa , hee posted after them , with full determination by destroying them all , to haue razed their verie name from the memorie of mankinde through the whole world . heere likewise it happened vpon ashwednesdaie , as hee was casting ashes according to custome amongst the people : the archbishop of the city kneeling vpon his maribones with his head vncouered to receiue the ashes ; the pope by chaunce vnderstanding that hee was a gibelline ; where his holinesse should haue saide , remember man that thou art but ashes , and into ashes thou shalt returne againe : not so ( quoth the pope ) remember man that thou art a gibelline , and with the gibellines thou must bee turned to dust : and therewithall in a most furious manner , without once regarding the holinesse of the place , the presence of the people , or the regard of religion , of set purpose ( missing his head ) he cast great quantities thereof into his eyes : afterward he depriued him , and then againe restored him . at last by gods iudgement it came to passe , that those gentlemen , who ( as we told you ) left italy with the pirats , returned againe , and gathering together some companies of such as here & there lay lurking in feare of maleface , breaking open the gates of the place where he lay , mistrusting no such aduerse aduenture , they tooke him , and brought him prisoner to rome : where in the space of fiue and thirtie dayes , what for griefe and greatnesse of stomacke , he breathed out his loathsome soule , ouer-laden with innumerable mischiefes . ❧ fredericke barbarossa . he raigned anno christ . 1152. about the seuenteenth yeare of king steuen . frederick , for his redde beard , commonly termed barbarossa , the sonne of frederick duke of sweuia , the brother of conrade , a prince of excellent partes both for body and minde , succeeded this conrade , a prince also no whit inferiour to his successor for his honourable carriage in peace and warre . to speake little of his nobility , it is recorded , that the intire right of the most noble families of the german common-wealth , viz. of the henries of gweiblingen and gwelforum of altorff , descended vpon him . howsoeuer ; by the consent of all writers , hee was reputed to bee of an excellent capacitie , prouident in councell , of a good memorie , eloquent , constant and valiant , a good souldier , and well practised in armes ; to the humble , courteous ; to the peaceable , milde . amongst honest men , vertuous ; amongst proude persons , imcompatible . very bountifull , and in science of many humane ornaments , not immatcheable to any . in regard of which his manifold vertues , by the suffrage of the whole nobilitie , he is declared emperour , not without assured expectation , that through his worthinesse , peace should be maintained through germanie , the disgraced forces of the empire restored , and italy now growne insolent through continuall rebellion , brought into order and requisite acknowledgment . the romish contentions with the germane emperours , by vile and nouell prescription , seemed now so possessionated , that the bishops , by whose suffrage the emperours were to be confirmed , began to make small or no account of the imperiall maiestie , which the preposterous ambition , and immatcheable pride of the romanists , the germane princes ( and who can blame them ) taking to heart , could hardly disgest : but by how much this noble heros in the greatnesse of his mind , meditated to abate the insufferable pride of this pernicious rable : by so much the more found hee all things to oppose against him with more and more disaduantage , to the impeachment of all his proiects . which his noble exploits albeit they are not vnknowne to all men ; neither is it any part of my minde , nor the proiect of this pamphlet to set them downe punctually ( for so they would require an ilias ) yet by patience i will glance briefly at some of them , which in my iudgement shall sufficiently informe you , what was the obseruancie , and what the fidelity of the bishops of these times , towards the sacred maiestie of this most worthy emperour . obserue therefore , that the third yeare after his election , this frederic hauing set germanie in order , and especially through infinite paines taking procured a firme peace betweene henry the younger , and henry , dukes of saxonie and austrich , with a populous armie marcheth into lombardy , now by the long absence of the emperours , growne confident in ability of resistance , by proiecting many infallible signes of insolencie and rebellion . by the way , he destroyeth the camp of the millanois , rosatum , gailarda , treca and gaira , and setteth the citie of ast on fire : derthona most strongly fortified by art and nature , hee taketh by force : and from thence remouing his troops through romania and tuscanie , hee passeth as farre as sutrium . in these times the romane sea stood incumbred with most dangerous contentions . william king of sicil , who succeeded roger ( the same that we spake of in the life of conrade ) had taken from hadrian the fourth , by birth an english man , the suburbs of beneuent , ceperanùm and bacùm in campania . moreouer , the romanes by the instigation of arnold of brixia , redemanding their lost liberties in chusing their senate for the gouernment of their citie , maintained the contention so farre forth against hadrian , that as , after his election , hee made his progresse towards the lateran to be consecrated , the people meeting the cardinal of saint pudentiana in the via sancta taking his way towards the court , twice wounded him . at this outrage pope hadrian grew out of all patience , accurseth the king , releaseth his subiects of their oath of allegiance , & the easier to draw them into rebellion , leaueth them at libertie . the romans sped no better , vntill vpon alteration of their humours , they banished arnold out of the citie , and renouncing their consular prerogatiues , diuested the absolute gouernment of the place vpon the discretion of his holinesse . who now hearing that frederic was vpon his way towards rome , the pope with his cardinals , neither for loue nor in honour , but to mediate reuenge against the romans and roger , goe forth to salute him . frederic reioysing at the approach of his holinesse , receaueth him with wonderfull deuotion and maiestie ; holdeth his left stirrope as hee alighteth from horse-back , & so conducteth him to the imperial pauilion . could more reuerence be deuised to be done by an emperor to a pope ? when christ came to ierusalem vpon palme sonday , did herod or pilat so obserue him ? or did nere so salute peter at his first comming to rome ? well , these so great personages being arriued at the emperiall pauilion ; the bishop of bamberg in the name of the emperor in the exordiū of his oration , began to discourse , with what earnestnes of affection his maiestie had desired this long expected conference with his holinesse . and god be blessed ( quoth he ) that he now is become master of his desires . humbly and submissiuely he requesteth your holinesse , that according to the accustomed maner , by the inauguration of the imperiall diadem , you would declare him chiefe prince and defender of the catholique common-weale . and herewithall the bishop concludeth honestly , and elegantly , with the reasons and causes , which could not but inable him most worthy of so reasonable , so iust , and so christian-like a confirmation . the bishop hauing ended his oration , the pope commendeth the speach ; but withall replieth ; that the contents thereof , and the matter in hand were of farre different arguments . for albeit ( quoth hee ) that the matter whereof i meane to speake of , be triuial & passable ; yet can it not be denied , but that there is cause of feare , that hee , who becommeth negligent in small matters , will proue more negligent in greater . at this , the company rowsing their attentions , and wondring what offence his holinesse should intimate ; he goeth on ; saying , as i alighted from my horse , he held the left stirrope of my saddle : and whether he did it in mockage of vs , or vpon some other like fantasie , wee can not guesse , for surely if he meant to haue honoured vs , he knew that the right stirrope , and that with the right hand , ought to haue beene holden . caesar being nothing moued with this base prattle of the bishop , smiled and replied ; that he had not been brought vp to hold a stirrope : you ( most holy father , quoth he ) are the first vnto whom we haue vouchsafed this office : and by and by after his orisons , forgetting his patience ; i would know ( saith he ) whether this office be to be done of dutie , or of good-will . if of good-will , who would finde fault at an escape or ouersight ? if of dutie , then wee thinke amongst friends there is small difference , on which side the partie that meaneth to honour his friend , approacheth . thus bandying a few bitter words , they brake company , but not without stomaking . but the emperour being a most prudent prince , dissembling what he had heard , and seene to proceede from the hellish heart of this proud prelate , the next day following re-inuiteth the bishop to a second conference . the bishop approcheth , the emperour maketh speed to meet him ; and by his former ouersight , being now become a better prentize in his occupation , layeth hold on the right stirrope , and so leadeth his holinesse into his pauilion . being set , thus hadrian thundereth : thine auncestors ( saith he ) princes of the auncient world , who made their holy repaire vnto this sea to receiue the crown at our hands , were accustomed to manifest their loues towards vs , by some notable emolument bestowed vpon s. peters chaire ; thinking it their duties to preuent vs , that so they might call the world to witnesse , that they obtained our benediction and their inauguration with an eminent gratuitie . so charles , after he had tamed the lombards : so otho , after he had subdued the beringary ; and so lotharius , after he had repressed the normanes , merited the imperiall diadem . in like manner , let your serenity , restore vnto vs and the church , apulia an appendancie of the romish sea , now arrogated by the normanes , and then shall you , with our very good will , obtaine as much as appertaineth vnto our loues to performe . vpon the reading of this historie , can any man call this prelat servum seruorum , who ashamed not to exact from so great an emperour , his lord and master , as from a base and mercinarie souldier , the laborious toiles , and the extreame expence of warfare gratis ? are conquests of kingdomes , surrendring of prouinces , and such like passages ( let any man tell me ) those spiritualia , whereof our moderne papists doe hold the pope capable ? when the nobility saw no remedie , but hadrians hand was as hard as pharaos heart , so that it were folly to expect a coronation , vntil at their proper costs and charges they had restored to the apostaticall sea , apulia ( in truth an appendancie of the imperiall right ) from william king of sicil ; they thought it fittest to content his holinesse with this ouerture ; that sithence their present forces were wasted through continuall labour and indefatigable iourneyes , that caesar hauing leuied a new armie in germanie , would returne , and accomplish his expectation . the bishop flaming what with indignation against william , & almost halfe dead to heare , that against his will hee must volens nolens giue him time of breathing and re-inforcement , shewing a countenance as if he liked well of their excuses , allowed thereof , and so dismissed them with promise that hee would set the crowne vpon fredericks head . these businesses thus dispatched ; the emperour with the bishop departeth from sutrium , and iournieth towards rome . mid way certaine romane orators , as full swolne with pride , as their master with disdaine , accourt him with this rude welcom : for their theame they begin to extoll , euen aboue the skies , the antiquitie of their commonwealth : at conclusion they fall in glorious termes to intimate , that of mere good will the roman people had called frederick out of germany ouer the alps , first to create him a citizen , and afterwards a prince of rome : but with this per-closse ; that the romans stood ready to receiue him ; vpon condition ; that hee should confirme the fundamental lawes of the city : that hee should bestow vpon the romans who were to bid god saue him , in the capitol , fiue thousand pound of gold : that he shold defend the commonwealth from iniuries , euen to the hazard of his own life : and finally , that he should confirme all these capitulations with an oth , and thereto set his hand . fredericke beeing beyond meane inraged at these their mad and arrogant motions , roundly taketh them vp for their follies in a most pithy oration : and telleth them , that the empire descended vpon him , not by any the least well-wish of the romanes , but by the meer vertue of the germanes . and perceiuing their knauery , that vnder pretext of these demands , they meant to gull him of mony ; he told them in plaine termes : that he came not into italie , to bring it in , but to carrie it out . with which answer when these impudent shauelings were not satisfied , but still vrged the articles , his maiesty disgracefully commanded them to depart . and perceiuing that their comming vnto him was but to put som trick vpō him , he caused his men of war to fortifie the church of s. peter and the bastile of leo. the day following he entred rome , the people following him with great applause and being honorably accompanied , was crowned and blessed . 4. calend. iulij . in the fourth yere of his raigne . the emperor being about his coronation in the church of s. peter , the romanes stomacking the businesse , and betaking them to their armes , kept the gates of the city shut , vnder colour , that the emperour should bring in no forces to the preiudice of the citie . and perceiuing that fredericks troopes had pitched their tents in the neronean medowes , through the gate of hadrian they breake out into the vatican , to preuent caesars souldiers from entring thereinto . caesars souldiers made strong resistance , and driuing the inraged people from the vatican into the city , they slew about one thousand , and tooke sixty prisoners : whom , the ceremonies being ended , at request of the pope , the emperor dismissed in safety , and prouided for his returne into germanie . but before his departure , it is reported , that such a like businesse happened betweene him and the pope , which i thinke not fit here to be pretermitted . innocent the second , he whom a little before lotharius had restored vnto the papacie , had caused to be painted in a table , the pope ( as it were ) sitting in his chaire , and the emperor with his hands held vp together , receiuing the imperiall diadem : where vnder were written the foresaid two verses , rex venit ante fores &c. when this picture with the inscription , was shewed vnto his maiesty , it did greatly displease him , and casting foorth some obiurgatorie word , he instanced the pope to take it away : which hee promised to doe , least so friuolous a spectacle might giue matter of discontent to many worthy personages then residing in the city . frederick is departed : and emanuel emperour of constantinople vnderstanding with what desire of reuenge the popes stomack burned against william king of apulia , by palcologus his orator and embassador , he offereth vnto the pope his voluntary seruice ; and withall , to expulse william out of italie ; vpon condition , if the businesse tooke expected issue , that then , according to the treaty ; the grecian should inioy three maritime cities in apulia . doubt not , i beseech you , but that he who had already depriued william of apulia , for contemning such religious wares , as are popish bulls and curses , did not straine much curtesie to accept of the articles . whereof william taking notice , and withall somewhat fearefull , by his embassadours moueth his holinesse to hearken vnto peace ; promising not only to restore vnto the church , whatsoeuer he had taken away , but also that he would adde somewhat of his owne thereto : moreouer , that hee would thencefoorth containe the romans , rebells to the church , in their due obedience . these were honourable conditions , but that the pope should not accept therof , the cardinalls disswaded him , like true men of armes , hoping to reape more crownes by war , then by peace . whereupon , warre is proclaimed against william . hee leuieth an army throughout sicily , landeth in apulia , wasteth the country by sword and fire , and finally routeth emanuel , who had pitched his tents not far from brundusium vnto beneuent , where at that time the pope with his cardinalls resided , he gaue such sharpe assaults , that in despaire of their liues , he inforced them to sue for peace . william accordeth , and is receiued into fauour , and proclaimed king of both kingdoms , on this side and beyond pharum ; but vpon oath , that from thenceforth hee would neuer againe infest the territories of the church . thus , as you heare , matters being ignominiously compounded , the pope riding in visitation through the territories of the cassinates , marsi , reatini , narnienses and tudertini , at last ariueth at ouieta ; and there is giuen to vnderstand , that rome is in combustion , the consuls doing their vtmost to restore the city to it former liberty . hereupon groundeth he his deadly hatred against frederick , most greeuously complaining , that being in distresse between the swords of the romans and william , that contrary vnto his superabundant promises , against all right , he had forsaken him ; yea , that he was now so incircled with perils , that he could not liue in security at rome : as if the emperor were a vessell especially chosen rather to patronize the popes wilfull errors and ouersights , then to defend the innocency of the christian flock committed vnto his tutelage . but fredericke taking in euill part many the popes actions , but especially the alienation of apulia , being an appendancy of the imperiall dignity , without his consent or knowledge : as also calling to remembrance , that the pope had wrested from the late emperors the right of inuestiture of prelates : that by his ministers hee had impouerished the subiects of the empire , and by their subtill dispersions of treasonable practises , had done what in them lay , to raise sedition throughout the empire : vpon these grounds , i say , the emperours maiesty now thought it high time to put remedy vnto these violent intrusions vpon the regalties of the empire . hereupon hee exacteth an oth of fidelity of all the bishops of germany ; the popes legats ( such as were not called in by his good pleasure ) he commandeth to depart the teutonick kingdom : prohihiteth his people either to appeale or trauaile to the romish court and in his mandats causeth his name to be inserted before the popes . vpon the proclaiming of this inhibition , it happened , that a certaine bishop in his way from rome , ( whether as a contemner of the emperors edict , or vpon any other cause , i know not ) was taken prisoner , and committed to ward . now hath the pope found an occasion by the taking of this bishop , to fulminate his long-conceiued displeasure against the emperor , and by a proud embassie , seemeth only to be agreeued , that the bishop is not deliuered from captiuity ; but withall interlaceth , both in his letters , as also in the speeches of his legat , many blundering items ; which did abundantly insinuate in what manner he deemed the emperor to be obliged vnto him . for by his letters he wisht him to re-consider , how from him he had receiued the confirmation of the imperiall crowne ; and yet did his holinesse nothing repent it , had the fauours which he had bestowed vpon him , been far more beneficiall . vpon the reading of which letters , the nobility falling into discontent ; one of the legats rose vp , and resolutely tooke vpon him to broach : that the romane empire was transferred from the grecians to the almans , not to be called emperor , but king of the teutonicks , vntil he were confirmed by the apostolique sea : before consecration he was a king , after an emperor : whence then hath hee his empire , if not of the pope ? by the election of the nobility he hath the name of a king , by consecration of the pope , the stile of an emperor , and caesar augustus , ergo per papam imperat . search antiquity : zachary inobled charles and gaue him the sirname of great , that he mought be emperor : and ordained that euer after the teutonic king should bee emperor , and champion of the apostolique sea : that apulia , by him should be pacified , and restored to the church , being in truth holden of s. peter , and not of the empire . rome is the seat of the pope , aquis in arden is the emperors : whatsoeuer the emperor possesseth , he holdeth it whollie of the pope . as zachary transferred the empire from the greeks to the teutonics : so may the pope retransfer it from the almans to the grecians . behold , it is in his power to giue it to whom he pleaseth , beeing onlie constituted of god ouer kingdoms and people ; to destroie , to pull downe , to build and to plant . in conclusion , he termeth the germans cowards , for that they could neither expulse roger out of italy , nor would at anie time bring the danes and frislanders to subiection . vpon the hearing of these scandalous exorbitations , both the emperor conceiued a iust displeasure , and the whole nobility so stormed thereat , that otto of wittelspach drawing the sword , which he accustomed to beare before the emperor , had shethed it in the body of the legat , had not the emperor thrust betweene them . of these abuses the emperor or euer after made vse , pretending that the cause of his so and so doing , took originall from these saucy and malepert speeches of the popish ministers . and thereupon causing the legats to be safe conducted to their lodging , at break of day hee commaunded them to be packing ; with especiall caution , that they should not rome hether and thether vpon the liuings of the bishops & abbots : but that they should keepe the high way towards the citie , without declining therefrom either to the right hand or the left . the especiall reason was , that according vnto the accustomed dog-trick of the romanists , they should not disperse their conceiued poyson of discontent ouer all the churches and parishes of the kingdome ; neither strip the altars , nor carie away the vtensils of gods house , nor fliece the crosses . and because that no man should imagine , that this intimation was inflicted aboue desert , nor any commotion should thereupon arise , caesar by the councell of the wise men of his kingdome , sendeth his letters through the whole empire , shewing the tenour of the cause . and thereunto adioyneth his most passionate complaints vpon the diminution of the honor of the empire : with a declaration , that by the election of the princes , vnder god onely , the empire had deuolued to him and his successours . against which , if any man presumed to affirme that the emperour ought to hold of the pope in fee , he was to suffer punishment , as a person guilty of an vntruth , & one that maintained an opinion contrarie to the diuine institution , & the doctrine of saint peter . the legats ariue at rome , where in most calumnious manner aggrauating their wrongs and iniuries , in the presence of hadrian , by adding flame to fire , they so incense his holinesse already transported with furie and reuenge , but to thinke that frederick had done , what his auncestors durst not haue dreamed of ( for of which of the romane emperours is it read of , that euer interdicted the romanists germanie . ) that forthwith hee addresseth his minitory letters vnto caesar : wherein most bitterly and papally hee expostulateth with his maiestie of these and all fore-passed greeuances . the transcript whereof because they are worth the reading and animaduersion , for the benefit of the reader i will here insert . adrian bishop , seruant vnto the seruants of god , sendeth greeting and apostolicall benediction vnto frederick emperour of romanes . as the diuine law assureth long life vnto those , that render due obedience vnto their parents : so , vnto him that disobeyeth his father or mother , it inflicteth the sentence of death , and damnation . the voice of veritie doth teach vs , that euery soule that exalteth it selfe , shall be humbled . whereupon ( beloued sonne in the lord ) according vnto your wisedome , we are not a little amazed , that you shew not that measure of reuerence towards saint peter , and the romane church , as you are bound to doe . in your letters dated to our holinesse , you insert your stile before ours . wherein , you incurre the scandall of presumption , i will not say , of arrogancie . as concerning your fealtie auowed and sworne to saint peter and vs , how is it kept , when you require homage , exact fealty , and hold the holy hands of those betweene yours , who are duly dedicated to god , being his most glorious children , viz. the bishops , shewing your selfe manifestly rebellious vnto vs , in denying our cardinals ( directed vnto you from our side ) not onelie entrance into the churches , but also into the cities of your kingdome ? repent , repent therefore wee aduise you , least that in seeking to deserue a crowne and coronation , at our hands , in affecting things vngranted , you lose not what is alreadie granted . we tender your noblenesse . what inference of humility or apostolicall lenitie appeareth ( i beseech you ) in these letters ? nay , rather may not a good christian without offence terme such a pride to be truly luciferian , that taketh so great a scorne to haue the papall stile placed behinde the imperiall , as if other emperours in their letters to his holinesse , had not before times done the like ? see 97. dist . c. victor . & 63. distinct . c. tibi . after the receite of these blunt and proud-papall mandats , the emperour according to his excellent sufficiencie in christian sapience , requiteth him ; and as the prouerb is , driuing out one naile with another , he payeth his holinesse home in this manner . frederick by the grace of god emperour of romanes alwaies augustus , vnto adrian bishop of the catholique congregation . whatsoeuer iesus began to doe and to teach , in all things ought wee that to follow . the law of iustice distributeth vnto euerie man his owne . wee derogate not from our parents , as long as in this kingdome we vouchsafe them due honour , from whom , viz. our progenitours , wee haue receaued the dignitie and crowne of the kingdome . i pray you in the time of cōstantine was siluester known to haue anie interest in the regalties ? by his pietie , the church obtained libertie and peace : and what euer iura regalia your papacie can claime , they accrewed vnto you by the bountie of princes . turne ouer the cronicles , and if you please not to belieue what i write , there shall you finde as much as we affirme . what should then let vs , that we should not exact homage and oathes of allegeance from them , which are gods by adoption , yet hold of vs in regaltie : sithence that he , who was ours and your master ( taking nothing from the king , but distributing all his goods indifferentlie amongst all persons ; paying tribute to caesar for himselfe and peter , and leauing the example behinde him for you to follow ) hath warranted the president , by saying ; learne you of me , for i am meeke and humble of heart . wherefore , let them either resigne their regalties , viz. their temporalities ; or in the name of god , if they shall iudge them profitable , let them giue vnto god the things that are gods , and vnto caesar , what belongeth to caesar . the reason wherefore we interdicted your cardinals , the churches , and forbad them our cities , was because we finde them not preachers , but robbers : not peace-makers but money masters : not conuerters of the people , but heapers of insatiable treasure . yet , when we shall finde them , such as the church ordaineth them ; messengers of peace , lights to their countrie , and impartiall assistants to the cause of the humble , then will we not deferre to relieue them with competent stipends , and necessarie prouisions : meane time you wrong humilitie , the princesse of vertues , and mightilie scandalize your submissiuenesse , by terrifying the consciences of secular persons , with positions wholy impertinent to religion . let your fatherhood therefore take heede , lest while you motion points of such nature ( whereof we make light account ) that you offend not those , who would otherwise euen in hast open their eares as willingly vnto the words of your mouth , as vnto a presage of a ioyfull accident . these things we can not but aunswere , sithence so detestable a beast of pride hath crept into s. peters chaire . fare you well alwaies , and god at all times make you carefull for the peace of the church . what humane spirit can scandalize these the emperors letters ? what scruple of equity , of piety , or vprightnesse can any man say is wanting in them ? who can iustifie , that hee wrote otherwise then became a true and a christian emperor ? he but retorted the bishops pride ; he maintained but the honor of the empire ; he sought but reason , and that was , christian humility and modesty in christian churchmen ; which in those times , as the world then complained , was not to be found in that sort of people . what followed ? peace i warrant you : nothing lesse . for the pope not contented that by letters hee had bandied with the emperor , but writing vnto all the archbishops and bishops of germany , he punctually noteth downe the cariage of the cause , and aggreuateth the indignity of the fact : admonishing them , that sithence the action concerned the whole body of the church ( for they will make vs beleeue that without their intrusions all christendom must perish ) that they should corroborate themselues , as a wall of brasse to sustaine the declining estate of the house of god. and that they should not only find meanes to reduce the emperor into the right way , but also take open and condigne satisfaction vpon rainold the emperors chancelor , and otto earle of wittelspach , who forsooth had belched out infinit blasphemies against the apostolike legats and the church of rome : that as the inciuilitie of their speech had offended the eares of manie , so their penances might be an example to restore as manie againe into the right path of obedience . but for that ( as certaine of the writers of that age doe testifie ) the then bishops were not so eagerly addicted to maintaine the popes vsurpations , as many of them are now , they conuocated a councell , and thus wrote backe vnto his fatherhood : that they were not onlie wonderfullie agreeued at these abuses ; but also arnold of mogunce and euerard of saltzburge by their priuate letters admonished all roman priests , cardinals , archbishops , bishops and massemungers , to giue ouer their saucinesse , their pride , their auarice , their perfidie , and all other enormities , by which they robbed the poore , and disturbed the peace of the empire . finallie they humblie besought them , that they would put their helping hands to worke adrian to obserue peace : vndertaking for the emperor that he should do nothing , but what stood with religion , reason and equitie . sure these were bitter pills for hadrians stomach : but what remedy ? popes , as they are cursefull , so are they politique , and beeing well skild in speculation , they know by the planets , when it is high time to hold a candle before the diuell . he that now reigneth is not henrie the fourth , but frederick the first : who is now preparing for italie ; and hauing sent his honorable embassadors , rainold his chauncellor and otto of wittelsbach , before to assemble a conuocation of the princes and bishops of italy , prepareth his way in potent and princelike manner , and meaneth himselfe in short time to sit in person in councell amongst them . now is it time to fly vnto the fox his case ; a necromantique spell hath informed vs , that the lions skin will nothing preuaile vs : humble letters are dispatched towards augusta to lenifie the emperours displeasure ; and henrie duke of saxonie and bauaria with otho the frison ; made intercessors to reconciliation . no long time after , hadrian betakes himselfe againe to his perspectiue , where obseruing that the cities of italy ( crema being hardly besieged by frederick ) had interprised a conspiracie to re-uindicate their liberty , the pope hauing vtterly forgotten his yesterdaies reconciliation , traiterously adhereth to the faction and animateth the conspiracie vpon these conditions . first that neither partie should accept of peace without the good leaue of the other . secondly , that if the bishop chanced to die , that none but one of the same faction , shoald be created in his stead . and then to giue the better countenance to the rebellion , for an infinit masse of mony hee is corrupted to accurse his maiesty . so saith mine author ; but in these daies , i am of opinion , that malice is as powerfull in a papists breast as corruption in the papall court. but our best and great god , who by the mouth of his seruant dauid , seemeth punctually to cry out against these hired excommunications of popes : they curse , and thou blessest : let those that rise against me be confounded , but thy seruant shall reioice : this good god , i say , inuerted this execrable maledict vpon the popes own head , and miraculously confounded the man , to the terror of all posterity . for being at anagnia , the place where hee had excommunicated fredericke , it chanced that as he walked abroad amongst his familiars to take the aire , as hee was drinking at a certaine fountaine , a flye flying into his throat , stucke so fast therein , that no physicall experiment could giue him ease ; and so he died miserably choked . would it not amase any humane flesh , to see so huge a gyant in the middest of his armed and rebellious battalions , but euen now scorning the emperor and all his forces , presently to lye dead with the stroke of a flie ? or is there any priest amongst them so irreligious , that dare but imagine , that this stroke proceeded from casualty , and not from the finger of god , considering that that throat which had but now belched out so iniust an execration against a most godlie and innocent emperor , was also appointed the instrument to confound his spirits ? yea this vnshamed rabble , being nothing terrified with so miraculous a president , could by no meanes be diuerted from their intended conspiracy . for perceiuing that they could not haue their wills vpon his maiesty by force , beeing strōg in soldiery , lord of italy , & in diuers ouerthrows putting the millanois to the worse ; they made their recourse to villany , and by treason laid wait for his life . to the execution whereof , by great rewards they cunningly corrupt a fellow of a strong body vnder the habit of a foole or iester to goe vnto landa , the place where the emperor then resided , and there vpon oportunity to offer him violence . the traitor wholly animated by their large promises , resolueth vpon the villany , goeth to landa ; entreth the campe , and by iests and fooleries maketh his accesse euer into the emperors pauilion : his tent at that time was pitched vpon the very banke of the riuer abdua , so steep and sliding , that if any thing fell thereinto , the swift course of the streame would forth with carry it away with violence . which the foole-villaine obseruing to be a fit proiect for his intended treason , assaulteth the emperor ( according to his custome going alone vnto his prayers by day dawning ) and by struggling and tugging laboureth to carry him to the foresaid steep place . the emperor plaieth the man , so that both parties being intangled with the tackling of the tents , fell to ground ; by which time the gentlemen of the chamber being awaked , by the calling of the emperour , runne to succour , and taking the villaine , they threw him headlong into the same place of the riuer . this stratagem being f●ustrated , they fall to a second , but will be seene in neither . they suborne eight creatures of their owne with plenty of crownes , to set landa on fire . one of them mistaking the night , and laying his traines , was taken by the watch , with an other of his companions a counterfeit monke , and both hanged . being also deceiued in the execution of this gunpowder plot , they fall to a third ; and send forth a certaine mountebank , resolute to death , accompanied with some such fellowes as himselfe , to set to sale in the emperours campe poysoned rings , bridels and spurres , so deadly inuenomed , that if the emperour had touched any of them , he had surely perished . but his maiestie being fore-warned , causeth this marchant to be watched and apprehended : commandeth him to be examined , but finding that he scorned both questions and torments , without more a-doe hee sendeth him to the gallowes . hadrian ( as we told you ) being choakt with a fly , the cardinals begin to wrangle about the choise of a successor . for two and twentie , being the emperours aduersaries , would haue chosen roland of siena , one of those cardinals ; whom a little before hadrian had sent legat vnto frederick , and frederick had banished germanie : but nine others adhearing to the emperor , by the suffrages of the prefect of the citie , and the people , created octauianus a romane borne , priest and cardinall of saint clements , and stiled him victor . but these rash elections being likely to foster infinite dissensions , it was agreed betweene the electors of both parties ; that neither of the elected should be confirmed , before it was agreed vpon at all hands who should be the man , and the contention quite silenced . but the rolanders being the maior partie , falsifying their oathes , proclaimed the election of roland , and new christned him alexander the third . from hence arose a mighty schisme . victor remaineth at rome , alexander flieth vnto william king of sicil , and there the twelfth day after his election , is confirmed pope . and to preuent , that this dissension should not draw with it the finall destruction of the church of rome , by his legats , hee intreateth the emperour frederick , that by interposition of his authority , he would vouchsafe to put end to the schisme . the doubtfull issue of a new schisme much troubled frederick ; wherefore , finding that both the elettos , being orderly consecrated , he could not lawfully determine the strife , without the authority of a councell ; after the examples of constantine , theodosius , iustinian and other emperors : ( knowing that the summoning thereof appertained vnto him ) he nominateth the day of the assembly to be held at papia ; and thether he warneth both the bishops to appeare , promising also to be there in person to take cognizance of eithers greeuances . after proclamation whereof , alexander goeth to anagnia , whereat the emperour being angrie for his contempt , despatcheth his letters vnto him by daniel and herman , bishops of prage and verdim , citing him by the name of bishop , and not of pope , to appeare at the councell . alexander reiecteth caesars ambassadors most contumeliously , and in very arrogant termes telleth them plainly , that the romane bishop was to bee iudged by no mortall creature . they doing no good vpon alexander , retire towards octauianus , him they salute as pope , and accompany to papia . there the councell being assembled , and the cause vpon sufficient witnesse through all circumstances iudicially examined , victor is declared pope , and so acknowledged by all the german bishops by the commandement of caesar . at which pretended iniury alexander being mooued , he accurseth fredericke and victor : and forthwith dateth his letters of iustification vnto all christians kings and potentates ; that what he did , was done with equitie and good reason . but at his returne into the city , finding many new vpstart aduersaries , openly opposing against him , he went to tarracine : and there going on shipbord , purposely there layde for him by william of sicil , hee retyred into france : where by the good leaue of philip , assembling a conuenticle in claremount , in all hast he proclaimeth his curse against the emperor and the antipope . his maiesty , albeit he foresaw the mischiefes likely to arise vpon this dissension ; notwithstanding he continueth his siege against millan , vntill enforced by famin and wants , the inhabitants voluntarily surrendred the city at discretion , this dispatched , he sent his ambassadors to the french king , to desire that he would call a councel at didion : whether if hee would bring his pope , then would his maiesty also promise to bee there , and with him , to bring his pope also . what answer these ambassadours receiued , it is not truely known : but so much is recorded to memory , that the earle of blois gaue the emperor his faith , that the king his master would not faile to be there . whereupon , at the prefixed day the emperor with victor kept promise , and pitched his tents neere didion : thither came also henrie the second , and william kings of england and scotland . but alexander could not only not be perswaded to come ; vnder pretence , that the assembly was congregated by the emperor , and not by him : but he also so wrought with philip , that he came vnto the place indeed , but before the emperor ; where washing his hands in the riuer hard by , forthwith by the voice of an herauld he summoned his maiesty ( as if herein he had satisfied his oath ) and so departed . wherewith the emperor , the kings , & the other princes being much agreeued , wished victor to returne to his popedome , and they retired euery man to his own home . victor ariued at lucca in hetruria , fell sicke , and died : in whose place succeeded guido bishop of cremona , called paschal the third . and vnto him at goslaria the emperor , and all the princes and bishops of germany did their reuerence . alexander who was yet in france , to keep rome in obedience , constituted iohn the cardinall his vicar generall , and regranted liberty to the romanes to chuse their owne consuls ; prouided that they were such as were fauorites of his faction . then departeth he from france into sicil , foorthwith returneth to rome , and is willingly receiued of the romanes , and guido reiected . whereupon the cities of italie , incouraged by the comming of alexander to hope after liberty , contrary to their oathes sworne before vnto the emperor , they reedified millan , but lately razed and subuerted by caesar . then at the instigation of alexander , they enter into actuall rebellion ; they inuade the emperors ministers and fauorits , some of whom they expell , and some they murder . then vsing his further councell and assistance , they proceed to the building of a new city , called alexandria , in honor of alexander and contempt of frederick , culling out of euery city , fifteen thousand men for inhabitation ; vnto whome they deuide the territory , and assigne portions whereupon to build their dwellings . vpon intelligence of these rebellious combinations , caesar leuieth an armie , and prepareth for italie : where inforcing certaine of the rebels to composition , he besiegeth alexandria ; but this siege proued nothing honourable : for alexandria being continually relieued from the interessed cities , defended it selfe valiantly . and more then that , henry leo duke of bauaria and saxonie , corrupted with money contrarie to all imagination of the emperour , neither regarding the bond of kindred , nor the memorie of fore-passed kindnesses , most traiterously departed with his forces : so that frederick finding himselfe too weake to withstand the italian rebels , dispersed his hoast , and with great difficultie in the habit of an hostler fled into burgundy by the way of mount iupiter . but leo escaped not scot-free : for the emperour hauing now recouered germanie , and re-inforcing his armie , limiteth the duke a day ; appeacheth him of treason ; and ouerthrowing his forces , depriueth him of his lordships & dukedome . some princes fauouring henrie , gaue out , that the emperor could not condemne him , vnlesse the sentence had beene giuen within his owne dominions . which frederick , who before times had shewen himselfe a seuere censurer in inflicting exemplary punishment against rebells and outlawes , little esteemed ; but bestowed the dutchy of noricum vpon otto of wittelspach , that of saxony vpon bernard anhaldin , and the residue , vpon other of his seruants . who being re-enforced by the assistance of their friends within the space of one moneth , expulsed leo almost out of all his liuelyhoods ; which of any subiect of the empire , were the greatest and goodliest ; insomuch that nothing was left him , saue only the dutchy of brunswicke : an excellent president for gentlemen to looke vnto , and to learne ; that the authority of soueraignty lawfully warranted by gods owne mouth , is not rashly to bee vilified , but to be reuerenced with fidelity , obedience , and honor , and that for conscience sake . and because i make no question , but that the review of this example , may be a motiue to bring many a rash spirit into the due consideration of authority , i will bee bold here to relate certaine other exemplary punishments inflicted by this emperor vpon others of his rebellious subiects . herman earle palatin of the rhene , and his complices , for that in his italian absence , hee had violated the publique peace , by raising armes against arnold archbishop of mogunce , he compelled publiquely for satisfaction to lead a dog vpon the birth day of the lord of wormes . gualfag earle of angleria , and prince of millan , for that after the promulgation of the curse by the pope he sided with alexander , and in his quarrell committed many insolencies in the city , to the derogation of the honor of the empire ; hauing taken him , three daies he tied him as a dog vnder his table ; whipt him with scurges , and at last in chaines sent him into germany . these were the punishments of those daies ; the like whereof if transgressors in like cases should vndergoe in these times , there were no doubt , but to find greater tranquility , and better obedience to the lawes through out the empire . but to our pupose . frederick hauing thus abated the greatnesse of henrie , leuied a new army in germany , and again marcheth towards italie . variable i know , is the opinion of writers about the gests done in italie in this iourney . some report that he fought in such great danger against the millanois , that his horse being slayn , himself had almost miscaried : and that vpon the compulsatory threats of the bishops , he was fain to treat a peace with the church . others write , that by the perswasiō of the bishop of brixia , he went into the holy-land , and that there , after the atchiuement of many famous victories , hee was betraied by alexander to the soldan , yet at length again restored to liberty by the popes liberality . albeit i know that these reports are heaued at by many : notwithstāding sithence they are vouched with the authority of such authors , whose diligence in reporting the life of so worthy an emperour , may deseruedly bee tollerated : i am onely disposed to relate them as i finde them , especially , beeing such as in likelihood held correspondencie , with the papall disposition against emperours , not altogether impertinent to our argument : for beliefe , i leaue it to euery mans iudgement . then thus at large . frederick being arriued at brixia , hartmannus bishop of the place , and the emperours secretarie , by the secret instructions of the pope , dealeth with his maiestie rather to turne these armes against turks and indels , then against the most holy father and the christian people . the holie land ( quoth hee ) which your grandfather conrade to his infinite expence recouered from the turks , is now reconquered by the egyptian soldan . i beseech your maiestie euen in the name and behalfe of the publique welfare , that vnto the glorious recouerie of these kingdomes , you would diuert your whole cogitations . this if you please to entertaine , you may assure your selfe , that the french king will noblie assist you to expell this sacracen . this honest-seeming oration ( saith the historie ) the emperour well liked , and transporteth into turkie this armie , first leuied against the pope , and the italian rebels . taking his iourney by hungarie , he commeth to constantinople , transporteth his army , and taketh many cities from the soldan . he inuadeth the lesser armenia , and comming to ierusalem , hee winneth the citie , and casteth out the pagans . but whilst the world goeth thus prosperously forward in the east , pope alexander , that most wicked traytour , imagining it would not be so with him and his complices , if his maiestie should returne so powrefull into italy , resolueth to seeke his destruction by villany . he causeth an excellent painter to draw the protraiture of frederick , and sendeth it to the soldan , with this item ; that if he desired to liue in peace , there was the emperours counterfait ; make meanes to destroy him . the soldan hauing receaued the breue , and the picture , meditateth how he might gratifie the bishop , pleasure himselfe , and be reuenged on his enemie . opportunity in the camp , or in conflict is seldome , or neuer offered . but as caesar led back his troupes securely from the conquest of ierusalem , he deuideth them into companies , for the better commodiousnesse in their retreat to prouide them of necessaries . in armenia , what by the heat of the sunne , & the tediousnes of the iourney ( imagining that no danger could proceed frō those solitary woods ) with a few horsmen , & his chaplin he departeth from the army . being a little remoued , and the horsemen commanded to depart , he prepareth to put off his garments , to wash himself in the riuer , to asswage the heat of his body . there with his chaplin he is taken , and throgh the woods brought prisoner to the soldan . the horsmen in vain expect the returne of their master , yet diligently scourd vp and down the country , both that and next day to heare what newes . the report goeth that he is drowned . great is the griefe of the camp , & for a moneths space they drag for him in the riuer . but not finding him , they chose new captaines & depart . the emperor being brought before the soldan , faineth that he is his chamberlaine . the soldan by the protracture knoweth him to be the emperour , and commandeth the picture to be shewed , and the popes letters to be read . whereat his maiestie being astonished , and perceiuing that there was no further time of denial , cōfesseth the truth , & asketh honorable vsage . the soldan after many discourses with his maiestie , incloseth him & his chaplin in prison , and according to his calling , entreateth him accordingly . at three moneths end , they inter-parly againe : when the soldan perceiuing by conference , that fredericke was an vpright man , in whom no vertue requisite in so great a personage was wanting ; admiring his wisdom , his cariage his faith and integrity ; hee fell into imagination with himselfe , that it would be much for his honor and glory to set at liberty so great & so magnificent a monarch . whereupon he sendeth for the emperour , and proposeth his conditionall liberty , viz. that hee should giue him hostages , and pay for his ransome three hundred thousand sicles . the emperor answereth , that he is able to do neither ; first , that he had no man there to be his pledge , and secondly , that his treasure being exhausted by this long war , he could not pay so excessiue a masse of mony . the soldan , well knowing that he spake nothing but truth , deliuered him on condition ; that hee should euer during his life keepe firme peace : pay one hundreth thousand duckets , and leaue his chaplin behinde him vntil the mony were paid . the couenants are drawn : the emperor prepareth for his iourney : willeth his chaplin to be of good courage : and promiseth him neuer to giue ouer , vntill the mony were procured , & himself safe returned into germany . the soldan bountifully honoreth the emperour ; prouideth for his iourney , and conducteth him to brixia by the seruice of 34. horse , and certaine companies of foot . the princes vnderstanding of the emperors returne , in frequent assemblies congratulate his safety . caesar requiteth his conuoy with an honorable larges , and adioyeth some troupes vnto them to safe conduct them to the frontiers of the empire . then proclaimeth he a diet at norimberg , and before all the princes of the empire he vnfoldeth the treason of alexander ; readeth the letter ; and declareth in what maner hee was taken , and vpon what conditions deliuered . the nobility promise to assist him , so that hee should keepe his day of payment with the soldan ; and in anger advow , that they will neuer forsake him , vntill they see him reuenged on the traytour alexander . an armie is inrolled in italie , no man repining ; and rome approached . thether hee sendeth his embassadors , and requireth of the romanes ( concealing yet a while his priuate wrongs ) that vpon hearing of either bishops cause , they would restore concorde to the church , by determining the right of the papacie to one of the elected . if thus they would doe , he promised to giue them peace , as also to restore , what in right they could challenge . the pope perceauing , that by these good courses , the emperour was become lord of his desires ; by night he flieth to caietta , afterward to beneuent , and lastly , in the habite of his cooke to venice . where , after he had lien hid certaine moneths in a monasterie , he is at length made knowne , and in senatorial habite by the commandement of duke sebastian , honorably receiued , and in his pontificalibus accompanied to the temple of saint mark. frederick being giuē to vnderstand of this reception , stormeth at the venetians for receiuing their common aduersarie . he desireth them to send vnto him , the destroyer of the cōmon wealth . the venetians deny . frederick sendeth his son with an armada to demand the man ; but with prohibition at any hand to fight , before himselfe was come in person . otho a prince yong , frolicke and aduenturous , desirous of honour and glory , copeth with his enemies , is taken and made prisoner . vpon whose captiuity , alexander mounted vpon the wings of this prosperous successe , vtterly denieth to treat with caesar , vnlesse he would suppliantly come to venice , and there accept the already written conditions of peace . wherewith caesar being mooued not vpon any base conceit , or despaire of victory , but partly through his affectionate loue towards his child , but more for desire to settle a firme peace in europe , assented , and impawned his honor to come vpon the day prescribed . where according to promise , appearing , and proceeding to capittulation , alexander sent him word , that he would not absolue him from the censure of excommunication vntill he come into the temple of s. marke . here is he now ariued , accoutred in humble and religious habiliment : the pope , before a multitude of people , most papally commandeth him to lie agroofe on his belly , and suppliantly to aske forgiuenesse . the emperor , german-like , simply suspecting , that a bishop , who ought to haue been the mirour of modesty , would haue abused him with no grosse or dishonourable behauior , obeieth the pope word , and so groueleth at his feet . at the sight whereof : he not only insulteth , but that worse is ; most tyrannically he treadeth vpon his prostrated neck , and then blasphemously yelleth foorth this misapplied place of scripture . thou shalt tread vpon the aspe and the bosiliskc , and thou shalt bruse downe the lyon and the dragon . did euer history record of so sauage a demeanor ? surely some barbarous souldiers , who in battell haue taken princes prisoners , haue intreated them more inhumanely , then stood with their estates : sapores the persian vsed to set his foot vpon the neck of valerianus the captiuated emperor , as he mounted his horse : the tartarian tamerlan ( the correlatiue tyranny to this of the popes ) inclosing baiazeth emperour of turkes in an yron cage , carried him so dishonoured through all his iournies . but what is this to a pope ? by how much the disproportion holdeth betwixt a souldier and a churchman , betweene a christian and an ethnique , by so much is the immatuity of the pope the more damnable . they being barbarians , might plead some probability of excuse , in that they misused but their enemies , and those by the law of nations captiuated for seruility : but the pope is a christian , seruus seruorum , a peace-maker , and a priest ; whose office is only to pray and to preach : wherefore i can not blame bellarmine , if he could make vs beleeue ; that this history may be doubted of , when i shall relate vnto you in the word of truth ; that this mirror of christian humility ) cyclopica immanitate , first , with a gyantlike rudenesse saith mine author ) most ignominiously with his bestiall feet presumed to touch ( nay to tread ) vpon the sacred necke of a mighty emperour , then ( as i said ) in peaceable maner lying agroofe , and humbly desiring absolution of an vniust excommunication . but why do i against the precepts of history , thus lash out , by aggreuating of so barbarous a cruelty , to mooue the mind of my reader to compassion , sithence i can neuer do it , for that the president in it selfe goeth far beyond any delineation that humane wit can possibly polish it withall ? vox faucibus haeret , &c. well , caesar knowing himselfe , and recalling his generous spirits ; to shew that he was not a little moued at the indignity , openly calleth vnto the pope ; saying , non tibi , sed petro : meaning that he became so deuout a suppliant , not to this tyrant , but his apostolique calling . but the tyrannicall pope , once againe bowing downe his reuerend necke with his beare-like pawes ; reclaimeth , et mihi & petro. the good emperor , that had neuer offended any man , no nor the pope himselfe , but his pride ; albeit he could not but agrieue at this iniurious and base vsage , yet in regard of the common quiet ( much preferred before his own dignity ) held his peace : and after his absolution , thus renued his grace with the bishop . ❧ henricus vi. he raigned in the yeere 1191. about the second yeere of richard the first . the romanists thinking it no safe policy , too much at one instant to irritate the reuengefull spirits of secular princes , smothered a while their domineering humours , vntill the dayes of celestine the third . who although he had bestowed vpon henrie for wife , constance the nun , the daughter of roger the fourth king of sicil , taken forth from the monastery of panormo , vpon condition , that tancred the base son of roger now deposed , ( whome clement the third had before to no purpose labored also to displant ) should hold both kingdoms in fee of the church : notwithstanding some there are , who write , that because this henry punished somewhat seuerely not only the apulian and sicilian laickes , for entring into actuall rebellion against him , but also proceeded with like rigor against the clerks and bishops , being guilty of the same conspiracy ; from some pulling their skins ouer their eares , from other their eies ; impaling some vpon stakes , and incircling some of their heads with a flaming garland ; hee escaped not celestines curse , who by this time being weary of peace , intended nothing else but the dispossession of henry , from the crowne of both sicils . ❧ philip the sweuian . he raigned in the yeere of christ 1199. about the last yeere of richard the first . howeuer the world fared in this age , certaine it is , that presently after the death of henrie , the rage of the bishop grew fiery hot against his successor . for henrie now lying vpon his death bed , had instituted innocent the 3 ( the successor of celestine ) guardian to his yong infant , fower yeeres of age , yet chosen to the succession of the empire by the suffrage of the princes ; to him he also recommended his wife constance and ordained his own brother philip duke of hetruria and sweuia ( during the minority of the child ) to bee his lieutenant , through the whole empire and the kingdome of sicil . but the bishop falsifying his faith of guardianship , turneth traitor , and by setting al germany in combustion , sideth with the house of sweuia . for as philip posting towards his sick brother , by the way about mount flasco , not far from viterbium , vnderstood that his brother was departed , tranported with a desire of soueraignty , hee hastneth as fast to haganoa , the place of the assembly of the princes , and there worketh as many as he can , to fauour his proceedings . nocentius , who in shew deadly hated the sweuians as persecutors of the church , but in truth sorely thirsting after the reall possession of sicil , at first ( to giue philip to vnderstand , that without his holinesse acted a part in all princely policies , it were folly to vndertake great matters ) he excepteth against him by an excommunication , which stood on record filed against him , in the daies of celestine . secondly to shew himselfe a displeased father , he sendeth the bishop of sutrium vnto him , to demand at his hand certaine hostages , whose eyes not long agoe his brother henry had caused to be put out . thirdly , failing , against imagination of his will ; for that philip by confessing and repenting of his fault , had procured absolution from the legat , and remitted the hostages : in odium philippi he sheweth the blind pledges to the people , and depriuing the bishop of sutrium , for that without commission hee had absolued philip , he confineth him into one of the ilands : and finally , now to perfect his proiects , he recommendeth vnto the fauours of the electors berthold duke of zazingia , a prince strong and valiant , and whom he knew full well to be a deadly enemy to the sweuians , because he had before times beene molested by the wars of conrade , the brother of philip. the letters of his election written at large , are yet to bee seen . c. venerabilem . de electi potestate . but berthold , being a wise and an honorable prince , knowing himself far inferior to philip , and that he had been already nominated for emperor by the generall good-liking of the sweuians , saxons , the bauarians , the bohemians and the princes of the rhene , so affected the fauor of his lawfull king , that in assurance of obedience , he gaue him for pledges his own nephewes crinen and berthold earles of vrach , together with his personall oath of allegeance . whereat innocent tooke so great an indignation , that he could not refraine , but belched out : that either the bishop should dispossesse philip of his crown , or philip dispossesse the bishop of his miter . and forthwith he calleth from england otho the sonne of henry leo , a proud and harebraind prince , and by sending him the imperiall diadem , he setteth him vp against philip ; and to withdraw his subiects , he interdicteth him of all honor and authority . hereby arose a most pestiferous dis-vnion in the state of germany , but a masse of aduantages to the pope and his clergy . for as long as philip and otho by their intestine wars distracted the empire , there scant fell void any ecclesiasticall dignity , yea almost scant no poore vicarage , but being made litigious by the cunning of rome , the dicesion of the incumbency was remooued into the popes court , and there peraduenture compounded ; but not without the fleecing of both parties purses . this the abbat of vrsperg in the end of one of his orations doth set downe , for one of the trickes , wherby the popedom is accustomed to trouble christendome , meane-while enriching their priuate coffers . these be his words . reioyce ( sayeth he ) our mother rome : for cataracts of treasure are opened vpon earth , that riuers and masses of money in great abundance may flowe into thy bosome . reioyce for the iniquitie of the sonnes of men , for that rewards are accumulated vpon thee to reconcile mischiefes . reioyce for thy adiutresse , discord ; for shee is let loose from the bottomlesse pit , euen to breake thy backe with bagges of siluer . now thou enioyest that , which thou hast long thirsted for : sing a merrie song , for by the reciprocall malice of men , and not by thy religous workes , thou hast got victorie ouer the world . all men flock vnto thee , not for deuotions sake , or in puritie of conscience , but by rewards to compound their contentions , and to redeeme their trespasses . and albeit that odoacer king of bohemia , herman lantgraue of thuringe , the bishop of argentine , and adulph archprelate of colein , being terrified by the papal curse , had sided with otho , assisted with the forces of his vncle richard , king of england ; yet being strong with his hetrurians leauied in italie , and his sweuians raised in germanie , he beginneth with alsatia , next neighbour to sweuia , and wasteth it : then falling vpon the thuringer , confederated with the bohemian , hee inforceth him to submission , and routeth the bohemian . this done , through the reconciliation of the colennois , at confluence hee treateth a league with the dukes of brabant & lotharinge : with whom and his associates descending to aquisgran , with great solemnity he is there crowned by the fore-said colennois . finally , meeting with otho not farre from colen , he put him to flight , and without his companions enforceth him to flie againe into england . when the princes perceiued these prosperous successes to attend philip , being now throughly wearied with these ciuill combustions ; by a generall consent , they conclude to send an honourable embassie to his holinesse ; who vpon restitution of philip into fauour , should intreat his fatherhood to confirme him in the rights of the empire . he giueth audience , and returneth for aunswere ; that vnlesse philip will giue vnto richard his brothers sonne ( newly created earle of thuscanie ) spolet , and marchia anconitana , with the daughter of philip , hee will neuer harken vnto the emperours ambassie . behold here another trick of popish discontent : by this match , hee onely meant and hoped to inuest his nephew in the perpetuall inheritance of these goodly lordships . thus haue these holy fathers long since accustomed , vnder the habit of saint peter , to fish rather to inrich their nephewes , their kindred , and their gossips , then to be carefull ouer the church and the common-weale ; yea , in these respects they haue often moued warres ; so that the meanes , by which god hath ordained to reconcile families , & to corroborat peace ; they haue inuerted to maintaine factions , and to serue their owne purposes . after the embassadors had heard the proposed condition , altogether impertinent to the businesse , whereabout they had taken so much paines ; they tooke it as a strange motion ; that the daughter of a king , should be affianced to the base nephew of a pope : howbeit , not to offend his holinesse , they answered , that they had no commission to treat of any such ouerture : but desire , that by some people of his owne , hee would acquaint their lord and master with his holinesse request . whereupon , with more heat , then good discretion , he adioyneth vnto the embassadors of philip ( now vpon their returne ) hugoline and leo cardinals of hostia , and saint crosses in ierusalem . who arriuing at augusta , were honourably receiued , and highly feasted , but vpon notice of the proud and preposterous message of their master ( nothing ashamed to violate the constitutions of his lord peramount ) the king and his counsell secretly laughing at the legats discoursing vpon matters , nothing tending to peace and absolution ; from augusta the court remoued to spiers and so to northius . and there after long debatement , the peace was ratified , and the bishops nephew reiected ; vpon condition , that the daughter of philip ( whom the foole-bishop eagerlie instanced ) should be affianced to otho ; and that he liuing in priuate , during the life of philip , after his death , should succeed in the empire . not long after this treatie philip died : for leauing saxonie , and for recreation sake retiring vnto babenberg in sweuia , he was traiterously slaine in his chamber , there solely remaining , after the opening of a vain , by otho of wittelsback , nephew vnto him vpon whom frederick ( as we told you before ) had bestowed bauaria . the cause of his discontent arose , for that being a suter to his daughter , in regard of some imputation of disloyaltie , he had beene repulsed , and the lady , by the emperour , her fathers good liking , affianced to otho . after this lamentable regicide , otho by the generall consent of the nobility , assembled at francofurt , is saluted emperour . ❧ otho the fourth . otho , by consent of the princes being thus installed in the imperial throne , setteth all things through germany in good order ; and then with a warlike armie marching by the vally of trent , hee passeth by lombardie , and so commeth to rome , to receiue the imperiall diademe : where , by the pope , the clergie , and the people hee is heartely welcommed , and honourably receiued : and so much the rather , the pope studied to honour and gratifie his maiestie , for that hee had heretofore alwaies assisted his partie , against philip his predecessour . but this extraordinarie kindnesse was of no long continuance betweene these new friends ; but being soone ripe , soone vanished , and turned into hatred . for vpon the very day of the coronation , an affray began betweene the dutch and the romanes , about the donatiues which the emperors accustomed to bestow at this time amongst the souldiers ; so that ( as report went ) about one thousand and one hundred men were slaine , and as many wounded . whereupon otho being moued at so great an indignity ; complained vnto the romans for reparation of amends ; which they promised , but performed so slowly , that the emperor began to enter into suspition , that the pope himselfe became a fautor of the tumult ; whereupon hee departed , towards millan , and there laying aside his imperiall ensignes , hee infested tuscanie , mark ancona , and romandiola , vulgo , s. peters patrimony . moreouer in warlike manner he inuaded apulia , subdued the dutchy of capua , and tooke from frederick the second many other cities pertayning to the kingdome of sicil , at that time mistrusting no such outrage . vpon intelligence hereof innocent admonisheth otho to restore the feodary possessions of the church , and to abstaine from further violence . but caesar not only reiecteth his admonitions , but infesteth those possessions , with more and more souldier-like depredations . innocent flyeth to excommunication , depriueth him of his imperiall titles , and absolueth the princes of their oth of allegiance towards otho . and that more is , prohibiteth vnder paine of damnation , that no man serue , account , or call otho lord or emperor . it is reported , that he caused the princes anew to sweare vnto frederick king of sicil , being as yet an infant ; and him he made choice of to succeed in his place . whereupon otho returned into germany ; where , albeit in the assembly of noremberg , vpon complaint of the popish tyranny , and the cowardize of the princes , he had entred a strict bond of alliance with many ; and had moreouer taken sharpe reuenge vppon herman lantgraue of thuringe by wasting his territories , for that at the popes commandement he had violated his faith : yet at last being forsaken of his people , hee was glad to retire into saxonie , where the fourth day after his royall mariage at northuis with the daughter of philip , he fell sick , and died . ❧ fredericke the second . he raigned 1212. about the thirteenth yeare of king iohn . frederick the second , by the vniuersall consent of all writers , a prince worthy all attributes of honour , as well for his gouernment in peace , as his cariage in warre ; vpon the deiection of otho , at the commandement of innocent the third , tooke vpon him the imperiall crowne at aquisgran . and in the yeare next following ( otho departing at perusium ) he was crowned at rome , and honoured with the name of augustus , by honorius the third . with him hee brought many rich gifts into italie , and amongst the rest , the countie of funda ; which with manie notable donatiues he bestowed vpon the church ; and then setting germanie in order , he prepared himselfe for the iourney of ierusalem , according to the custome of his auncestors : who being deceaued by their false pretexts of religion , imagined that they were not worthie to merit the imperiall diademes , but by vowes and donatiues ; first , forgetting that no pope , but the princes , and the people , were interessed in the election of the emperours : and secondly , not fore seeing , that the priests , who had too sharply felt the armes of the princes to their extreame losse , were not so carefull to recouer ierusalem for the christian good , as they were prouident to direct , or distract the forces of stirring potentates ; that mean while they might liue at pleasure , and prouide for their bellies . for the princes being sequestred into the farthest parts of the world ( this pretext i confesse , caried a great shew of zeale & honesty ) who was left to hinder them , from making free vse of their wits at home , and that without restraint or contradiction . howeuer frederick in the beginning caried himself bountifull and obedient towards honorius ; notwithstanding , his vertues could neither safe conduct his life against their subtilties , impieties and clandestine councels ; neither his bountie extenuate or lenifie their conceiued malices against his person . for , three most wicked bishops successiuely succeeding one another , for almost thirtie yeares space , so hardly kept him to it , that his most barbarous enemies , the turks and saracens , may be reported to haue made faire and gentle warres against this most warlike emperour , in regard of those trickes and tragedies , which the romanists played him . first , honorius immediatly after the receit of his donatiues , without any pretence of receiued displeasure , seditiously maintained and acquited from their oathes of allegeance the two earles of tuscanie , richard and thomas , condemned of treason , & the emperors publique & dangerous enemies . secondly , that with more facility they might make vse of his fauour to purpose , and vsurpe vpon the kingdomes of sicil and apulia , he branded the emperor with the censure of excommunication , and ( as far as lay in his power ) depriued him of all imperial soueraignty . after this , he prouoked the lombards to rebellion ; so that they repelled the princes of germany , approching to a diet to be held at cremona by the emperors direction : and had done more , had not god taken him out of this world , to accompanie his predecessours in the vale of death . gregorie the ninth succeedeth : he to seeme nothing inferiour to his predecessor , euen in the first step to his papacie , raged worse then honorius . he accuseth him , that according to his vow , vndertaken in the time of honorius , to passe vnto ierusalem , hee had not accomplished it within the prefixed time : and therefore renewing the excommunication , hee condemneth him without allowance of defence , vnsommoned and vnheard ; yea , he vtterly denieth either to heare , or to admit vnto the presence of his councell , the honourable embassadors of his maiestie , bringing honest & lawful reasons in excuse of their master ; yea , petitioning to be admitted vnto satisfaction , in case their lord had in any thing offended : but the pope notwithstanding all offer of submission , daily intimateth his fulminations ; confirmeth in their rebellions , iohn king of ierusalem , the earls of tuscany , the emperors rebels , & the nobles of lombardy ; and forbiddeth the emperors seruants to appeare at the day of the assembly , proclaimed by the emperor , to be held at rauenna ; and spoileth the crossed souldiers , bound for the iourney of ierusalem , of all their necessaries . the emperor obseruing this passage , to lenifie his papall anger , passeth the sea , laieth siege to acon , and finisheth many glorious attempts to the honor of christendom and the christian religion . meane time , the pope ( o the deepe abysse of popish impiety ) taketh his aduantage vpon the emperours absence , subdueth apulia , prohibiteth the crossed companies to passe the seas , & committeth infinit such like masteries , not only vnbeseeming a christian bishop , but much more christ his vicar . for first , he slaieth those embassadors , whom the emperor had sent vnto him to congratulate his good successe against the soldan , & then to terrifie those cities of apulia , which refused his yoke of subiection , he giueth out publique rumors , that the emperor was departed this world . hee also maketh meanes vnto the soldan ( mean time to work his will in apulia ) that he should not capitulate to surrender the holy lād vnto caesar . here behold the piety of this holy father : here behold his study , & conuersion of leuies of prouisions taken vp through christendom to be imployed against gods enemies . this is his persecution of infidels , this his croisado against turks & pagans , viz. to inuert christian armes against christians , to forsake a christian emperor warring in a forraine land against the enemies of the christian faith ; and especially ( i dare auow ) for the safety of italie , as experience hath since made manifest . for mine own part in the behalfe of the whole christian cōmon weale , i can but condole for the generall captiuity of israel , but as for the popes i say to them , as somtime mutata regione tasso prophetically said of the greeks vpō the very same argument : tatine their guide , and except tatine , none of all the greeks went with the christian host : o sinne ! o shame ! o greece acurst alone ! did not this fatal war affront thy coast ? yet satest thou an idle looker on , and glad attendedst which side won or lost ; now if thou be a bondslaue vile become , no wrong is that , but gods most righteous doome . but , as in another place the same poet spake of the grecian emperor , so the german monarch might at this time say of the romish prelate : and for i doubt the romish prelate slie , will vse gainst me some of his wonted craft to stay their passage , or diuert awry elsewhere his promis'd forces , &c. necessity will inforce me to returne ; and so he did , towards italy . where , albeit by the way he had intercepted the popes letters directed to the soldan , containing the aforesaid instructions ; yet hauing recouered the losses suffered in his absence ; most heroically for the loue of christ he beareth & dissembleth all forepassed greuances : and in pure deuotion to peace , of his own accord he beseecheth his holinesse to receiue him into fauour , & in requital therof , he protesteth to becom his future true liegeman for the kingdome of sicil. what say you vnto this , you hypocrites ? heere you see a king , humble , contrit , & studious of peace ; through this whole discourse haue i yet read of no such pope . what are thē the signs of christianity , and true religion ? war or peace ? humility or pride ? if you say peace & humility , where then must we seek them ? in the breasts commonly of christian princes . and no maruell , for both the written word of god , and conscience , haue warranted their authorities : yours not so , at leastwise , in such worldly maner , as you vse it . for being nouell , and conuersant in pompeous habiliments , in lordlie appellations , in rich patrimonies , in commerce , in treaties , inuestiture of princes , in maintaining of garrisons , in rigging of gallies , in entertaining of noble men and captaines for seruice , how can it chuse but by plots and deuises , to maintaine these worldly charges , and titulary honors , cleane contrary to the example of christ , the doctrine of the apostles , and the modesty of the primitiue church ) you shall bee constrained to mingle the leuen of the lord , with the abomination of baal ; and in stead of preaching and praier ( your sole function ) to spend your times in perfecting and preuenting your own imaginations , and your enemies designements . for i know the kingdome of heauen is not of this world , neither will flesh and blood respect you as they ought , if as you say , you should carry lowly shewes , and truely practise christian humilitie : but you know , where your reward is laid vp ; imitate this good emperor , and thinke with your selues , that in this he followed your sayings , and not your doings . imitate you your sayings , but saie , and doe , and then will the world turne their bitter reprehensions , to sweetest sonnets in praise and admiration of your liues & embassies . and here i craue pardon for digression . againe to the history : albeit , most of the princes of germanie , ecclesiasticall and secular , namely , eberhard of salisburg , seyfrid of ratisbone , sibot of augusta , bishops : leopold of austria , otho of merouia , and barnard of carinthia , dukes with many other nobles , did to their vtmost , labour with the pope to reconcile his displeasure against caesar then residing at capua : yet could not his maiesty obtaine promise of pardon , vntill he had giuen assurance to pay into the churches exchequer by the hands of the master of the teutonick order , the summe of one hundred and twenty thousand ounces of gold . is this to forgiue thy brother seauenty times seuen ? or can sinne and trespasses be washed away by masses of mony ? o impudent merchant , antichristian impostor ! the price being made , pardon followeth , and the emperor inuited to a riotous feast , where amongst many dishes , simulata amicitia , i assure you , is carried vp for a seruice . for the emperor was scarce vpon his way towards germanie , to represse the sonne of henrie , who with the lombards and thuscians had rebelled against him , but he is openly giuen to vnderstand by the princes , that by messengers in the name of the bishop , they haue strict commandement , not to acknowledge any man of the emperors family for king : and moreouer , that hee had conspired with the states of italie to disgrade him of all imperiall iurisdiction . whereat caesar , being full of discontent , hauing tamed his rebells , hee plagueth the mutinous cities of hetruria and lombardie . the pope is now become more then mad , and to disgorge melancholy ( for otherwise it will stifle him ) againe the third time he curseth the emperor with book , bell and candle . and to be sure at this blow to tumble him quite downe from the height of all imperiall dignity ; first hee treateth a league with the venetians : then by the counsel of the kings of france and england , hee summoneth a councell to be celebrated at rome in the lateran : wherein is a great dispute about the vtter abolishment of the regall authority of fredericke . before the first sitting the heads of the apostles s. peter and s. paul , with due solemnity are carried round about the city . and lastly , in the cathedrall church of saint peter , he maketh a sermon full of commiseration ; proclaimeth the croisado , and promiseth life euerlasting to as many , as shall take vp armes against his maiestie . frederick being giuen to vnderstand , that the croisado was now proclaimed against him , which was neuer from the daies of adam heard of , to be divulged against any , but turks and infidels , waxeth exceeding angry , and directeth his forces to the walls of rome ; combatteth with the romanes , rowteth them with a miserable slaughter , and spareth not a man , marked with the crosse . to some crosse-wayes he commanded foure words to be giuen . others had their heads clouen a crosse , and the clergie-men hee willed to be shauen to the quick , and the signe of the crosse to be imprinted vpon their bald pates ; that so they , who were but said to be signed with the crosse , might be so signed indeed . afterward , by a long and tedious siege , hauing forced furentia , and hearing that the pope had sent forth his legats , to summon the english and french prelats to the councell ; he shutteth vp by sea and by land all passages : and by the seruice of the pisans taketh some cardinals , and many prelates passing by sea , and committeth them to prison . two cardinals hee drowneth , and assigneth to the gallowes some abbots and bishops , but especially the popes brother , for their vnpardonable treasons . whereupon , this good holy father , sorrowing to see so many of the lords annointed , for treason to be so sharply vsed by frederick , became so moued and distempered at the indignity , that falling into sicknesse , through griefe of minde , hee departed the same way , which his beloued sons , had but lately foregone . celestine the fourth succeedeth , and intendeth to proceed in the steps of his predecessor against frederick , had not death summoned him to attend another businesse in a fitter place . for hee sate bishop but eighteene daies , and then was poisoned in drinking . innocentius the third succeeded ; whilom the emperours deuotest friend , but now his most bitter enemy ; persecuting his maiesty with more furie , then any of his deceased predecessors . and thus it fell out . baldwin the grecian emperor , hoping to play the part of a good christian , in supplying the office of him , who was vtterly degenerated from all remembraunce of his owne function and calling , laboured what hee could to set vnity betweene these two mighty monarchs : ( for so is all popery in truth , though not in shew . ) but the bishop , hauing no mind to hearken to so christian-like a motion , dealeth with the geneois ( hauing a nauie at that time riding at anchor in the port of centumcellae ) to transport him vnto lyons in france , and there illuding both princes for their kindnesse and paines-taking , proclaimeth a concionable ; causeth fredericke to bee cited , yea himselfe in the end of his homely , citeth him : and for default of appearance ( although his sufficient substitute , thadeus suessanus , a most famous lawyer , humbly desired his furiousnesse but to allow him a sufficient returne , whereby hee might haue conuenable time for his repaire to lyons ) he denieth him respit ; accurseth him ; depriueth him of al imperial honors ; absolueth his subiects , & abetteth them in despight of frederick , to make choice of some other . most impudently alleadging ( so did euer the pharisies by christ , because otherwise they could not effect their wills ) very vile , false and forged suggestions against him , as blasphemies , periuries , sacrilege , and such like stuffe : which see in c. apostol . de sent . & re iudicata , lib. 6. the emperor hearing hereof , setteth italie in order , and with a compleat army marcheth towards lyons , there face to face to bandy with this insolent prelate . but thinke you a pope to be so silly an asse , as to deale with his forewarned enemy ? no beleeue it . his conscience can not assure his heart to look him in the face : he must deale altogether vpon aduantage , ciuill dissentions , alienations of obedience , trecheries , periuries , discontents of neighbour-princes and subiects . at which weapons he now dealeth with the emperour ; and hauing his scouts , his espialls and intelligencers in euery corner through the world , by their seruices , he worketh the banished gentlemen of parma , to returne to their country , and there to plot out myriads of rebellions against those cities , which as yet in italie stood well affected to the emperors seruice . whereupon before his maiesty could come to taurinum , in feare that the residue of the italian people would one follow anothers example , he quitteth his lyons-iourny ; and by letters , directed both vnto the king of france , as also to the prelats there assembled , in most honest termes he refuteth his enemies obiections , discourseth at large vpon the insufficiency and nullity of a popish curse , and withall strongly prepareth by sea to reduce parma to its former obedience . but good emperour , the greater thy learning , the more their griefe : the greater thy courage , the more vigilant is thy diuill-like enemy for thy ruine . thou staiest at grossetum , about the sea coast of sienna , there to refresh thy wearied and ouerwrought spirits , with some disports of hauking ; thou wilt not get thee into germanie , nor repasse the mountaines : then will thy ghostly father meditate night and day to vndoe thee ; then will he traiterously inueigle thy principall seruants , some by wrested sentences of scripture , and some by corruption of mony , to worke thy downfall . thus imitate they christ in blessing their enemies ; thus honor they kings according to saint peter ; but ( thanke thy god ) the conspiracie was detected , and the traytors worthely punished . nocentius beeing fallen into a desperate fury , for that he had failed in these his most nefarious proiects , in seeing the emperor for this time fully cleered from his diuelish intendments , grew yet resolute , not to giue ouer , vntill hee had really dispossest him of his crowne & life . which to effect , by threats , exhortations , & promises he aweth the princes of germanie to depose frederick , and in his place to set vp henrie lantgraue of thuringe . but this gentleman following the seruice of his master at the siege of vlmes , was deadly wounded the same yeere wherin he was nominated king. so also his successor william , beeing imploied in other wars , performed nothing in fauour of his furiousnesse . whereupon the pope obseruing his anathems to be vilified , his rebellious hirelings in italy to be throughly persecuted , & his aduersary to be resolute and vndaunted , after long and manifold trecheries plotted , and frustrated , at last , he procureth him to be poisoned in the two and thirtith yeere of his raigne , and the fifty seauenth of his age , on the very same day wheron he was declared emperor , caesar , augustus . thus , this most worthy heros , this frederick the second , emperor of germany , king of both sicils and hierusalem , lord of sardinia and italie , & duke of sweuia , an excellent prince , adorned with all good gifts dained by god vnto man , aswell for the furniture of mind , as body ; valiant , honorable , liberall ; a great linguist , and excellent well learned , finished his mortall race : who , had he not been diuerted , from turning his christian armes against the pagans , by the rebellions of italy , and the papall abetments thereto , verely he had merited more praise of the christian world , then alexander in due could haue exacted of his macedonian subiectes . verely , if this our age ( miserably shaken with this inueterate papall tyranny ) by this president would learne , what emolument , peace and plenty would accrue both to the church and common-weale , by due ballancing the temporall and ecclesiasticall authorities ; then would i not doubt , but to behold the german empire most great , most glorious , and the papall vsurpation once again reduced to its pure and primitiue integrity . more in commendation of this good emperor i can not say , but onely wish that the motto , which was once vnderwritten brutus his statue , and now due to him ( vtinam viueres ) might at this day be reuiued in the hearts of all christian potentates to reuindicate their pristinate prerogatiues . but who shall recomfort the laments of sion ? albeit that this most worthy generall was gathered in peace to the bed of his fathers , yet death had no priuiledge to giue period either to the extinguishment or satiation of these popes neuer dying malice . for , against all humane beliefe , and the diuine precepts it raged with so inhumane a feruencie against this emperors posterity , that it neuer gaue ouer , vntil it had depriued his issue both of life and empire . for forthwith from the decease of frederick , these ( three popish sultans ) innocent the third , alexander and vrban the fourth , following the continual streame of their proud fortunes , imployed the vtmost of their meanes to re-inuest the kingdome of naples in the church , and to strip thereof the house of sweuia ; but in vaine ; for manfred maintained and retained it valiantly as yet against all their violences ; vntill clement the fifth following the claime of his predecessor vrbans intrusion , called charles earle of prouince and aniow out of france , to take possession thereof : vpon condition , that manfred being expulsed , hee should yearely pay vnto the church of rome in the name of a tenure thirtie thousand duckets ; and for farther encouragement ; not to accept the inuestiture thereof , though freelie offered , from the romane emperour , hee caused him to be stiled , king of both sicils . which done , in the lateran church , hee is inaugurated with the crowne of sicil and hierusalem . and after manie and various conflicts , hee not onely ouerthroweth , and slayeth manfred at beneuent , betrayed by his people : but also , extinguisheth the sole heire of the noble house of sweuia , the stem of many worthy emperors , conrade the son of conrade , whō he got vnto his power by treasō neer naples ; & there by the wicked dispensatorie counsel of the pope , with more then phalarian cruelty struck off his head , for going about to recouer his owne , but indeed , vpon suggestion that hee persecuted the church . for clement , after he had heard the opinion of manie wise men , perswading him that conrade , as being the onely branch of the most noble house of sweuia , was to be preferred , and obliged to the romane sea by fauours and affinitie , turned himselfe to charles , and would needes know of him , what he also deemed : to whom the traytor made this butcherly reply . vita conradini , mors caroli : mors conradini , vita coroli . i. the life of conrade will be death to charles ; the death of conrade , life to charles . by which his brutish opinion , hee thus whetted on a minde already prepared for murder ; by manifest presumptions fore-shewing , that hee was already acquainted with some plot of treason against conrade . for after he vnderstood , that conrade with a puissant armie of germanes , was passed viterbium , where then his holinesse resided , he was heard to prophesie , that he was led as a lamb to the slaughter . thus , the posteritie of frederick being for manie ages turmoiled by this succession of bishops , after infinit practises at last was vtterly ruinated by these bloudie monsters : yea , the princes of germanie were so involued in these fatal oppositiōs , that none of thē either daring or willing to weare a crowne at so deare a reckoning , alphons of spaine , and richard of england , by mony and the popes fauour ( as the world saith ) began to aspire vnto that dignity , which for so many ages past , the germaines alone had enioyed , and honourably maintained . but neither of them , either in iealousie one of another , or in feare of their predecessors harmes , euer came to the reall possession thereof , so that for the space almost of 22. yeares , the empire became an anarchy , and so continued , vntill by the generall suffrage of all the princes , rodulph of hauespurg was chosen emperour . ❧ rodulphus habspurgicus . he raigned anno 1273. about the second yeare of edward the first . after these lamentable tragedies acted vpon the person of frederick & his issue , is rodulph of hauespurg , elected king of romanes . who , albeit he had pleighted his faith to gregorie the tenth , that hee would come to rome , and there be crowned ; as also , had studied to deserue the friendship of him , and other his successours , with extraordinarie indeuours ; for that , time had taught him , that euen against all humane reason , this viperous generation had clearely extinguished the two most worthy and glorious families , of france and sveuia ; as also , for that , they had transferred the kingdome of naples from the race of frederick , to the house of aniow ; and therfore thought with himselfe , that such potentates , as they , were not rashly to be prouoked , especially being now shielded with the fauours of the french , and the peeuishnesse of the germane bishops ; as also , that it was worke enough , beseeming the maiestie of a good and gracious emperour , to tender the welfare of his natiue country , now almost ruinated and rent by ciuill dissentions : notwithstanding his godlinesse , his clemencie , his deuotion , his humanity , his modestie , and his obseruancie , yet could hee deserue no other retribution from these vngratefull politicians , but intrusions vpon his crowne , and taunts against his person . for honorius the fourth , being bishop at that season , arrogating vnto himselfe all regall authority , directly against the good will of rodulph , constituted priziualna earle of ianua , vicar generall of the empire throughout italy . and after his maiestie for mony had quite claimed vnto many cities their liberties , this honorius most wickedly sealed this scandalous transaction . after the decease of honorius , nicholas the fourth had vtterly dispossest this emperour of romandiola and rauenna , vnder the false pretext of an expedition against the turke , had not death taken truce with his traiterous intents . by a new creation of two kings in italie , the one to gouerne lumbardy , the other tuscanie , he had plotted , that by the commodiousnesse of their scituations all alongst the teutonick alps , from hence by armes he might alwaies haue meanes to curb the french , who now hold sicil , and the goodly kingdome of naples in full possession . wherof rodulph taking notice , resoluing with himselfe neuer to be made a stale to an other mans despight , which by affectation of a titularie crowne in italie , publiquely at all times giueth forth , that at some time or other , he would find sufficient occasions of diuersion and redresse ; but in plain termes he intimateth to his friends , that he was wholly deterd from iournying into italy , for that he had formerly obserued , that the entrance of the caesars thereinto was applauded , honoured , and full of hopes : but their returnes aukward , heauie , mournfull and miserable . not impertinently alluding vnto esops fable of the wolfe ; who told the lyon lying sick in his den , that in truth he had no reason to enter , considering that he could well obserue the footing of euery beast in entrance , going forward , but not of one , returning backward . ❧ albertus primus . he raigned 1298. about the six and twentieth yeare of edward the first . albeit albert succeeding his father rodulph , in the empire , continued the same obseruancy towards the roman monarchy , as his father formerly had done : yet could he by no meanes escape the bitter quips & taunts of these cloistered asses . for , at what time by his ambassadours according to custome hee praied of boneface the eight , the confirmation of his election , boneface hauing a sword by his side , and the imperiall crowne vppon his head , sheweth himselfe in publique to the assemblie , and with a high voice exclaymeth : ego sum caesar & pontifex : behold , here is caesar and the pope : and in furie ( whereas it mought haue been done without his priuity or authority ) hee reiecteth the election as friuolous and of no force ; denieth confirmation , and with a full-foule mouth , calleth him homicide . afterwards , vpon a bitter quarrell arising between this maleface and philip king of france , for that his maiesty would not acknowledge him for his supreme lord , he chāged his first opinion ; aprooued albert emperor ; by his breues inuested him with the kingdom of france , and in a full consistorie excommunicated philip. yet againe when albert re-answered , that he would not stir one foote against the king of france , vnlesse his holynesse would confirme him and his heires in the kingdome and empire : the pope , not able to conceale his imprisoned displeasure , most arrogantly replied : non futurum id iezabele viuente ; that , that should neuer come to passe , so long as iezabel liued by which abusiue name , he pointed at that most noble dame elizabeth , the wife of albert , the daughter of menihard , earle of tirol , and sister by the mothers side to conrade late duke of sweuia . in shew cauelling at this noble lady , as an implacable persecutrix of clergy men against gods commandements , but in truth , most barbarously enuying her in memory of her brother and her deceased auncestors , for their claming and retaining of their hereditary royalties against the vsurpations of the former bishops . let the world be iudge , if they continue not the like , yea the very same stratagems , against all princes at this day , if they but crosse their ambitions . the man that feareth god would think , that a good and a vertuous life , especially in a prince , should warrant his daies from vexation , and his graue from infamy . but here you see the contrary : albert followeth the steps of his father ; he is humble , in offensiue , glad to please , yet not well requited : his lady neither medleth nor maketh with these contentious persons , and yet in regard that her auncesters displeased the roman prelacie , shee sauoreth ; and must be disgraced in most opprobrious manner : yea the depth of the graue can not secure her honorable friends from railing , so furious is the fire of a popish conscience . no maruell : for this is that boniface the eight , who ( like the diuell in the gospell ) censured all principalities and powers to bee in his donation ; who vsurped vpon both swords , and would needs haue inforced the whole world , to haue acknowledged him their lord peramount : glorying that to him were committed the keies of heauen gate : that he ought to be iudged of no man , no though hee carried a million of soules with him to hell for company . ❧ henricus septimus . hee raigned anno 1308. about the second yeere of edward the second . after the decease of albert , henrie of that name the seuenth , of the house of lucelburge , by the lawfull suffrage of the electors , is nominated emperor . clement the fift ( then high-priest ) liuing at auignion , ( well fare the iarre betweene him and philip the french king ) in odium philippi , gaue so courteous and facil a way vnto this election , that sending his legats through all the quarters of germanie and italie , hee gaue strict commandement , that henry should be acknowledged emperor , and really confirmed in the election ; prouided that , within the space of two yeares , hee should come to rome to be crowned , and personally visit italy , which now by reason of sixty yeares absence of the germane emperours , was miserably afflicted with intestine dissensions . but the pope could not long be master of his own breast , hee must needes follow the accustomed knauerie of his vafrous predecessours . for when henrie , in satisfaction of his promises , had made his perambulation throughout euerie prouince of italie ; had twice rowted rupert king of apulia with the vrsins ; approached rome , and expected his coronation in the cathedrall church of saint peter : the pope , repenting him of his forwardnesse , by calling to minde of henries powerfulnesse , and ruperts friendship , at first commandeth the cardinals not to proceede to henries inauguration ; and then againe vpon the emperours serious expostulation , changing his interdiction ; hee assenteth , conditionally , that hee take an oath of fidelity to the sea of saint peter . which when his maiestie refused , alleadging the president to be new , and but lately vsurped in the dayes of some fewe of his predecessours , that the chiefest prince of christendome should be obliged by an oath of fealtie to the seruant of seruants at last with much a-doe , but vtterly against the popes minde , by the loyall seruice of steuen of colonna , he was crowned by the cardinals . for , clement himselfe in deadlie hatred against him , reuolted to rupert king of apulia , by a lawfull triall condemned of high treason ; and reuersed his sentence of condemnation , not so much for any defect in law , but in extreame malice against his maiestie . thus was the quarrell pickt against henry ; obserue the cause thereof , i beseech you , and tell me if the president hold not with their practises at this day . but by the suddaine and immature departure of this religious emperor , nothing was effected . for , henrie now being resolued to take vpon him the crowne of sicilie , being thereunto nominated by the sicilians , vpon the vigil of the assumption of our lady was come as farre as bonconuent : where , by bernard the false dominican monke , who before times had giuen many hypocriticall testimonies of seruice towards his maiestie , by a new and neuer heard of example , at masse mingled poison , and the powder of adamant ( which as men say bringeth speediest death ) into the communion cup , and so slew his lord and soueraigne . all the wakes , annals , records , songs , rithmes , verses and epigrams written in those daies , doe make ample relation of this tragedy . but the whole rabble ( and blame them not ) of the dominicans do vtterlie deny it ; giuing out , that in griefe of mind , for that he could not be fully reuenged vpon his enemies , hee gaue vp tho ghost , after he had receiued letters from his holinesse in testimoniall of this afore-said villaines innocencie . but howeuer ; these faire glosses could not so exempt their order from the suspition of this murder , but that many of their couent , together with their houses were burnt and destroyed by sword and fire in manie places throughout tuscanie and lombardy . ❧ lodouicus bauarus . he raigned anno 1314. about the seuenth yeare of edward the second . henry ( last spoken of ) being thus dispatched , the tempest which in his life time lay smothered in embers , in hideous maner now breaketh out vpon the head of his successors . for frederick of austria , and lewes of bauaria being both by the discordant suffrages of the electors , named for caesars , iohn the 22. findeth an occasion to disquiet them both ; and first in very ignominious fashion hee quarelleth with frederick . and thus it fared : conrade the bishop of gurcia was sent to rome by the austrians , to desire his holinesse in fauour of frederick , to giue assent to the election , and to represse lewes ; where , in making his oration , he chanced to discourse , vpon the praises of frederick his grandfathers and great-grandfathers , concluding , that the christian world was likely to reape nothing contrarie to expectation , considering , that it was alwaies seene , that from good and valiant parents , discended good and valiant children ; yet by your fauour , most arrogantly and impertinently replied his holinesse ; of all men liuing without question salomon was the wisest , and yet he begot a sonne most foolish . not obscurely intimating thereby , that frederick was degenerated from the vertues of his auncestors , and therefore vnworthy of the imperiall diademe . vvas this displeasure , deeme yee , of continuance ? no surely ; for then had it not beene papall . but at that time iohn had no neede of fredericke : lewes iudas-like was saluted king , and the beloued sonne : but now mapheus with his sonnes the visconti , are vp in italy , and assaulting genoa . and thereupon must a league of reconciliation be priuily contracted with frederick to the expulsion of lewes , and the re-ordering of mapheus . eight yeares after his election , frederick was foiled in field , and taken prisoner : howbeit , the pope prosecuteth lewes with continuall malice ; denounceth him an enemie to the church , a schismatike , and an heretike ; first , for that immediatly vpon his election , without his holinesse permission , hee had stiled himselfe emperour ; secondly , for that hee presumed to relieue certaine of his yonger bretheren being condemned of heresie , and outlawed after excommunication ; and thirdly , for his rash assistance sent to galeas visconti of millan against his holy forces . whereupon lewes , vnderstanding by the best diuines and lawyers of that age , that the acts and sayings of iohn were repugnant to christ his doctrine : that the pope in truth ought to be subiect to the emperor , and not the emperor to him in temporall causes : tooke thereat such incouragement , that , he appealed from the pope male informato ( as the lawyers speake ) to the pope meliùs informando , at the next generall councel to be held , when he sate at rome in peters chaire . meane time , valiantly and vigilantly hee preuenteth all iniuries , and diuulgeth the tenor of the appeale throughout all the prouinces of germany . during these verball and scribeling contentions , it came to passe , that the romans being throughly tormented with their ciuill dissentions , sent their submissiue orators to iohn , with humble supplications to intreat his holinesse ; that leauing auignion , he would re-uisite rome , and confer the imperial inuestiture vpon the king of romans : this if he refused , they certified him in plaine termes , that they would renue the ancient lawes and gouernment of the romane people . iohn not only denieth their requests , but with threats and minaces , in most ignominious maner dismisseth the orators : at which his pride the romans being not a little offended , by letters and ambassies call lewes to rome as their lawfull emperor . lewes granteth the motion , and with his army taketh his way towards italy ; and at millan according to the accustomed manner is crowned by the archbishop . after this , making choice rather by humility , then armes , to asswage the bishops wrath , he sendeth messengers vnto him , humbly to desire his fatherhood to confer the vsuall and imperiall honours vpon his maiesty . which when the bishop not only gainsayd , but despighteously dismissing his ambassadors , peremptorily cited his maiesty to auignion ; as report goeth : caesar as hauing full experience of the papall tyranny , yet willing to preserue the imperiall dignity ( collated from aboue ) holy and inuiolable , vtterly refuseth slaue-like to prostrate himselfe before the pope , or to appeare at auignion . but to auoid the effusion of blood , he is content in peaceable maner by proxy to become a sutor for his collation . but herein finding the pope as stiffe as himselfe , and his friendes the visconti to his disgrace alreadie accursed , he maketh no more adoe ; but setting millane in order , he iournyeth to rome , where with great applause by the commaundement of the people and the clergie , together with his wife hee is crowned by cardinall steuen colonna , the whole nobility assisting , and crying , god saue lodowicke augustus emperour of romanes . and foorthwith by all their good liking , he createth peter of corbar , a minorit , a man learned and in-ured to gouernement , high priest : hee causeth the counterfet of iohn to be made in wood , and in the presence of caesar most ignominiously consumeth it to ashes ; pronouncing him an heretique , a destroier of the church , and a publique enemy to the peace of christendome . iohn again , thundreth out cruell processe against lewes , depriueth him of all imperiall preheminence , and excommunicateth him as a rebell and arch-heritique against the roman church . wherupon the emperor , to whom italy became displeasāt , partly for that he had already determined to make no long abode therein , & partly in feare of poison , wherwith he knew the romanists were better acquainted , then with arms , made his retrait into germany . whether ( no sooner ariued ) but newes was spred abroad of iohns departure , to the vniuersall ioy of all wel-minded christians , in hope that by the election of a new bishop , all old quarrels should lie buried with their framer . but not so : for benedict the twelfth succeeding in the popedom , succeeded also in all popish qualities against this emperor ; confirming all the censures , and depriuations which his predecessor iohn had sued out against him . whereupon , caesar perceiuing that these fiery spirits would neuer be at peace , vntill by the vtter ouerthrow and disgrace of all temporall authority , they had fully and forceably strengthned their owne greatnesse , at franckford he assembleth the princes , with the wise-men of his kingdom ; persons of immatcheable dexterity in diuine and humane sciences , and there , by the aduise of the most zealous and best learned , hee publisheth a decree vnder his seale against the iniurious processe of the dead bishop : therein rendring a most christianlike account of his faith , plainly & ingenuously confessing , that as it became a true catholike he beleeued all the articles of the christian veritie . to these by solemne proclamation hee annexeth many notable edicts , to the ancient constitutions he addeth some new , and corroborateth the old , viz. that the electors of the empire , and no man besides , should intermeddle in the election of the king of romans : whereunto the princes and nobility gaue their full consent : ordaining moreouer , that who euer was nominated king or emperor , should be acknowledged for the true , supreme , and indubitate soueraign of the empire , being indeed though different in name , yet the same in effect . that without any confirmation or approbation from the apostolique sea , he might absolutely gouerne and administer iustice throughout the empire . and that after publication from the princes , in case of lawfull proceeding in the election , the pope is bound to anoint him : and in defalt of refusall or denial , that any other catholique bishop is as capable as the pope , to proclaime him emperor , caesar , augustus ; considering that these formal and solemne ceremonies , are but things indifferent deuised by the popes , conferring only titles and names , but no matter of substance . for what roman bishop consecrated the constantinopolitan emperors ? what pope before charles his time , the ancient augusti ? or who before constantine the ethnike caesars ? and then , the emperor acknowledged no oth of fidelity , but of obseruancy and of defending the faith . from this point , he proceedeth to prooue , that in case of vacancy , the imperial election diuolueth not to the papacy : and that , the prescription is derogatory to the liberty , dignity , the rites and maiesty of the sacred empire , but in truth by long and aprooued custome from antiquity , and stl in vse , that all iudicature , fealties and priuiledges of conferring and disposing of all rights , interests , & demands , belonged & do belong to the house of the count palatine of the rhene , during the vacancy , notwithstanding the constitutions of the clementines . what pen can be so partiall , as not to giue due commendation to the prudency of this good emperor , being seasoned with so plentifull a measure of discretion ? who so modestly carried himselfe between the princes & the pope , that the former admired his wisedom , and the later celebrated his goodnesse ? for in benedicts prime-entrance into the pontificacy , vpon occasion of discontents between his holinesse and the french king his maiestie vnderstanding therof , by meanes made for reconciliation and absolution , vnto which the bishop , after hee had entered into a large field of discourse in praise of germany and this emperour , condiscended ; promising to be mindfull of the motion ; concluding , that that noble branch of the church ( meaning lewes ) which now began to be seperated , should again be re-ingrafted into the body of the tree . vpō another occasion , when the embassadors of the kings of france and apulia , had scandalized his maiestie for plotting of diuers indignities against the court of rome : his holines excused him with great earnestnes , openly anouching , that the clergie had wronged him , and not he the clergie . but howeuer , at this time he acknowledged the innocencie of lewes , yet afterwards , when the king of france in despight of the emperor & the pope , had slily preuented the returne of certaine cardinals into his kingdom ; and that iohn king of bohemia , & henry duke of bauaria , had traiterously cōspired to elect a new emperor , he suffered himselfe with small intreaty to be disswaded from his former resolution of absolution : yea , after the king of france & his maiestie had capitulated a peace , full sore against his mind ; vpon request to haue it ratified by his holines , he flatly denied it ; cauelling , that lewes being now declared an heretike , ought not again to be accounted a christian at the kings plesure . thus may you see how the popes were accustomed to play fast and loose with the german emperors . well , the absolution by this nicity being adiourned , and the emperor well obseruing wherunto these pontifical policies tended , summoneth the princes and electors to a diet at rensium . there with ease , by his affability , liberality and clemency , he so deuoteth their loyalties to his seruice , that by solemne oath they not onely auow to maintaine and defend the honor of the empire : but they also decreed , the processes of iohn late pope of rome , returned against his maiestie , to be void and of no validity : yea , that a bishop ought not to entertaine any such practises against an emperour , for that their iurisdictions were meerly of distinct natures . benedict dieth , & clement the 6. succeedeth : an effeminat prelat , extraordinarily ambitious of honor & potencie . who had no sooner seated his foot in the chair of lucifer , but his furious genius took such hold of his hart , that in latin & dutch libels affixed vpon church dores , he summoneth his maiestie vnder the censure of extream penāce , within three daies space to make satisfaction , to god & the church ( meaning himself ) as also to desist frō further medling in the affaires of the empire ; which limitation being expired , & no appearance recorded , he proceedeth to sentence of cōtumacie . afterwards , whē his proctors craued forgiuenes , with an offer to performe all iniunctions to vtmost : he was not ashamed to motion so foule an attonement , as neuer pagan demanded of his captiue slaue : viz. that hee should confesse and acknowledge all his errors and heresies . that he should resigne the empire : and simply commit his children , and all his moueables into his tuition . where is now become , o lucifer , thy pastoral humility ? where thy fatherly aspect ? where thy representatiue holinesse ? notwithstanding , albeit the poorest refuse of the world would not haue accepted of these basest conditions , yet this good emperour , fore-seeing , that if he should not bend ; warre , slaughter & spoiles would ensue , he receiued the pontificall libell ; signed it with his seale , and swore to obserue it ; so farre forth humiliating his deiection , that vpon relation thereof , the whole colledge of the scarlet-roabed-fathers could not chuse but receiue it with vnaccustomed admiratiō . but the emperor vpon sounder aduice , considering with himselfe , that without the consent of the electors , and of the princes & the estates of the empire , it was against the fundamentall law to accept of any such capitulation , in the next assembly at frankford , hee causeth the tenor of the reconciliation to be read before the whole assembly . they giue sentence , that it tendeth in most points to the preiudice and destruction of the state , and therefore reiect it : they promise to stand fast vnto his maiestie ; in case , as before , he would re-assume his courage , and resolutely defend the honour of the empire . and to conclude , they dispatch an embassie to the pope , with intimation , that from thence-forth he should cease from such friuolous conuentions , being purposely deuised to dishonour the maiestie of the german empire . they arriue before his holinesse ; they expostulate the rigour of the articles to the preiudice of the empire : nothing else they inforce , nothing else they demand : but his holinesse inraged like an illuded tigresse ; layeth all the blame vpon lewes , & with deeper hart-burning then before , falleth into treatie with iohn and charles kings of bohemia , heretofore ouerthrowne by lewes , and with their vncle baldwin , archbishop of treuers , to destoy lewes and his whole posterity . the bargaine agreed vpon by these pseudo christians , in the yeare of our sauiour 1346. vpon maundy-thursday , hee is most irreligiously accursed by benedict ; and by the renouation of the processe ( sent out by his predecessour iohn ) declared an heretique and scismatique . to aggrauate the despight , and by effects to shew the solidity of his religion , hee commandeth the electors within a proportioned time , to make choise of another . loe , the emperor rather then he will be an instrument of slaughter and faction , disgraceth his high calling by acceptance of basest articles ; but the pope rather then he will want of his will , vnico statu ( as the prouerb is ) will depose , set vp , commend , dispraise , blesse and curse ; and without all respects , either of conscience or humanity , set all christendome on outrage , to be reuenged on one creature . were this the practise but of one , the imputation were excusable , as a defect in manners , but through the whole legend of euery emperours life , you shall obserue the one abstinent , yea timorous , for conscience sake to defile euen his imaginations with humane blood : the other rigorous , wrathfull , impatient , and quarrelsome : somtime vpon donatiues , sometime vpon iura imperij , and sometimes vpon non augmenting of saint peters patrimonie . which irreligious and antichristian outrages , albeit they know them in their consciences to be absolutely diabolicall , repugnant to christian doctrine , and pernicious to all ciuill society , yet rather then any pope or popeling will let fall any one particle of vnlawfull vsurpation , gained by any the wickedest of his predecessours , words and workes shall flie at randon vpon euery occasion , so that it would amaze a very turke to heare with what shifts , with what euasions , and distinctions of spiritualia , they will stuffe whole volumes in iustifying of their falsifications , in wresting and curtailing of authors , in denying manifest records , in railing on their opposites , and pressing mens consciences with miracles , policies , and impostures . insomuch , that if words will not worke , impostures shall seduce ; if impostures prooue fruitlesse , swords shall walke , if swords be preuented , then poisons and treasonable practises shall put end to the controuersie . blood must satiate , or the church cannot be satisfied . but to our history : the electors haue a peremptory day giuen them , against which if they produce not their anti-emperor , the pope protesteth by no irreligious reliques , that rather then the church shall want a lieuetenant , an aduocate ( himselfe must bee captaine and chiefe iustice ) hee will set vp one of his sole election . well , oaths must be kept inuiolable , especially with traitors , and so doth his holinesse . and thus he beginneth his web . henrie of wittenberg archbishop of mogunce , and one of the electors , for his loiall adherency vnto his lord and master , to curry fauour with the bohemians , he depriueth of all his ecclesiasticall and temporall capacities , and into his place he intrudeth gerlace his chaplein , the nephew of adolph of nassaw , once king of romans . this new papall bishop in satisfaction of his lord and masters expectation , and in requitall of like office towards the bohemians for their choice and election , vpon the assembly of the princes at rensium , for the nomination of a new emperor , worketh with baldwin of treuers , walram of colein , rodulph duke of saxonie , and iohn the father a bohemian , to nominate and elect charles king of bohemia for supreme lord of the empire . but for all this ; albeit charles in the life time of lewes was crowned at bonna , yet such was his reputation , and such the affection of all the good townes through the empire towards his seruice , that vpon a conuocation of a diet , and that after the coronation of charles ; no one of the princes was found , either to second the election , or to regard the popes breues , or to swarue from their promised fidelity . had he beene a popelike prince ; that is , if to worke his will , he would haue hazarded his title vpon warre and bloodshed , what could hee not haue performed . but beeing of a quite contrary disposition , and guided by the best spirits of vnpartiall prechers , he neuer began a warre against any man , though prouoked , but onely for the quiet and honour of his country ; and in detestation of slaughter , resolued with himselfe neuer to determine a quarrel by warre , if any secondarie meanes might finish it by peace ; and therefore betaking himselfe to his quietest dispositions , by the trechery of clement ( as some authors report ) he was poysoned at a meriment , and after as he rode on hunting , as soon as by labor and the motion of his beast his blood heated , hee fell headlong from horsebacke . thus , most vnworthyly was this emperor to the griefe of all good christians made away , in the second yeere after the election of charles , the fift of the ides of october , in the yeere of grace 1347. after hee had so honourably gouerned the empire for the space of thirty and three yeeres , that those good spirits who all his life time had administred vnto him true and loyall seruice against al papisticall malediction , now after his death with like constancy and honesty defended his neuer dying memory , against all shemeis posterity ; as at this day it is apparantly seen , not only by record of history , but also by the particular letters of the consul of basil . and thus it is : the bishop of bamberg ( by vertue of a commission directed vnto him from auignion by the popes authority , to absolue as many as adhered vnto lewes ) the yeere following the death of lewes , iournied with charles towards basil : at his ariuall he made a very perswasiue speech to induce the inhabitants , sithence they stood excommunicated in the behalfe of lewes for assisting his party , with all humility to demand absolution : vnto whome conradus of bernsfield , the maior of the city , in the presence of charles , and the rest of the nobility , as well secular as ecclesiasticall , made this resolute reply : lord of bamberg , know , that we will neither confesse nor beleeue , that our soueraigne lord lewes , emperor of romans , was euer an heretique : but howeuer ; whomsoeuer the electors shall impose vpon vs for our master , him onely wee acknowledge , without asking leaue of the pope . surely as this heroique speech of the consul , shewed the christianlike courage of the man , in attributing due obedience to his lawfull soueraigne , and may to future ages be a testimony of innocency protested , and in meere loue and admiration of vertue : so without question this noble and worthy emperour deserued no lesse , if the whole impartiall world were to returne a iury vpon the passage of his intire life : being doubtlesse an honest man , vnspotted , studious of his countries freedome , and onely a seuere opugner of the romish tyranny : so far foorth , that without exception , he is to be remembred with all those stiles of honor , which are accustomed to be instiled vpon those , who for the loue of their countries , haue refused to vndergoe no difficult perills . ❧ charles the fourth . he raigned in the yeere 1346. about the twentieth yeare of edward the third . lewes being dead , charles after he had by diuerse meanes appeased the competitors opposed against him by the electors of mogunce , the palatine , the saxon , and the brandeburgean , is at last vpon promise that he should procure absolution for the free cities ( yet standing excommunicated for their adherence vnto lewes ) crowned emperor , and on his iourny towards italie ; but there entertained with more disgrace , then any of his predecessors . for as on foot he entred the city , behold ( quoth a certaine senator ) in his oration before the people in the capitol ) thy king commeth towards thee in great humility ; very bitterly taunting him with scoffes and reuilements . insomuch that the cardinall of hostia , sent from auignion by innocent the sixt , would not condiscend to crowne him , before he had giuen security to remaine in rome nor in italy , no longer then the businesse imported . how base and ignominious this limitation was to the honour of the empire , is apparantly to be discerned by the epistles of francis petrarch , ( that most learned and eloquent poet ) written vnto charles himselfe in these wordes . i knowe not what this promise made and sworne to the romane bishop meaneth , as if your maiesties entrance into the citie , had beene gaine-said by some inexpugnable trench , or impassable mountaine : what manner of pride is this , that the romane prince , the life and fountaine of liberty , should himselfe be depriued of liberty ; so farre forth , that he who ought to be lord of all , can not be said to be lord of himselfe ? and in another place , nerio of friuli , in his writings , doth not much dissent . all superiority is impacient of corriualty : whereof , if antiquity can not giue vs presidents , i feare that late examples will make the case frequent . for now ( as fame goeth ) the pope of rome hath forbidden the romane prince , rome : whom hee not onely suffereth , but also commandeth , to be contented with the diadem , and sole title of the romane empire . him , whom he suffereth to be emperour , at no hand will he suffer to enioy emperie . as the cowardize of charles , in dissembling his greeuances against this propagating pride of the prelacie , is with iust cause to be complained of . no lesse are the popes worthy of eternall reprehension , who for their proper respects in deposing of good & godly emperors , substituted in their places such ministers whose mindes they knew were alwaies prepared to satisfie their behests by warre and bloud-shed , most wickedly & feloniously imposing vpon the empire those losses and disgraces , wherewith at this day wee see it weakned and generally taxed . for surely this charles , to inable his proiects to appease his competitors ; to dispose of the reuenues of the crowne at his pleasure ; and freely to bestow them where he thought good , gaue vnto gunther earle of swatzburg , a valiant and warlike leader , and by the electors saluted for emperor 22. thousand markes of siluer , with two imperiall cities in thuringe for the terme of his life . vnto frederick marques of misnia , elected in stead of schwatzburge deceased , he gaue ten thousand marks , to resigne his nomination ; and then prepared for his iourney towards rome . from whence escaping , by an excuse of going on hunting , in as dishonorable a manner , as neuer any of his predecessors before , hee returned to millan , and there created the visconti ( a potent family in that citie ) in receit of a wonderfull masse of mony , perpetuall vicars of the empire throughout lombardy , to the euerlasting dishonor and preiudice of germanie . for a sumptuous banquet in ville-noue neere auignion , hee re-deliuered to the king of france , the kingdome of arles , acquired to the empire by otho the first . from gerlace , archbishop of mogunce , though by his partiality hee gained his election , hee wrested the priuiledge of inaugurating the king of bohemia , in right belonging to the church of mogunce , and by cōfirmation of clement the sixt , inuested it in the archbishop of prage . he ordained by law , that none but bohemians should be admitted into the colledge of the canons regular of inglehame , being of the dioces of mogunce . and presently after to make quick and profitable returnes of the profits of the empire , hee retailed vnto the adioyning princes sixteene free cities of sweuia , all held of the crowne . to cunon archbishop of treuers , he pawned bopardia and wesel ( imperiall cities ) by statute . lusatia , which time out of minde , had beene held in fee of the imperiall diademe by the archbishops of magdeburg , by the corruption of the then incumbent , he perpetuated vnto the kingdome of bohemia . against the fundamentall lawes of the country , and the custome of antiquity , by nouell and subordinate practise , he offered euery elector ( a part ) one hundred thousand duckets to nominate for his successor , his sonne winceslaus , a man giuen ouer to idlenesse , cowardize , luxurie , all wantonnesse and belly-cheere . for which , when this phocas had not wherewith to keepe his dayes of payment , he morgaged for one hundred thousand duckets , to some their imposts , and to the palatine ( as memory recordeth ) caesarea luthrea , oppenham , odenham , and ingelham . whereupon i may be bold to say , that by these diminutions , alienations , and mortgages , the honourable entrados of the crowne were so immeasurably wasted , that from that day to this , it hath not beene of power to recouer or restore this terrible downefall . for by the sale of these imposts ( the true and essentiall patrimonie of the crowne ) the glorious eagle hath beene so deplumed , that euer since shee hath beene but a scorne and contemptible to euery other liuing creatures . which being true ( as true it is ) what patriot can but accurse the romane bishops , as the sole and prime-authors of all these mischiefes , the children of desolation , and the perpetuall disturbers of all christian welfare ? ❧ wenceslaus the coward . he raigned anno christ. 1379. about the second yeare of richard the second . after the demise of charles , wenceslaus his sonne , during the schisme betwixt vrban the sixt , and clement the seuenth ( then the which a more fatall , bestial , durable dissention neuer befell the church ) gouerned the empire , and tooke part with vrban . to clement vpon occasion he sendeth his embassadours ; and amongst them , are remembred certaine honest and indifferent prelates to haue passed , whom by exquisite tortures he slew most barbarously . and as for vrban , for that the couetous king had deceiued the more couetous romanes , gaping after the treasure raised vpon ecclesiasticall benefices , in not keeping promise with his personall presence , after hee had granted his commission for leuying the saide ecclesiasticall tribute through the whole empire , towards the defrayment of his charges for his romane-iourney , he became vtterly alienated from his auncient friendship . but what death preuented by the death of vrban his successour , boneface the ninth being sure to haue had it , if god had giuen life , made good in highest measure . for he approouing the censure of deiection against wenceslaus , not so much for his euil and degenerate life , as for that he had beguiled the romans of their pence , ratified and aduanced the election of rupert earle palatine , preferred vnto the empire by the bishops of mogunce , golen , and treuers . ❧ rupertus caesar . he raigned . 1400. as boneface the ninth , in despight of wenceslaus , with great facility and readinesse approued his deposition : so rupert but now aloft in highest fauour of the pope , at this present is so counterchecked by this wether-cocke , alexander the fift , the third from boneface ( a most malicious cretusian ) that he is very likely to feele the smart of as violent a diuision in the state , as doth the church in a present and terrible schisme . for vpon his very installment at pisa in the fishers chaire without any regard either of ruperts right , or his present possessiō vpon a iust title , he nominateth by his missiues for king of romanes , wenceslaus , the man , whom in a frequent assembly , with one consent the electors had heretofore remooued from imperiall gouernement . which indignity rupert not being able to disgest , hee made his grieuous complaints thereof vnto the lords of the state ; and exceedingly interrupted the obedience of the church throughout the empire . and without doubt , he had attempted far greater reformations , had not the sparkles of these smoking substances together with the prelate , to the general good of christendom been at one extincted by the physick of marsilius a physitian of parma . and rupert applying his labours to redresse what had been amisse by the auarice of charles , and the cowardize of winceslaus , in the tenth yeere of his raigne departed this world . in whose place succeeded sigismund , a prince for his wisedom , learning and integrity , most renowned . ❧ sigismund . he raigned 1411. about the twelfth yeere of henry the fourth . sigismvnd at his entrance vpon the imperiall diadem , finding the romane sea miserably distracted by the wicked schisme of three antipopes ( iohn the foure and twentieth at bononia , gregory the twelfth at ariminum , and benedict the 12. in spaine ) tooke such infinit paines to restore it vnto its pristinate beauty , as few or none of the auncient kings or emperors euer vndertook the like , for the welfare of the church . for albeit of his owne authoritie diuested vpon himselfe , and diuolued from his ancestors , he might , & ought to haue cast out these boute-feaus of diuision ; yet made he choice in modesty and truenesse of christian piety , rather to redresse these euils by a generall councel , then by the violent meanes of war and blood-shed . which to effect , to his extreame trauaile , danger and expences , he visited almost all the realmes of christendome , france , spaine , and england , and there by his godlinesse and good counsell so wrought with the princes of those kingdomes , that they commended his zeale , allowed his course , and promised their best assistance . this done , he tooke his iourny towards italy , and dealt with iohn at mantua , to come vnto the councel at constance . the assembly being set , such were his feeling perswasiues , such his important motiues , as the three antipopes being condemned to deposition , hee caused otho of colonna , a roman patrician , by the name of martin the fift , to be preferred to the place by the generall suffrage of all the nations there assembled . yea , and to remoue all impediments from retardation of the peace , he suffered iohn husse and ierome of prage , men of exquisit learning and singular piety , to be condemned and burned , against an oath of safe-conducte publiquely allowed them . but now , let vs go by examination to learne what thankes this godly , zealous , honourable and christian emperour receiued at the hands of this holy-seeming sea , for these their so infinite benefits . vpon which i will not stand to exemplifie , for that euery weake braine can conceiue , what are the blessings of peace , what the fruites of a quieted conscience , what the rewardes of vnity in religion . but surely their retributions were such , as would absolutely dishearten any wise man , to inable such ingratefull canonists by benefits . yet will wee take so much paine , as to decipher them to our reader . no long time after ( eugenius the fourth , then poping it in venice ) the emperour tooke occasion to go into italie to receiue his inauguration : where by the way it happened that he countenanced somewhat aboue ordinary , philip duke of millan , at that instant warring against the venetians and florentines . they partly fearing , and partly imagining , that their wills were halfe obtayned , if they might worke the pope to their fashion , aduentured , and without opposall gained his fatherhoods good will , to deny the emperor his lawfull request ; and more , adioyned his forces , to make good the passage of aruo about syenna against his maiesties people . this , you must at any hand remember , was the popes requitall , this their vsuall remunerations , not vnfitly beseeming their double dealing consciences . yet departed his maiesty not vncrowned , but obserue i beseech you , by what practises , by what cunning sleights they proceeded in their state-house . extraordinary intercession must be made ; six months he must stay at siena , to his infinit expence ; who gained by that ? and at last , must he leaue rome , doubt you not , but to eugenius his high content . and againe , this neronian bloud-thirsting bishop , som short time after being deposed , for going about to frustrate the decree of the councel of constance ( wherby it was inacted that euery seuenth yeare the bishops should celebrate a generall councell ) and to ratifie that of basil , which martin had summoned , and himselfe authorized ; in the daies of frederick the third , he set all austria , on a miserable , woful & lamētable cōbustion , by prouoking lewes the sonne of charles king of france , then called the daulphin , to infest germany with warre , fire , & famine . for this prince , at the pleasure of eugenius , endeuoring to make void the councel of basil , with his armeniachs and souldiers , by cunning , treason , & protestations , possessed himselfe of all the plaine country , yea , and of some cities of alsatia , miserably wasting that goodly prouince , the most fertil mother of grain & wine . that done , he fell to burning the villages , the mannors & mansions of citizens , of orphanes and widowes , and therein spared neither gods churches nor monasteries . hauing put period to wast , but not to cruelty , he returned to basil with 30. thousand cumbatants , where by the valiancy of three thousand heluetians , charging for their country , hee was finally slaine , the third part of his lame & maymed army , scant returning with life into france . such be the successe of all papal entertainment . ❧ frederick the third . hee raigned anno 1440. about the eighteenth yeare of henry the sixth . albert succeeded sigismund ; but hee departing this world within two yeares after his election , the imperiall diaceme diuolued vpon frederick of austria ; who being by nature a prince of a clement , milde & peaceable disposition , set diligent watch and warde ouer his thoughts , his words , and his actions , not at all to offend these hereditarie disturbers of peace , and perpetuall manaclers of princes . yet could hee not fully auoid their crossings , abate their pride , nor escape their plots . for as in a publique parliament held at mogunce , he did what he could to corroborat the councell of basil , held in the yeare of our lord 1441. which the pope laboured tooth and naile to disanul ; as also , to diminish the exactions which by popish iniunctions were leuied vpon the german churches ; which to effect , by his letters , hee desired the king of france either to assist in person , or by some eminent persons of his kingdome : so the pope , to countermine against this lawfull battery of publique triall ( for these can no more abide it , then owles can light ) tampereth with the french , neither to goe himselfe , nor to suffer any other ( without his priuity ) to appeare as his deputie . here behold one popish tricke more for the present to frustrate the intended reformation of a noble & vertuous emperour . and heereupon followed that wofull alsatian de-population , whereof wee tolde you but now ; there is an other tricke complotted , to busie his head with-all , viz. diuersion . his owne house is on fire , how can hee then attend the quenching of his neighbours ? and albeit , that hee outliued three successiue bishops , & during their liues , caried himself so modestly and benignly towards them , that nothing was attempted by them against his dignity ; & yet hoped for greater contentments by the rising of pius the second to the papacie , his auncient seruant and minister : notwithstanding , this his trusty friend being once seated , without acquainting the emperour , made no scruple to accurse his kinsman , sigismund archduke of austria , and to entangle germanie with intestine diuisions . as thus . sigismund , after long controuersying , and nothing preuailing , being vnwilling that the people vnder his tuition , should still stand exposed to the depraedations of the romanists , in a bickering of horse-men , chanced to take prisoner , and imprisoned , nicholas cusanus , by the pope sent into tirol , to ransack the bishoprick of brixia : the bishop censuring him at no lesse a crime then high treason , committed against one of his creatures , enioyneth him greeuous punishments , from which his trustinesse could not be wooed to absolue him , no not at the intercession of caesar , vntill pluto himselfe came a messenger to release him from his papall obstinacie . his owne creatures report , that neither the threats , nor the intreaties of princes or communalties could any whit terrifie him , but in extreame and insatiable prowling for mony , he was ready to accurse and prosecute with warre , as many as any way offered to gainsay his intendments . theodorick erbach , archbishop of mogunce being dead , diether erusburg was preferred to his place . this man , for that annats and first fruites had beene abolished and condemned in the councel of basil , refused to pay to saint peter for bestowing the pall vpon him , those twenty thousand , sixe hundred and fifty duckets of the rhene , which his holinesse by prescription adiudged to be due vnto him . pius was not a little moued at the refusall ; denieth him confirmation , and bestowed the incumbencie vpon adolph of nassau ( not for loue towards the one belieue it , nor for especiall desert in the other ) but for that hee was honourably allied , and able by friends to become master of the possession . diether valiantly resisteth his deiection , & amongst many others , by large and bountifull entertainment draweth henry the palatine , and frederick of bamberg , to take part in his quarrell : all germanie is vp in faction , and the principall personages therein ingaged , to their notable losse and consumption . for , charles marques of baden , george bishop of meten , & vlrich earle of wittemberg , of the faction of adolph , in a notable incounter neere sechenham , are rowted , slaine , captiuated , and imprisoned in the castle of heydelberge . from whence they could not be deliuered , before that baden had payed one hundred thousand florins ; meten forty fiue thousand , and wittemberg as many , as the marques . and for further gratuity , they were faine either to add , or to release to the palatine , other royalties of equall value vnto their ransomes . at this misfortune of his friends , who maketh any doubt , but that pius was exceedingly agreeued ? whervpon , as the brused viper , hee addresseth his querimonious letters vnto philip duke of burgundy , concerning the miserable estate of his partakers ; a prince as truly wise , as valiant in armes . him hee nominateth captaine of the warre , and intreateth his assistance against the palatine , diether , the earle of catzenelboge , and their adherents . but philip in his high wisedom , either misliking the burthē of this war , or by the temporizing awkwardnes of the pope too-long deferring his resolue ; meane while , by the treason of two citizens , mogunce was surprised by scaludo in the night & by lodowic niger palatin , the earle of vold , and other of their complices in the behalfe of adolph . who put it to sack , and fire ; slew fiue hundred of the citizens , and reduced it into perpetuall seruitude . so that this noble diocesse , what by the sales , the alienations , and the mortgages , of the dorps , villages and burroughs , euen to this very day feeleth , and smarteth for the outrages of this papall warre . this was one of pius his good deeds ; rather then his auaricious cofers would forbeare to in-exhaust germanie of her treasure , hee cared not into what distresses he cast the princes , the people , and the cities of the kingdom . but as this second impius dealt with the princes ; so did his successor , a venetian , paulus the second ( and worse ) with his maiesty . for after the taking of constantinople , frederick made his second iourny to rome , on purpose to deliberate with paul about an expedition against the turks , to the accelerating wherof , for that the princes through their mutuall discontents were much deiected in courage , he praied his holinesse in person to beare him company into germanie . but the bishop putting off the motion with courtship and kind protestations , notwithstanding laid wait for his life . which he by his prouidence declining , and in future resoluing , to take precise notice of popish trecheries , first couragiously opposed in the parliament at noremberg against the legats of innocent , deputed through germany to collect his holinesses dismes , but dispatched them away againe to rome as penilesse , as from thence they departed . what man liueth so void of proficiency , that reading these legends , will hereafter beleeue this traiterous society ; sithence such worthy emperours , such wise princes , and such great potentates , could neither by their owne prouidences , nor the prudencie of their counsels , prescribe themselues an assured meanes , to be fully acquited from their ouer-reaching inuentions ? ❧ maximilian the first . hee raigned 1494. about the ninth yeere of henry the seuenth . after the decease of frederick , maximilian being by the generall suffrage of the electors in the life time of his father chosen for his consort in the empire , was now acknowledged for emperor . who although with ease hee might haue purchased the accustomed solemnities of caesar , yet beeing a prince most deepely in-seene into worldly practises ; without question , vpon recordation of such inconueniences , which hee obserued formerlie to haue fallen vppon the preceding emperours , ( allured vnto rome , by the glittering reflex of a golden crowne ) hee set himselfe downe , and quoted it in his tables ; that the presence of the popes were euer to bee auoided , an infallible presage of ensuing aduersity to the roman emperors . notwithstanding his wariest sinceritie could not at all times auoide their wickedest cousenages . for in the very infancie of his installement , that most luxurious and couetous tyrant alexander the sixt , for mony , to the eternall reproch of the christian name , sold zezimus heire of turky , expulsed by his brother baiazet , aliue and dead within the space of one day . in like thirst of treasure , receiued from the french , he ratified the rape of anne of britaine , before espoused by proxie vnto maximilian . the solemnized and consummated mariage of the daughter of the said emperor with charles of france , he dissolued against the will , intreaty , and reall commandement of caesar her father . by cardinall raymond he pillaged the chiefest prouinces of germany with nouell and vnheard off deuises of exaction . by that irregular and incomprehensible power of the keies , for many yeeres to come he gaue pardons to all rich-soules departed . after him , as second in name , so second in papacie , iulio circumuented this emperor with as fine fetches , as did any of his predecessors the former caesars . for after he had ingaged his maiesty in the warre of venice , a warre of all other the most dangerous & troublesom , and that he had forced the best of their cities to the pinch of necessity : iulius against his faith , most religiously sworne before the states of the empire at augusta ; and against common honesty , not only receiued the venetians , vpon request of peace , into fauour , but entring with them into league , this most wicked senacherib turned his armes against his maiesty . yelling out a speech rather shewing euident testimony of an out-lawes humour , then of peters successor . for by records of memory it is certainly reported , that as he passed from the city by the bridge of tiber , he threw the keies into the riuer , exclaiming in fury : sithence peters keies will no longer stead vs , welcome pauls sword . whereby , if a man would fall to iest , he might well argue , that by this mad tricke he depriued himselfe and his successors of this clauian tyranny , claimed from s. peter , and now transferred to saint tiber. vpon which translation of iulius his keies , one hath plaied no lesse truly , then wittely in these verses . he that for many ages long hath sate in peters chaire , new doctrine doth inuent , for sinfull soules he prayes not : but at that , which peacefull peter him to follow ment , he iests : loues armes and bloody streames of warre , paul is his saint , peter inferiour farre . paul hath a sword , but smites not : he not so , for many soules haue died with his blow . a cruell out-law sprung from poyso'nd woomb , and neither followes christ , nor peters doome . but our great and eternall god , the iust reuenger of iniquity , suffered not this his neuer-before-heard-of periury to die vnreuenged . for at what time lewes king of france , according to the conuentions of the league with caesar , persecuted his holinesse , so far ouergone in pride through the assistance of the venetians , as hee doubted not to scorne all conditions of peace ; yet after the battell of rauenna , such was the disastrous fortune of him and his , that the peace , which but euen now , hee scorned , now hee humbly seeketh , to his cost experimenting that for all his iesting , peters keyes at a pinch did him more seruice , then many thousands of pauls swords . after this ouerthrow , and some other crosses , hee died , and left leo the tenth , his successour , as well in seat as in trecherous disposition . for in the beginning of his pontificie , estranging himselfe from the french king , he adhered to caesar & sforza the millanois , against the french , then in march vpon an inuasion against millan . vpon the slaughter of the heluetians at marignan , frederick and sforza being reduced into order , he violated his league with maximilian , and returned againe to the friendship of francis. vnto whom , after he had obtained a graunt , that the pragmaticall sanction should be abolished in france , and a new inserted , hee conserred the titles of the constantinopolitan empire . in this donation , whether should a christian more admire his preposterous liberality , in giuing away an other mans right , or abhorre his trecherie in doing his vtmost , to crosse maximilian , so well-deseruing an emperor ? but caesar finding himselfe deceiued ( whether in this confrontment , or in some other , i am not able to say ) is reported to haue said in dutch : that hee could well auow , that none of the popes had kept faith with him : and that leo should be the last of that ranke , vnto whom hee would giue credit . and that hee said so , and did so , the sequel proued . for within a few yeares after falling into a laske , he yeelded vp his ghost , in the yeare of saluation 1519. by whom , by the pleasure of almighty god , it might haue come to passe , that hee , who had beene so often illuded by popish practises , might haue taken some course in so great an alteration and blessed reformation of religion , to haue begun primitiue restauration to their finall destruction . but being preuented by immature death , what was in his minde , he bequeathed to be executed , by the potencie of his liuing successor charles , his brothers sonne . ❧ charles the fift . he raigned anno 1519. about the eleuenth yeare of henry the eighth . bvt what penne , as it ought , in suting ornament , is able to delineat to life , the treacheries which from time to time these patrons of confusion bounded out against this charles , this potent and thrice honorable emperour ? in so wonderfull an alteration of religion , such as since the corruption of the primitiue , neuer befell the christian world , who can but wonder at the daring presumption of the popes , in prouoking so happy and so worthy a potentate ? who , taking into notice his singular affection in defending and vpholding the papacie , can chuse but accurse the ingratitude of such desperat persons ? for vpon the decease of maximilian , the electors being assembled at frankfort , charles and francis king of france , became competitors for the diademe . leo the tenth , being in bonds of strict friendship with francis , and according to the innated humours of the church , hauing receiued his fee , fauoured and pleaded his best plea in barre of charles , to the preferment of his bountifull client francis. his cautions consisted of three principles ; the first imported a consideratiue feare of his greatnes , being by inheritance a prince indowed with many spacious and wealthy kingdomes . the second , was taken from his peculiar and figure-casting imagination ; in that , forsooth , this charles by no obscure and lineamentall predictions of face and disposition , should resemble the man , fore-told in certaine verses of an auncient prophet ; who arising in the north , should be the motiue of greeuous alterations to fall vpon all italy , but especially vpon the romish sea : the third from pretence of equity , by letters signified vnto the lords of the election ; that it stoode not with law for charles to aspire vnto the empire ; for that the kings of naples were the churches liege-men , and time out of minde by oath had capitulated with the bishops , neuer to affect the romane empire , but to rest contented with their inheritances . but by the integrity of frederick duke of saxonie , in manifestation of his loyalty towards maximilian his deceased master , vnto whom all his life time hee stood most deuoted ; charles preuailed . leo now turning vulpes , followes the streame ; for the present , cleanly falleth off from the french : and finding grace to attend charles ; there courts he ; and thether hee dispatcheth his commendatorie miseries . charles requireth his amen to the election ; as also his dispensation , to retaine with the empire the kingdome of naples , the law of inuestiture in no point gaine-saying it . but giue a pope leaue , i pray you , to fly to his wits , he must , and doth plot out new deuises , to impeach the greatnes of charles . hee sendeth his breues and messengers throughout germanie , to forbid the diet at wormes : of purpose to put off his coronation at aquisgran . but when his pontifical improbity perceiued his positiue diuersions to be illuded ; and the resolution of the electors to be such , as could not be daunted in their proceedings by force , feare , flattery , nor threats , hee then fell againe , to the renuing of his league , with the late-forsaken french : amongst other articles inserting this for one ; that , both the sicils should be taken from charles ; that the gouernment of italie should be altered , and the protection of the cities shared , betweene the french and his holines . now the question is , for how long time this combination stood immutable : so long doubt you not , as it stood with the welfare of leo , and the aduantage of his sea . and this is an especial note , to be alwaies obserued through the whole discourse of these liues . for , as soone as the french king , vpon confidence of this popish league , had broken with caesar , & sent robert de la march , charles his rebel , to infest netherland ; yea , and his men of warre into italy , to assay the surprise of rhegium , a towne late belonging to the church ; leo fearing the potencie of the french , and calling their fidelities into suspect : to make sure work for the maintenance of his owne stake , and to reduce a restitution to the church of those townes which the french had vsurped ; now againe the third time hee followeth the fortunes of caesar : desiring of his maiesty ( after his most courteous reception ) that parma & placentia might be restored to the church ; francis sforza to the dutchy of millan ; the french expulsed italy , and the papacy being setled in a peaceable estate , might thenceforth be secured from all feare of the french. but paul dying ; by the succession of adrian the sixt , a germane borne , the papall anger for a while lay silenced . for during the short time of his papacy , as a good schoolemaster , hee persisted constant in good will towards caesar ; and against the french , he assisted him with treasure , and conioyned him in league with the florentines , the siennois , the luquois , the roytelets of italy , the apostolique sea , with henry of england , and lewes of hungary . but adrian in the second yeere of his papacy being departed , not without suspition of poyson , the fatall practises of the bishops by so much the more eagernesse outflamed , by how much they had gathered materialls to worke vpon , during the time of the former respiration . for iulius of medices , otherwise clement the seuenth , after much wrangling being elected pope , before his installation was , no man more , esteemed of caesar . from the church of toledo , by his bounty he receiued an annuity of ten thousand duckats . he reconciled him so throughly into the fauour of adrian , from whence he was fallen , that in all affaires of importance , adrian made him only of his counsell . but no sooner pope , no sooner traitor . against his lord hee complotteth league vpon league , discharging his bills of account with acquittances of this nature . for francis the french king being in italy , and after the taking of millan dispersing his forces throughout lombardy , clement worketh the dis-union of the hadrian confederacy , and forbiddeth the florentins , the syennois and the luccois to pay the money , which by the conuention they ought to haue sent vnto caesar . by albert pius prince of carpi , he concluded a clandestine league with king francis , meane time cunningly treating with the imperialists by way of sequestration and indifferency to impledge the territory of millan into his discretion . but the deuise being vtterly disliked , and fortune against all imagination so crossing his designements , that in a memorable defeature , francis was taken prisoner at paruie , and carried captiue into spaine ; then to his perpetuall reproch of leuity and inconstancy ( to flater with caesar ) he parted with an infinit masse of mony for his souldiers arrerages : yet during these passages in iealouzy , that charles would turne his thoughts to the conquest of millan , which of all his italian pretendācies was only left vnconquered , he goeth to counsel with loyesse the queen mother , henry king of england , the venetians and some other potentates , how to expulse the imperialists out of italie , and redeeme francis . to set forward the execution whereof , he dealeth with ferdinand dauila , a man of eminent place & souldiery in caesars campe : assaieth to draw him to the party , and for a bait offereth him the title of the kingdom of naples . dauila being of a subtill & close disposition , accepteth , learneth the secrets of the enemies proiects , and acquainteth his master therewith . caesar laugheth at the mans periury ; who being the principall architect of all iniurious & preiudiciall proceedings against him , had notwithstanding himselfe made his enemy priuy to counsels , giuen him very serious cautions in future , how to proceede in his affaires , and how to prouide for his owne security , with an intimation to become carefull to bind the loyalties of his men of warre with greater deuotion to his seruice . wherby finding himselfe ouer-reacht by dauila , he giueth not ouer , but trieth another way to the wood : and thus it was : francis being set at liberty by caesar , and vnwilling to make good these conuentions , wherunto by the treaty of madril he stood obliged ; he takes hold of the occasion , absolueth him of his oath ; confederateth anew with the french and some others , and proclaimeth the confederacy by the name of the most holy league . inserting amongst the articles , that caesar also might be cōprehended therin , so that , he would first re-deliuer vpon a competent ransome the children of france , as yet in hostage for their father : restore millan to sforza , and enter italie for his coronation with no greater troops , then should seeme requisite to the discretions of the pope and the venetians . what indifferent reader , weighing the originall of this league , the time wherein it was concluded : and the occasions wherupon it was broched , can make any other construction to his vprightest censure , but that his holinesse had small intention by these iniurious breaches of concluded articles , to further the publique peace , but rather to administer matter of implacable heart-burnings and assured wars between the princes . for by one apostaticall breue , first , the conditions of the peace are prescribed to so high and mighty an emperor , by his subiect and vassall sforza of milan : secondly , the oath of the french king duely and solemnly taken , is pardoned and frustrated : thirdly caesar is commanded to re-deliuer the children of france , as if it were not enough by the releasement of the fathers oath , to be once deluded . fourthly , he is commanded , not to winke at , but to perpetuate the tyranny of the italian kinglings . fiftly , he is commanded to forbeare to come vnto italy , vnlesse he proportioned his troops to the shape of the papal and venetian limitations . sixtly , he is commanded to giue pardon to traitors : and for conclusion , in case of not-performance , warre is denounced by sea and by land . amidst which dishonorable limitations , what could caesar doe , but in true acknowledgement of the vprightnes of his cause , reiect these base conditions with as great courage on the one side , as they were insolently propounded by the other , reposing more hope in his innocency , then in the multitude of horse or shipping ? and surely , god almighty , the vnpartiall iudge of humane actions , so moderated the execution of his diuine iustice , that whatsoeuer complots this architect of euill counsell , meant to haue throwne downe vpon the head of caesar , the very same befell his own person , euen when he thought himselfe to stand vpon so sure a ground , as to be an onely spectator of the ensuing troubles . for caesar beeing awakened at the report of so famous a confederacie , dispatched into italy the duke of burbon & fronsperg , captaines of admirable reputation for their cariage in the last warres ; with warrant to defend naples , now by the tenor of the league giuen in prey to warre and dis-vnion . these leaders pretending , as if they meant to passe by florence , now growen proud by the continuance of peace , their mighty citizen the pope , and the late league ; at last bending their course by the mountaines and rocks , vpon the sixt day of may , they solemnly entred rome : droue clement into the bastil of adrian ; and vpon want of all necessaries ( his bulls , his breues and execrations , thicke and threefold breathed out against the germanes and spaniards , standing him in no stead ) compelled him to yeeld ; but with so seruile and base conditions , as vpon the like , neuer did souldier to this day , giue vp his fort . the insolency of the spaniard , and the inhumanity of the germane , i am not able in apt words to display . see guicoiardine , and the histories of those times . for besides their horrible pillagings , their spoiles , their rauishments , and their wasts , no kinde of scorne was left vnpractised against the pope & his cardinals : all without difference were alike made captiues , all alike tortured : he that was rāsomed to day by the spanish , to morrow was again in durance to the germans . caesar writeth his letters to the pope and the king of england , that all this happened besides his priuity or command ; yea , that he would not acknowledge such transgressors for his souldiers , who durst attempt so wicked a seruice . yet sticketh hee not to attribute the mishap to the secret iudgements of god , who would not suffer so grosse an indignity concluded against the maiesty of the sacred empire , to escape without punishment . bona verba . the pope being restored to liberty , maketh shew of great friendship , but in secret worketh him all possible vexation . for either vpon hope to possesse the kingdome of naples ( a precise condition in the articles ) or else in desire of reuenge ; he so wrought with the french king to renue the warre , that at his direction lautrick was sent into italy , for the conquest thereof . but such was the euent , that lautrick died ; the pestilence raged through the camp ; and nothing was effected . wherupon , the french king for the loue of his children ( as yet captiues in spaine ) was glad to accept of the proffered conditions . the bishop , alwaies accustomed to goe with the streame , vpon the peace perfected at cambray , betweene the emperour , the french , and the other princes , enstalleth charles at bononia , with the imperial diadem , and aydeth him in the siege and conquest of florence ; the people whereof hee saw punished most seuerely . but his holines had not forgotten to requite charles with many like courtesies , if god had bestowed longer life vpon him . for within three yeeres after , hee had complotted a league with francis the french king at marsellis , to take millan from caesar , & to inuade sauoy ; bestowing his niece katherin vpon his sonne henry , if , to the good of the christian common-wealth , he had not beene by death preuented , and that , not without the suspition of poison , as some suppose . could a more treacherous man be found liuing then this clement , who continually being taken into fauour and alliance with caesar , continually betrayed his faith , and of a dissembling friend , euermore proued a professed enemie . after the decease of clement , succeeded alexander farnesius , otherwise paul the third , a man almost spent with age , yet of a farre more subtile disposition . for vpon obseruation , that the controuersies in religion did daily more and more augment , and propagate , with singular affection he studied caesars fauour ; but to no other purpose , then in thirst of the german bloud , to combine his maiestie and the other princes , in stricter bonds of perseuerance , to take armes against the lutherans ; hypocritically giuing out to all persons , and in all places , and that vpon his faith , that hee would speedily assemble the generall counsell , so often petitioned , and promised to the germane nation . and surely so he did , first proclaiming it to be held at mantua , then at verona , and lastly after the expiration of many yeares at trent : but not with any intention to salue the greeuances of the christian common-weale , or the distemperature of the church : but that by holding the germanes in suspence vpon the finall determinations of the councel ; meane time he might win time to effectuate his secret resolutions ; viz. the suppression of the truth , and the restitution of germanie , now through the light of the gospell beginning to shake off babilonian tyrannie , to it pristinat captiuity . so in the yeare of our lord 1546. he celebrateth the councell at trent , and maketh all possible faire weather with the germanes . but with what intent ? surely to combine the nobility , & to instigate his maiestie to begin the warre against the protestant princes , and the euangelicall cities . in the beginning whereof , good fortune prognosticated a prosperous progresse vnto caesar ( by the taking of iohn frederick elector of saxonie ; the lantgraue of hessen ; the confiscating of all wittembergs estates , and the finacing of many confederat cities ) yet , in being too officious to giue his holines content , in keeping his prisoners more strictly then honour could warrant , and in coyning new articles of religion to the popes best liking ; such an alteration followed , vpon the rising of maurice prince elector , and albert of brandenburg , and other new confederates , that ( dismissing the captiuated princes , and granting liberty of conscience through germanie ) so disaduantageous were his proofes of papall countenance , that he often wished , that he had preferred the loues of the princes , before the popes surest alliance . for although ( to confesse truth ) the proceedings of paul against his maiestie , were slower and better caried , then those of his predecessors ; in regard that hee was his champion , to manage bloudy and difficult stratagems against the seruants of god : yet vpon the death of peter aloysius duke of parma & placentia ( murdered by treason for his tyrannie ) when ferdinand gonzaga , caesars generall , and gouernour of millan , was inuested in his stead : the pope presently mistrusteth caesar for an author of the murder ; and in vaine requesting the restitution of placentia , he strait starteth from caesar , and bethinketh himselfe how to ioyne with the french : and had ioyned in deed , if hee had longer liued ; the time offering so fit an opportunity . for now henry vpon the defeature of the princes , and the seizing on placentia ( aboue expectation ) growing into iealousie of the powerfulnesse of caesar , renueth his league with the switzers , and strengthneth his party with friends on all hands . but in midst of these reuengefull deuises , this miser dyed , distracted more through griefe and anguish , then any infirmity of age : the tenth day of nouember . 1549. after long wrangling in the conclaue , 1550. iulius the third is saluted pope : being before his installment , of the french faction , and after , so giuen ouer to belly-cheere and venery , that he died of a lethargy , and wanted rather leisure then will to attempt against caesar . but paul the fourth a most diuelish hypocrite , and next succeeding marcellus the second , ( a pope also of a few daies standing ) by the packing of the cardinalls wholly deuoted to the french seruice , was consecrated high priest : this man during his cardinalship , was caesars most malitious enemy : insomuch that by his prouocation , paul the third was perswaded to inuade naples , as an apourtenāt of the church . but now enioying fuller meanes to worke fuller despights , hee maketh open profession of his late concealed malice , and prosecuteth his followers with indignities of deepest fury . for no sooner was he seated in the chaire of the scarlet beast , but he casteth into durance alexander farnesius cardinall of sanflorian , camillus collonna , and iulianus caesar with his brother the archbishop , vpon suspition of a conspiracy complotted against him in fauour of the imperialists . as many the seruants and ministers of caesar , here and there negotiating his affaires through italy , as he could lay hands on , he seazeth ; and amongst these , tascis master of the forests to his maiesty , and don garzia lassus a duke of no obscure reputation amongst the spanish . marke anthonie colonna beeing absent , he citeth to appeare before him within three daies space ; and in default of appearaunce , hee maketh prize of his goods . to iohn count of montorian , he giueth the goods of ascanius colonna , together with the titular earledome of pallianum . in despight of caesar he recalleth the out-lawed gentlemen of naples , and endoweth them with offices , and publique preheminences . at the instance of peter stroza , he fortifieth pallianum , and prepareth it for the receit of the french to the infesting of naples . finally , by sending his kinsman cardinall caraffa into france , most impiously he disturbeth the peace concluded in belgia , betweene his most excellent maiesty and the french monarch . and to bee especially carefull , that no one shot of popish malice should misse his maiesty , he absolutely denieth his sonne philip ( vnto whom the father had resigned the administration of all his kingdoms ) the inuestiture of the kingdomes of naples and sicil , being held of the church . wherupon followed such furious and lamentable wars , managed between these mighty potentates of christendome , that italy and france being chiefly ingaged therein , reeked againe in the bloody tragedies of their deerest citizens . for not rome only was almost brought vnto those extremities by the presence of the duke of alua , which once it suffered in the daies of clement , and for the present auoided by accepting of these conditions , which the now-somwhat-lenified lord generall propounded : but the french also in fauour of the papacy , being sent into italy vnder the conduct of the guise , to infest the peacefull estate of the latian prouinces , vnderwent the miserable destiny of vnfortunate warfare , in their indeauours to thrust in new forces into the chiefe city of vermandois , against the squadrons of king philip , marching out of belgia to the reliefe of the said place . in which conflict their whole army was routed by the germane horse , the constable , the rhene-graue , and many noble men taken prisoners , and the city forced . and not long after being masters of calaies , they suffered a no lesse disasterous defeature in their returne by graueling at count egmonds hands : termes and villebon their two most famous leaders beeing taken prisoners , their armie routed , and their people slaine . now , what vpright conscience can sauour a religion so insatiate of blood ? or what christian can thinke that man , who to perfect his owne respects , careth not what mischiefe he worketh , to be the vicar of christ ? surely , let them impudently affirme what they list , their workes so perspicuously layde open to meanest capacities , may with sufficiencie assure vs , that through the whole course of their successions , they haue euer rather merited the sir-names of saule , then the least title of paul. and so to the worlds end will they doe , rather then by the redeeming of one christian soule from spoile and blood shed , they will suffer one acre of saint peters imaginary patrimony , to be wrested from them , if possibility or trecherous pollicy can any way withstand it . ❧ ferdinand caesar . hee raigned 1558. about the fift yeere of queene mary . as soone as charles had betaken himselfe to a solitarie life in saint iustus in spaine , his brother ferdinand long before elected king of the romanes , now by the generall suffrage of the electors assembled at frankford , is preferred vnto the empire . after the ceremonies whereof accomplished , to make manifest his obseruancie towards the romish sea , he dispatcheth to his holinesse guzman , his chiefe chamberlaine ; to signifie , that his maiesties pleasure was , vpon oportunity of first-offered-occasion , to request and receiue the imperiall diadem at his holinesse hands . but such was his father-hoods arrogant and froward answer : that it may well argue the relator , not onely not to be the successor of peter , who with the residue of the apostles , reuerenced the authoritie of the higher powers , as the ordinance of god , with due honour and obedience : no , nor a man willing to doe one good turne for another , according to the mutuall lawes of courtesie and humanity : but in truth , that very antichrist , whom the warrant of holy writ doth point out , to be the person , who should arrogate to himselfe , to prescribe aboue , and against any thing , that god himselfe hath commanded to be holy and inuiolable . for this irregular beast , would vppon no reason acknowledge ferdinand for emperour ; cauilling that his predecessour charles , had no ability or capacity to surrender the empire to no liuing creature , but to the romish sea ; neither that it was lawfull for ferdinand , to take vppon him the administration of the state , without the approbation thereof . his maiesties embassadour hee would at no hand suffer to approach his presence ; but hauing learnt out the tenour of his embassie , hee propounded vnto the cardinals and lawyers certaine questions , neither arising from the rudiments of gods word , nor enforced from the grounds of nationall lawes ; but harried from the deepest abysse , and there discussed by lucifer the prince of malice , pride and falsities . which , as afterward they were libelled out , and dispersed by the romanists themselues , you shall here receiue . 1 if guzman , who auerreth that hee is sent from his lord ferdinand , vnto the most holy lord the pope , ought by law to speake what charles the fifth hath done , about the resignation of the empire to his brother ferdinand . 2 which being sufficiently vnderstoode ; whether they , wholy , or in part haue done rightfully and lawfully , sithence the approbation of the most holy lord the pope , and the apostolique sea , was not interposed therein . 3 whether , these difficulties being cleared ; nothing for the present may bee obiected against the person of the most excellent lord ferdinand . whereby , hee may be adiudged incapable of the imperiall dignity : as the euill education of his sonne the king of bohem , inclinable to manifest heresie . it beeing promised , that within the kingdomes subiect to his authority , heresies are tollerated without punishment ; catholiques are oppressed , monasteries dissolued , churches auoided , and the professours of the augustane reformation , suffered to conuerse and inhabite promiscuouslie with romish catholiques . as also , that ferdinand himselfe did graunt a conference at wormes , as touching controuersies in religion , without the consent and good leaue of the holy apostolique sea. that , hee bound himselfe by oath in the dyet of frankford , to obserue all the articles confirmed in the fore passed sessions ; wherein manie damnable and hereticall opinions were maintained and allowed . that , hee vsurped the name of emperour by his owne authority . that he suspended the decree , published against communicants vnder both kindes ; especially at such a time , wherein seuerest execution was most requisite : that he had falsified his oath , taken vpon his first election of king of romanes ( wherein he had bound himselfe , to be a defender of the church , and the catholique faith ) schismes , heresies , and the protestant religion . that he had faulted in many more points of like kind , against his oath , and the holy canons . 4 what in like manner were to be determined concerning the persons of many the princes electors , who being notoriously knowen to haue forsaken the romish religion , haue agreed to this resignation : and how all these mischiefes may be preuented and remedied with the least disturbance and breach of tranquility to the christian common-wealth . these were the points to be questioned by the cardinals . now albeit the method of the narration doe binde me , to acquaint you with the resolutions of these creatures the cardinals ( for surely i know it is a part of my task to diue into the cunning intendments of these proposed questions : ) notwithstanding , the incompatible pride of the romanists ; their tyrannizing ouer all lawes , and the indignity of such base , wicked , and malicious propositions , doe wholy diuert mee from my intended method , forcibly compelling me against the rules of historie , to walke a long digression from my intended narration . for which , i beseech thee ( reader ) pardon and patience . for who vpon mature deliberation of such scruples , knowing the author by whom they were propounded , can refraine from accursing this so fanatical an ambition of soueraigntie in a bishop , accompanied with such horrible impiety & contempt of his euerliuing masters commandement ? what conscience can but blush at his impudencie , who hauing by gods permission for our manifold sinnes tyranized ouer the church of christ for so many yeares , would yet at this day , in despight of light and truth , reduce kings and princes into the auncient estate of their babilonical seruitude ? not once looking back vpon such like narrations as these , ( taken out from their owne records ) to consider , how their predecessors to work their wils vpon mighty potentates ( for hic aquila non captat muscas , & quicquid delirant reges , plectuntur achiui . ) haue made no more conscience by secret and cunning practises , to imbrue the whole christian world in bloud and desolation ; then a turkish generall by falsifying his faith , hath done against conquered christians . yea , i dare auow , ( for experientia optima magistra ) that by hooke or crooke , at this day they would as eagerly follow their canonical presidents , to restore their entrados ( hinc illae lachrimae ) as euer did any of their luciferian predecessors . were it not , but that they apprehend , how the turkish forces , first by land affront the empire from the carpathie mountaines to the ardiatique : secondly by sea , how at diuers times , but especially in the yeare of our lord 1534. barbarussa so scoured alongst the coast of italy , that if he had descended a little lower to ostia , actum esset de roma . his holinesse must haue resorted to auncient deuises , viz. peraduenture haue sought a new auignion in thule or china , whether his iesuites are already imployed to prepare his way . but this is not all the feare , wherewith these mercilesse fellowes haue terrified his holy wisedome . for the world doth know , that for a whole winter they haue set footing in italy , and wasted friuli . which to preuent , by the best meanes , wherewith god hath truely inabled him , and the residue of the christian princes , if they be not prouident , i can but pray , that his diuine maiesty would be pleased , to resume the welfare of his people into his owne protection . and so to the response of the cardinals . who confessing the weightinesse of the questions to be such , as partly in regard of the nouelty , partly in regard of the qualitie of the persons , and lastlie in regard of the trouble of the times , and the power of the infidell enemy , they ought to be examined in a full counsell of the choicest and discreetest wisedomes ; yet either in wayward affectation to preserue the papall authority , or in feare of his bestiall furiousnesse , malitiously powred out on all sorts without difference ; they returned an answer rather testifying some such imagination , then any way sauouring of truth or integrity . and thus it was . that , it ought to bee prooued by publique euidence , whether it appeared , that the empire became voide by charles his resignation , or by some other meanes . that , it ought to be sifted how ferdinand could pretend to succeed : meane time that his embassador sent to proxy his obedience , or to negotiate any other publique act , ought not to be admitted . that all things treated of and ratified at frankford concerning ferdinands election , were voide , frustrate and of no effect , for that the scepter of the apostolike sea ( vnto whome at first the keies of all heauenly and earthly power were giuen ) was not first mediated . that those worthy personages who were assisting and tainted of hereticall impiety , had forfeited all the rites and prerogatiues , of old granted them , concerning the election of emperors . as touching the points obiected against his maiesty in the third article : that it was of greatest consequence ; and had need of penance : which being performed , his holinesse was to proceed according to fatherlie clemency . whereupon a procurator was to be sent from his popishnesse , to renounce all the sanctions and decrees ratified at frankford . after publication whereof , and the empire now voide , a new mandat might bee made to petition confirmation , for that it is apparant , that by virtue of the election , adioyned to clement his confirmation , ferdinand ought to succeede in the empire . as concerning the impediment procured by his owne default , and somewhat hindering him ; it ought to bee put to examination : that after absolution obtained , obedience performed , and the auncient oath of fidelity administred , he may fully enioy the confirmation of the apostolique court. whose only and peculiar propertie it is , to wide open its armes , louingly and halfe way ( as it were ) to imbrace euerie liuing soule comming to be receiued vpon repentance , and flying thereunto with a liuelie faith . o you romanists ! here let mee aske you , which of you dare presume to say , that hee is more holie , or more religious , then ferdinand ? what is his sinne so greatly to bee repented of ? what manner of repentance is that , which you so much desire ? or how . shall he hope to speede , if hee stand to your wauering and dispensatorie discretions ? here is no fault committed against god : his word doth warrant his proceedings . the fundamental lawes of the empire do auouch that an emperor being chosen by al the electors , or the more part of them , vpon the very election , without approbation of pope , or any other forraine potentate , is to be receiued for true and indubitate emperor . cardinall cusanus saith : electores , qui communi consensu omnium almanorum & aliorum qui imperio subiecti erant , tempore secundi henrici constituti sunt , radicalem vim habent ab ipso communi omnium consensu , qui sibi naturali iure imperatorem constituere poterant : non ab ipso romano pontifice , in cuius potestate non est , dare cuicunque prouinciae per mundum regem vel imperatorem ; ipsa non consentiente . the electors who were instituted by the common assent of all the almanes , and others the subiects of the empire , in the time of henrie the second : by the said generall consent haue a successiue power , by their municipiall lawes to chuse vnto themselues an emperour . without depending vpon the pope , in whose power it is not , to limit vnto any prouince vnder the cope of heauen , a king or gouernour , without its owne agreement . but admit there were no such law , is not the inauguration of all princes meerly temporall ? are not the setting on of a crown , the girding of a sword , and the deliuery of a scepter , orders meerely ceremoniall ? where are then your interessed claimes ? i will leaue you to your wits , and proceede to your starting-holes of spiritualia ; which i am sure consist in suffering the people to receiue the blessed communion vnder both kinds . here is a sinne vnpardonable . stay , i beseech you . did not paul the third , and he a pope , send out his bulls , wherby he gaue all the bishops throughout germanie full authority to communicate vnto the people vnder both kinds ? how say ye ? shall his maiesty be exempted , and they priuiledged ? will you tolerate an order of your owne inacting in euery parish , and not suffer the magistrate to see the same by peace and quietnesse preserued and executed through a whole kingdom ? you know vpon what points of necessity , that bull was granted , and now rather then you will faile to make odious his sacred maiesty to the fautours of your passions , you will quarrell him about an act of your owne allowance . woe vnto you , you hypocrits , who in words seeme saints , but in your hearts retaine not a graine of piety . woe vnto you , who offer your open brests to penitentiaries , but hauing them in your clutches , you teare them in their consciences with more then heathenish foppery . you inioine penance to others , and performe no such matter your selues . amongst your selues , yee reueale all secrets , and are iouiall thereat ; but treasons and massacres you conceale , and then your impudent wits must beare you out , ( for your faces will not ) that it was told vnder the vaile of confession . thus by impostures you liue , you raigne , and deceiue the world , neither caring to enter heauens gates themselues nor suffering others to enter that would . well , during the interim of these ponderous machinations against his maiesty by the college of cardinalls , guzman comming to the vnderstanding thereof , day by day hastneth his audience before his holinesse . at last after three moneths attendance , and earnest begging ( but not before hee had receiued a more strict commandement from his master ) either vpon audience to execute his commission , or without delay to returne from rome , hee is admitted to speake in the presence of seuen cardinals , from whom hee rereceiueth this aunswere . forasmuch as his demaund required the most mature deliberation of the cardinals , and such like persons learned in the lawes , that , according to his masters commaund hee might depart at pleasure : meane time his holinesse would recall the whole matter vnto full examination . good god , what other deliberation could be meant heereby , more then a meere cunning , and dilatorie illusion ? for the matter had beene againe and againe disputed on , and the confirmation so long delayed , in expectation of some disaster , which time might produce against caesar , that before any thing was determined , this politique impostor was taken out of this world . after whom departed vnto the place of eternall blisse this worthy emperour ; but so , that the confirmation which clement made litigious , pius the fourth offered willingly , and ferdinand reiected as constantly , after the examples of radulph of habsburge his progenitor , and maximilian his grandfather , contenting himselfe with the orderly election of the german princes . i haue heard report of as weighty a toleration as this , euen in matters of religion , if as vertuous a princesse , as any of these afore-named , would haue condiscended to haue accepted the approbation at his holinesses hand . and as the world now standeth , who doubteth but the pope would doe much to be reconciled to some christian constantines . and therefore to conclude , i hold it not fit to conceale these worthy remembrances of his godlinesse and sincerity ; that in his raigne , in the yeare 1552. the second day of august , an edict was obtained , whereby peace was graunted to the professors of the augustan confession . that , in the yeare 1555. that noble decree followed , wherein it was ordained , that no force , nor offence , directly or indirectly , in case of religion should be thence-forth vsed against prince , earle , or any imperiall citie . in the yeare 1559. at augusta , in a full assembly of the states , the said decree was reuiued and confirmed . after which constitutions confirmed by the transaction of passauia , and confirmed by the estates ( as i saide at ausburg ) this good emperour perswading himselfe , that mens mindes were wrought to religion , more by preaching and teaching , then by force and bloud-shed ; was willing , euen within his owne hereditarie possessions , that no subiect of his should bee troubled for his conscience . wishing , that some abuses ( vsed by the romanists ) might by lawfull and moderate proceedings be reformed , and yet the hierarchy and order of the ecclesiastical policy , be decently maintained . whereupon , when the austrians desired the publique vse of the lords supper in both kindes ; as also other articles of religion , to be freely permitted them , which they had drawen forth in the confession of ausburg ; ferdinand , not onely tooke the articles , and the reasons of the abuses ( deseruing reformation ) into his owne consideration : but also , when he heard the testimonie of the greeke church , concurring with the petition , hee sent vrban bishop of gurcia for this cause principally to venice , that there he should procure instructions , how the greekes accustomed to doe in distribution of this part of the lords supper : as also what was their opinion concerning this maine point of doctrine . and in the synod of trent by his orators , he did most instantly insist and vrge ; that by leaue of the pope , the people of austria might vse both the parts of the sacrament . somewhat before his death , he receaued the breue , authorizing the communion to be administred vnto the laity vnder both kindes , which pius the fourth sent vnto the archbishop of salisburge ; but interlaced with diuers limitation of conditiōs . wherat this good emperor did exceedingly reioyce , and gaue thanks that it pleased god , that he had obtained that , which his subiects of austria , had so often , and so earnestly desired of his maiestie . for his cariage towards the counsell of trent , which he referred wholy to his holinesse , i hold it not fit to speake . for he adiudged , that hee had receiued an infinite pleasure from the pope , in that he had graunted him that , ( though by much intreaty and many restrictions ) which christ commanded vnto all christians , plainly and effectually . ❧ maximilian the second . hee began his raigne in the sixt yeare of queene elizabeth . better fortunes , then his father and vncle charles , had not maximilian the second , from whom concerning the ample promises of clement the seuenth , wee haue heard this saying to proceed : it is surely iacobs voice ; but his hands denote him to be esau : vehemently complaining , that euermore these people haue violated their faith , and broken their leagues : that against all right and equitie , their words are of no validity , nor their oathes of force . and therefore hereafter neuer to be captiuated with security . he was created emperour in the yeare of our lord 1564. a prince of a sincere disposition , especially in matters of religion : which when hee perceiued to be sorely shaken and rent , with diuersity of opinions ; hee greeued in minde , but shewed himselfe indifferent to the professors thereof , neuer hindering the course with any seuere edict . which his godly moderation , caused the romanists to offer him some hard measure surely not to be said , to haue vtterly washt away the contagion of their ancient treacherie and malice , in esse diuolued vpon them from the successiue discent of so many their predecessors . but this worthy prince was nothing mooued thereat , neither started one iot from his accustomed lenitie . crato craftheim his councellor and physition , a man beyond all exception , shall witnesse it in his funerall oration . the emperor maximilian neuer entred into iudgement of another mans conscience , but alwaies in controuersie of religion forbore by force to settle mens minds . for he confessed in the hearing of many men ten yeeres agoe , vnto william prelate of olomuch : that no sinne was more greeuous , then the forcing of consciences , many are also aliue who remember what hee said to a prince flying his kingdome , and in his flight resorting vnto him for succour : surely those that arrogate power ouer mens consciences , inuade the bulwarkes of heauen , and oftentimes loose that authority , which god here hath giuen them vpon earth . such care and study as father ferdinand vsed in obseruing the pacification of passania , the same the sonne maximilian emulated and defended , permitting vnto the austrian nobility the doctrine of the confession of ausburg by edict , dated the 18. august 1568. for when as many noble men of austria vnder the gouernment of ferdinand , had presented vnto charles the fift , certaine euangelicall ministers professing the confession of ausburg : and amongst these , many turbulent spirits dismissed vppon many occasions from many parts of germanie , had resorted vnto his gouernment as to a place of security ; and vnder blinde pretences of euangelicall liberty had inconsiderately innouated and tumultuously preached many things concerning church-gouernement : this maximilian after the example of his father , thought it not meet to prohibit his subiects the confession of ausburg ; and yet forbore not to restraine that anarchiall temerity of such hot spirits , throughout euery seuerall village of the prouince , almost teaching and instituting a peculiar forme of doctrine and ceremonies . at last at the earnest entreaty and humble petitions of the austrian nobility , he permitted them the free exercise of the augustan confession , both in churches and families , so that they would assure him to obserue that certaine order of doctrine and celebration of the lords supper , throughout all their churches , which as then was already vsed and imbraced by the residue of the protestant churches , according to the prescript of order of the said confession . for reformation whereof he emploied ioachim camerarius and dauid chytreus : and the promise once granted , being afterwards emperor he obserued most religiously . of whose faith and integrity , although to his neuer dying honour much may be spoken , yet here will we cease , and fall to discourse vpon the succession of his sonne rodolph . what further matter the good and well minded reader may expect , i will leaue to his own discretion to be exemplified , by the application of these old verses : tempora mutantur , papa & mutatur in illis : felix quem faciunt romana pericula cautum . ❧ rodolph the second . rodolph now onely remaineth . here , whether i should admire at the busie , but now out-worne fury , tyranny and ambition of these selfe-wild bishops : or reioice at the restored magnanimity , fortitude , and constancy of our emperour rodolph , i confesse my selfe grauelled . but to affirme nothing of mine owne braine , here behold a witnesse acting his own part ; a man aboue exception , auouching — he is the same , who was author of the commentary vpon the coloin businesse . these are his words ; what ( saith hee ) should i speake of the inuincible emperour rodolph , who now raigneth . i haue seene his embassadours at rome , the most noble and valiant lord flacchus , prior of the order of saint iohn of ierusalem in germany , and ierome turner of his maiesties councell : a man of exquisit learning , of high wisedom , faithfull and honest . i soiourned with them in the same house ; for they lodged with cardinall mandrutius ( whome for honours sake i name ) my very honourable good master , and a man of excellent vertues . he for acquaintance sake intertained them kindly , and vsed them royally : they stayed with vs almost one whole summer : of which delay this was the cause . the pope , gregorie the thirteenth was wonderfull desirous to haue the emperour performe his obedience to his popeship . for , that it ought so to be , he pleaded prescription . the ambassadors , to doe more then their commission warranted , resolutely refused . and their commission stretched no further , then to promise obsequium , his humble seruice to the pope , but obedience vnto the church . letters hereof were sent vnto his maiesty , and meane while turner was eagerly assaulted by the cardinals to change opinion ; but he was constant . at last , vntill the emperors maiesty could be wrought , to relinquish that forme of words , which the worthy and laudable caesars , ferdinand his grandfather and maximilian his father had vsed , the embassador was accepted to do what he was commanded . and so in a full assembly of the cardinals , the pope being mounted vpon an high seig , hee promised his holinesse his seruice , and the church , his obedience . in action whereof he gaue good proofes of his learning , wisedome , and admirable boldnesse . to many in the city , this seemed a ridiculous contention , sithence the words obsequium and obedientia doe so little differ in substance : but let them laugh ; the popes rites well vnderstand the meaning thereof , otherwise , let them bee assured , that his wisedome would not so stifly haue insisted vppon the bare word of obedience . as for the emperour , the world knoweth , that here he made it manifest , that hee was not bound to giue obedience vnto a bishop , his subiect , from whome hee expected subiection and fealtie : at leastwise he layde an excellent foundation , towards the restitution of the decayed honour of the empire , by others to be perfected as god and time shall offer occasion . for what a greater blessing can a christian man wish , then to see a bishop praying and preaching , and abhorring to prescribe lawes vnto a temporall emperour ? what other thing more necessarie for peace and humane society can the councel of state deuise , then to bridle seditious mindes , from taking aduantage to disquiet the state , vpon euery sinister seducement of an vnconscionable iesuite ? which if they once effect , then shall the emperours giue them their due fauours , that is , acknowledge the lateran bishops to be venerable fathers . if these passages , i say , were reduced to their pristinate forme and integrity , then no longer should wee behold the christian people turmoyled in discords , no princes murdered , no oaths of allegeance impugned , no equiuocation iustified , nor turkish inuasions so powerfully maintained . but of these abuses , and many more mentioned by mine author , and still maintained , but not with auncient obstinacie , for want of this implored reformation , let him that hath a stomach to bee informed , read the apology , brought out of spaine , and printed at antwarp in the yeare 1527. there in order shall hee finde as much as followeth , the summe whereof drawen into heads , shall suffice for this present . 1 the breues of clement the seuenth , wherein hee loadeth caesar with as many calumniations , as his witte could deuise , and those most false and forged . 2 the aunswere of the emperour charles the fifth vnto these forgeries . 3 the second breues of the pope , wherein vppon repentance that hee had falsly accused caesar , hee sendeth vnto his nuncio , to forbid him the deliuery of the former breues . 4 the answer of caesar to these second breues . 5 an epistle of charles caesar vnto the colledge of cardinalls , desiring them , that in case his holinesse did continue either to denie , or differ , a generall councell , that they themselues would proclaime it . now that wee haue fully informed you how this halfe-deplumed estritch hath notwithstanding opposed against the two last emperours , ferdinand and maximilian , and not at this day feareth not to bee troublesome vnto their successour rodolph : as also , how his patience hath beene nettled by the transaction of passauia , and the edicts of peace deuised , ratified and proclaimed by these three late worthy emperours : it shall not for a perclous vnto your wearied mindes , i hope , proue a loathing seruice , if i shall in order recite vnto you , at what warde his holinesse at this day lieth , considering that hee is not able any longer , to set father against sonne , and sonne against father in open action ; prince against prince , and people against prince , and prince against people . these practises are reuealed and absolute , now must they erect ( and but once erect ) an order to purpose ; an order that must commit all villanies , and his popeship not seene therein : an order that must studie matchiauell , entertaine intelligence , and able in it selfe to negotiat in princes affaires , without posting and reposting , to the view of the world , for their dispatches to rome : an order of all orders that euer were deuised , the most cruell and truly bestial ; the bane of mankinde , and the fire-brands of christendome . of whom , if any worthy pen would take the paines , to indict a legend ; the world should soone perceiue , that they to the vnderpropping of this declining sea , within these few yeares , haue committed as many forgeries , villanies , and seducements to warre and murder , as their masters before them haue done in many ages . so furious are their humours , so irregular their consciences to worke , pleasing seruices to their politique monarch ! bound they are to auert , whatsoeuer they shall thinke or know preiudiciall to the romish sea . bound they are ( as much as in them lieth ) to hinder the propagation of the gospel . then , their calling being such , their seruice such , and such their vowes , let vs learne amongst many of their actions , by some few , what peace in religion is to be expected , from such persons , that hereafter we may be able to discerne the man by his speech , as the lion by his clawes . notes of priuate passion . he that playeth the prologue , is conradus brunus , attired in his third booke . cap. 1. pag 305. oppugning , railing and annihilating the transaction of passauia , and the peace granted thereupon ; a peace so religiously ratified by such and so many hand-writings , and so solemnly sworne vnto by such iust , honourable and worthy personages . at his first entrance you shall know him by his brazen face , and now you shall heare him speake . the edict ( saith hee ) is friuolous , void , and at no hand to be obserued : his reason , because a catholique ought not liue peaceably with such heretiques , for so should they neuer be offended nor abolished . yea , so much the rather were the association so ordered to be abhorred and abominable , for that a catholique meeting one of them , should be adiudged to haue assented to the peace : but to offend them ( with whom there is no communion ) can be no breach of peace ; as whom the lawes of the empire doe subiect vnder a curse , and expose to offence , without punishment : finally , whom all diuine and humane constitutions , would haue to be vtterly extirpated . the next that presenteth himselfe is paul windich , in his booke de haereticis extirpandis pag. 324. and hee termeth this religious peace to be nothing but a breathing , a delay , or a toleration . pag. 327. he saith , that , in his minde , he can but wonder at the madnesse of the sectaries . for foolishly auouching , and so often babling out the decrees of the diets , for the free exercise of their religion . if i should stand to present you with melchion , hosius and posserinus , who wrote whole discourses vnto henry and stephan kings of polonia , to take into their serious cogitations , the extirpation of the euangelicall professors , i should but weary you with words . two lines shall suffice . with the protestant ( polonians ) the assurance giuen vpon faith , is at no hand to be obserued : for that an oath ought not to be the bond of iniquitie . iames menochius the lawyer , consil . 100. num. 225. excuseth the romane emperor sigismund , in that he violated his safe conduct . as concerning the which ouersight , the impudent assertions of the iesuits of treuers are worthy the relation , published in a certaine booke intituled , the concertation of the catholicke church , printed 1583. pag. 4. husse did require safe conduct of sigismund : sigismund signed it : but the christian world , viz. the fathers of the councel of constance , being sigismunds superiors , did disalow it . simanch a bishop of pacia , that lying spirit , blushed not to affirme , in his catholique institution cap. 46. num. 52. that at no hand , faith was to bee kept towards heretiques , no not vpon oath . and therefore it was iustly decreed ; that against the tenor of the oath , husse and ierome of prage were burned , and a canon prouided ; that an oath made towards an heretique , was not to be regarded . and at last concludeth , that as warning thereof , ought often to bee giuen , so is it very necessary , that it be often re-iterated , and at no time to be silenced , as often as any mention of this peace is obiected . o! why should i offend the chast cares of any good christian with such infernall stuffe ? smally hath he profited in the schoole of gods word , that in his owne conscience is not able to decide controuersies , of much more cunning cariage , then any of these . in regard whereof , i will here cease , and affirme , that in knowing of one , you know all : such is their malice in seruice of the romish sea , towards emperor , kings , princes , and free states . let him that hath a mind to bee further and fully satisfied , peruse the most excellent treatises printed this present yeere 1609. for conclusion vnto these plaine and pregnant presidents of popish tyranny by time and vsurpation practised vppon the sacred maiesties of mightie princes , mine authour , truely to aggrauate their immoderate pride , and further to encourage the aggreeued parties to hasten their reformation , for warrantize out of diuers authours , hee hath culled out many irresistable testimonies to prooue , that rome is babylon , and the bishop thereof antichrist . which for that ( in mine opinion ) in few words they haue beene more liuelier represented vnto your consideratiue consciences , in his maiesties most excellent premonition , then which nothing can be spoken more fullie , truely , and indifferently , without spleene , or ambiguitie . i will heere craue pardon to ouerpasse them , and in lieu therof content you , with some few both theorique and practique notes , hatched vpon the same grounds , but practised vpon other states , of later daies in diuers parts of christendome . and first of their iesuiticall theoriques , thus collected into order , and eight times printed : as mine authour affirmeth . regulae iuris romani . 1. the bishop of rome hath in himselfe all manner of power , both spiritual & temporall : authority to commād , to forbid , to curse , & to excōmunicat : al power of punishing , right of election and conferring the lieutenancy of the empire . power , to create & depose magistrates , euen emperors , kings & princes : so of al other potentates , & their subiects . these aphorisms are to be receiued as an article of faith : he that alloweth not , or beleeueth not so much , is to be reputed a most detestable heretique . 2. on the contrary , all ecclesiasticall persons , bishops , prelates , priests , monks , nuns , and all their temporall goods , their priuiledges and estates , are vtterly exempted and freed from all obedience of temporall lords , from their commands , contributions , and superiorities ; and that aswell in personall and reall impleadings , as in ciuill and criminall actions . neither are they bound to obey emperor , king , or any lay magistrate . yea caesar , kings and princes , ought to instruct his fortresses rather to ecclesiasticall persons , then to lay captaines . 3. albeit the pope be a man , yet for that he is gods vicar on earth ( a reason wherfore diuine honor is due to him ) he can not erre in points concerning christian doctrine ; no although all other ecclesiasticall fathers , yea and the councels themselues should fall into error . an argument , that from councels we must appeale to the pope ; but not e contra , from the pope , to the councel . 4. the validity , interpretations , and power of innouating the sacred scriptures , resteth in the bosome of the pope : but his holinesse decrees , as simply necessary to faith and saluation , are immutable , forcible , and obligatory . 5. the constitutions , statutes , ordinances , parliaments , edicts , confederacies , & al letters patents , of emperors kings , princes , & other estates , which fauour any other religion , then the modern roman ought to be reputed voide and of no force , no , although an oath be interposed . 6. the edict of religion concluded by the general consent of the german nation , is not obligatory ; for that it was procured by force . that , it was granted , but to serue the time , as a delay , or toleration : viz. vntill the publication of the councell of trent , which followed in the yeere 1564. 7. that now the romanists are to imploy their vtmost indeuours by fire , sword , poison , powder , warre , or any other engine , to suppresse all heretiques , but especially the lutherans and caluinists , with their fautors and the politique catholiques , who had rather maintaine peace , then adioyne their forces to the catholique side in extirpation of heresies . 8. but this rule is not without exceptiō : if they haue cause to feare that the proiect be not likely to second imagination , or that danger or detriment be likely to arise thereof to the catholique cause : in this case , some regard is to bee had to the time , and a better season to be expected . yet some are againe of opinion : that time is not to be respected . for what requitall shall a iesuit returne to so benigne a parent as the pope , if hee stand tampering vpon the safetie of his conscience , or the security of his life ? and therefore without any longer temporizing , it were better that in all places these lutherans and caluinists were speedily banished , suppressed , or vtterly rooted out ; so that hereafter not so much as one seed may be left , to restore so much as the remembrance of their religion . 9. as soon as the roman-catholique subiects in their conciliables haue decreed , that the emperor , king or prince vnder whom they serue , is to be accounted a tyrant : then is it lawfull for them to renounce him , and to hold themselues free from their oath of allegeance . but if they be deemed to hold their assemblies ; then is it granted vnto euery priuate subiect , yea praise-worthie and meritorious , to murder such a king or prince : but with prouiso , that hee proceede not before hee haue vsed the counsell of some iesuit , or such like theologian . wherein , the munke iames clement , who slew henry the third with an inuenomed knife , made true vse of this rule . and in those dayes , hee was adiudged to haue acted as meritorious an action , that should haue played the like part by his successour henry the fourth . 10 if subiects haue a lutheran or caluinist to their king , or prince , who indeuoreth to bring them into heresies , ( you must alwaies vnderstand what heresies they meane ) they are those subiects quitted of homage & fealty towards their soueraigne masters . to whom it is lawfull and granted to renounce , murder or imprison such an anointed and high magistrate . 11 that , emperors , kings & princes may be poysoned by their vassals and seruants ; in case the theologians , or iesuits , being learned and graue men , doe account them for tyrants : prouided , that the concluded party to die , doe not amend , nor procure his owne voluntary destruction . 12 the pope hath the free gift of all the kingdoms , principalities , and territories of all hereticall and infidel princes : and such donations shall be firme and auailable to all constructions and purposes . 13 it is lawfull and granted to iesuits , and all other catholique priests , in case they happen to be examined before heretique magistrates , to vse equiuocation , mental reseruation , false names , and counterfeit apparrell : the better to insinuate , and dispatch their treacheries . 14 that it is lawfull for iesuites and such like romanists to equiuocate to the demaunds of magistrates : and that as well by oath , as without . but this is to be vnderstoode , when the respondent doth not account the demaundant for a competent iudge or magistrate : or when , the respondent doth imagine , that the iudge ( though competent ) hath no lawfull pretence of examination : or when hee supposeth his aduersarie , hath no iust cause of questioning him . 15 that such catholiques are not bound to aunswere priuate catholiques from the heart , and with conscience , but to equiuocate , and answer them with double meanings . 16 that this equiuocation is a profitable arte , and good policy . wherewith martin azpileneta , vnto whose doctrine gregory the thirteenth gaue the attestation of vnanswerable and holy : and of whom the iesuit horat. tursellimus in the life of lauerius affirmeth , that hee was a man excellent for his honestie and learning , congratulateth himselfe , and boasteth , that he commanded vnto a certaine great prince the apothegme ; qui nescit dissimulare , nescit viuere ; whereof the sayde prince made afterwards great vse and profite . these were the passions that troubled our forraigne nouellists ; in lieu of many , to auoid prolixity , now let vs proceed to examine at what marke , the romanists on this side the sea doe also leuell . and saunders , for that hee will satisfie vs by scripture ; is traced by bellarmine , and magnified by our aduersaries to be a man of most eminent learning , shall bee speaker for the whole factorie . but by the way you must note , that these had their priuate respects in their hearts , while they held their pens in their hands : so this our country-man was not destitute of his priuate passion also , which was either an ouer-hard conceit against his deerest soueraigne queen elizabeth , out of whose kingdome hee was banished ; or an ouer-weeing respect , deuoted vnto the seruice and gracious aspect of pope pius the fift , vnto whom hee stood many wayes beholden . otherwise your consciences would assure you , that he would neuer haue broached so manifest a lye . the worke whereat hee aymed , and the greeuances which disquieted his penne , your discretions may iudge of , by reuoking to minde , the daies wherein hee liued , and the personage that then reigned . mutato nomine , the positions ( you know ) as yet are as peremptorily maintained , and therefore aboue the rest fittest to be spoken vnto . with a liuely suke to corroborat a bad matter , hee groundeth his first authority ( his reasons & arguments as flowing from the bitternesse of his priuate braine i will ouer-passe ) vpon the second booke of cronicles the 26. chapter , where we read ; oziam regem , cùm sacerdotum officium vsurpauit , á pontifice fuisse de templo eiectum . et cum propter idem peccatū , lepra a deo percussus fuisset , coactùm etiam fuisse ex vrbe discedere , & regnum filio renunciare . quod non sponte sua , sed ex sententia sacerdotis , vrbe , & regni administratione priuatus fuerit , patet . nā legimus leuit. 13. quicunque , inquit lex , maculatus fuerit lepra , & seperatus est ad arbitrium sacerdotis , solus habitabit extra castra . cum ergo , haec fuerit lex in israel , & simul legimus 2. paralip . 26. regem habitasse extra vrbem in domo solitaria ; & filium eius in vrbe iudicasse populum terrae , cogimur dicere , fuisse cū ad arbitrium sacerdotis separatum , & consequentèr regnandi authoritate priuatum . si ergo propter lepram corporalem poterat sacerdos olim regem iudicare , & regno priuare : quare id non potest modo propter lepram spiritualem , id est , propter haeresim , quae per lepram figurabatur ; vt august . decet in questionibus euangelicis lib. 2. quaest . 40. praesertim cum 1. cor. 10. paulus dicat : contigisse iudeis omnia in figuris . haec ille . that ozias the king , when he vsurped vpon the office of the priest-hood , was by the priest cast out of the temple . and when , for the same sinne he was strucken by god with leaprosie , he was constrained to depart out of the city , & to resigne the kingdom to his sonne . that not of his own accord , but by the sentence of the high priest , hee was banished the city , and depriued of the gouernment of the kingdome . it appeareth , leuit. 13. whosoeuer ( saith the law ) shall bee touched with the leaprosie , and is seperated by the iudgement of the priest , he shall dwell by himselfe without the tents . sithence then , this was the law in israel : as also that we read 2. paralip . 26. that the king dwelled without the city in a solitary mansion ; and that his sonne iudged the people of the land within the city : wee must of necessity confesse , that hee was sequestred by the iudgment of the priest , and consequently depriued of all authority of gouernment . if then , in respect of corporall leprosie , the priest of old might dispose of the king and dispossesse him of his kingdome . wherefore now may not the pope doe the like , in case of spirituall leprosie , viz. for heresie , figured by leprosie , as saith s. augustin , in his euangelicall questions lib. 2. quaest . 40. especially when in the first to the cor. ca. 10. paul saith : that all things were manifested vnto the iewes in figures . hitherto saunders . take him at his word , and heere were learning enough to deceiue millions of soules : but examine him by his owne authority , and you shall find him in a miserable taking , vnlesse god be mercifull . for to prooue it most false , that ozias was depriued of his regall authority by the sole iudgement of the high priest : nothing through the whole history of the kings is more liuely expressed , then that ozias from the sixteenth yeere of his age , when he began to raign , to the 60. yeere , wherein he died , was perpetuall king. neither was he at any time during his naturall life depriued of his kingdome . without question he dwelled in an house apart : and in that respect , for the nature of his disease , hee could not dispatch the office of a king , which is of fact . but that bereaued him not of the right of his kingdome , neither of his kingly capacity ; for so wee should deny , that children being crowned ( as in times past ioas and iosias were ) and men of full age ( if they had fallen into irrecouerable sicknesses , either of mind , or body ) to be kings ; sithence the one by nonage , the other by sicknesse are necessarilie sequestred from managing the state , which consisteth in action . 2. but ozias continued king as long as he liued . for the scripture saith : in the seuen and twentith yeere of ieroboam king of israel , raigned azarias ( called also ozias , and zacharias ) the sonne of amazias king of iuda . sixteen yeere old was he , when he began to raigne , and he raigned fifty two yeeres in ierusalem . behold our romanist here plainely detected of an vntrueth ( as i promised gone before ) and that by the truest testimony , that humane satisfaction can vnder the concaue of the heauens demand . but to bewray the true genius of impudency , i will yet go farther , to his and his partakers finall confusion . witnesse the 2. of kings . v. 27. in the two and fiftieth yeere of azarias king of iuda , pekan the sonne of romeliah raigned ouer israel in samaria . heere is plaine dealing , and matter vpon record . how shall we here beleeue this romanist , when the spirit of trueth and antiquity giueth vs assurance , that he continued king thirty six yeers after his coronation . to the further verifying wherof ( if it were possible ) iosephus recordeth in his 9. book of antiquities , cap. 11. that azarias ( or ozias ) dyed in the sixty eight yeere of his age , and in the two and fiftith yeere of his raigne : which being most true , that he began his raigne at sixteen yeeres , and dyed at sixty eight ; what testimony is obiected in the course of his life , whereby we may gather that he was either deposed or depriued from his legall inheritance ? that during the time of his visitation , his sonne was but his deputy , we will prooue anon directly , as it is accustomed to be done vnto them , who in like cases are not able to attend their affaires themselues . for no lesse doth the same text auerre : ioatham the kings sonne was ouer-seer of the kings pallace , and gouerned the kings house , and iudged the people of the land. here obserue , that ioatham is stiled but the kings sonne in the life time , and sicknesse of his father ; gouernour of the court , and as i may properly speake , lord steward of his fathers house . and why did hee sit in iudgement amongst the people ? because their complaints could not with conueniency be brought vnto the kings iudicature , by reason of his infirmity , and his separation thereupon by the prescript commaundement of gods law. leuit. 13. 3. for confirmation of which last point , heare what the text sayth : and ozias slept with his fathers , and they buried him in the field of the regall sepulchres , because he was a leaper . and ioatham his sonne raigned in his stead . here again obserue , how plainly the scripture leadeth vs in the way of truth : euen now , it termes ioatham the kings sonne , the kings steward , or seruant : but now , after the decease of his father ( and not before ) it saith : regnare caepit : he began to raigne . yet ozias was separated by the commaund of the high priest ? true : but that was also commanded by the liuely voice of the diuine law ▪ but that he was deposed or depriued from his legall inheritance , his kingly authority , or inforced to resigne his estate to his sonne before his death : no man will auouch it , vnlesse a bloody and passionate romanist . the simple know , that soueraignety and gouernement are of no lesse difference then proprietas and possession , or as i may speake , an estate determinable , and an estate in fee. soueraignety is alwaies incorporated vnto the person of the king , is as it were the soule of a kingdome , and inseparable from the right thereto : but gouernment , lieutenancy , or procuration may bee diuested vppon deputies . as in the nonage of kings ; or in times of daungerous sicknesses , those who are assigned to take care of the waighty affaires of the kingdome , are stiled deputies , protectors , tutors , lieutenants , viceroyes , or gouernors , neither propounding , dispatching , nor negotiating any publique businesse in their owne names , but vnder the stile and seale of the yong , or diseased soueraigne . his second authority is taken from the second of chronicles the 23. chapter , which because in truth it is but impertinent , though most maliciously framed ▪ i will recite in our vulgar tongue only . at what time athalia gouerned the kingdome by tyranny , and maintained the worship of baal , ioada the high priest called vnto him the centurions and souldiers , and commaunded them to slay athalia , and in her stead they crowned ioas king . that the priest perswaded not , but commanded , it is apparant by those words in the fourth of kings , and eleuenth chapter . and the men of warre did according vnto all that ioada the high priest commanded them . againe by those in the second of chronicles the three and twentith chapter . but ioada the high priest going out vnto the centurions & leaders of the army , said vnto them ; bring her forth ( athalia the queene ) from the precinct of the temple , and let her be slaine without by the sword . that the cause of the deposition and killing of athalia , was not onely her tyrannie , but also her maintenance of the worship of baal ; it is proued by the words immediatly placed after her slaughter . whereupon , saith the scripture , all the people entred into the house of baal , and destroyed it , and broke downe the altars and the images thereof . they also slew mathan the priest of baal before the altar . that this example of ioada and athalia , do nothing concerne the marke , whereat they so preposterously and maliciously leuel : or the moderne controuersie of papal intrusion ouer kings and princes , we wil resolue you forthwith . for the example of athalia , is of a party , who vsurped vpon a kingdome without any lawfull pretension , saue meere and barbarous tyrannie ; by force , by wickednesse , and the cruell murder of the royall progenie . in which case , the president was so abominable , that euen without the commandement of ioada , it might haue beene lawfull for euery priuate magistrate to haue iustified her death : but for that such a designment seemed dangerous and difficult to be executed vpon her , who was mother to the deceased king ahaziah ; therefore was it needfull to haue vsed the counsell and assistance of ioada the high priest . or at least , of some such eminent person , who for the honour of his place , or the reputation of vprightnesse , was of power to assemble and stirre vp the souldiers and people to so iustifiable an action . but that the act was executed as well by perswasion as commaund ; it appeareth by that which was spoken : ioada the high priest sent , and tooke the centurions and men of warre vnto him , and caused them to come into the temple ; pepigitque cum eis faedus : and he couenanted with them . now i hope that so absolute a commander , as our romanists will make this high priest to be , would haue scorned to haue capitulated , if hee could haue commanded . besides , the words , we will , or command , are accustomably vsed by those , who in faction , or in any other publique businesse obtaine the prime-place of imployment . what then may be found in this example to inforce ioadas , or the popes omnipotency , for innouation of states or kingdoms ? what is brought to proue so dangerous an assertion . this is a true president to be inforced against a tirannesse or an vsurper . but there is a great dissimilitude betweene legal lords , or true proprietaries , and theeues ; or the inuaders of another mans possession . if there were any cause besides tyrannie , materiall to depose , or sley athalia , what is that to vs. let it be inforced against people guilty of like offences , viz. those that worship , and defend the worship of baal , and the hoast of heauen . it is sufficient , that shee was a tyrannesse , and an iniurious vsurper vppon an other mans kingdome ; without that , that vpon her part there remained any obstacle , or impediment of lawe , but that shee might bee deposed from her throane , and slaine . the like whereof , i hope , no good christian will affirme concerning any lawfull king ; whose sacred person ( although blemished by many humane infirmities ) the right of inheritance , the maiestie of his place , and the capacity of his calling , ought alwaies , and that for conscience sake , to protect & defend from iniurie , infamie , and humane controlement . to which , let all true christians say , amen . now to their practique . now that i haue epitomized vnto your considerations the theorems , rules , and policies of this inforced vsurpation : i will also make manifest vnto you by true booke cases , how they haue practised vpon these theorems , throughout all the kingdoms of christendome . in spaine , vpon suspition of heresie , they so ouer-awed the conscience of philip the second , that they caused the vncompassionate father , in a bath to open the veines of charles his eldest sonne , a prince of admirable expectation ; there to bleede out his deerest life . now to explane vnto you , what heresie this noble yong prince had committed , let me report vnto you ( if fame say truth ) that it arose forsooth vpon his hard vsage towards the clergie ; in dismounting them riding vpon their pleasures , from their excellent ienets and stately mules ; and sending them home to their studies ; bestowing these beasts vpon some of his more worthy followers . or peraduenture vpon iealousie , that manifesting too much of the grandfathers spirit , in future times , he might call them to account , as did charles the fifth . herman once archbishop of colein , to say for himselfe what he could , against the accusations libelled against him , by his clergie , and the vniuersitie . i assure you , farre lesse sinnes , then these , are able to cast the best man liuing into the bottomlesse pit of their fierie inquisition , vnde nulla redemptio . who were of councell vnto sebastian , the last of house of portugal , to vndertake that wofull , but as they termed it , that most meritorious iourney into africa ? to vnderstand the true motiues whereof , i will say no more , but referre you ouer to the iesuits cata. fo . 709. who but the same brood of iesuits made away iohn of albret , queene dowager of nauarre , the very eye of the french protestants , by impoisoned pills ; which an italian , the kings apothecary at paris , prepared for her ? who but the brochets of such impieties , were the instruments of that most infernall resolution ; vnder the colour of so solemne and prince-like a marriage , to contriue the death of the nauarrois , and the massacre of so many braue princes and gentlemen , of the religion through the whole territories of fraunce ; and that without any regard or touch of conscience , in abusing and violating the oath of safe conduct , religiously swore vnto , by the king himselfe . by what sort of men , i pray you , was peter barr. suborned , and obliged by sacrament , trayterously to haue murdered henry the fourth ? and by whom , let me aske you , is the auditory at this day admonished , but to make vse of some small patience , for within few dayes , god himselfe is to make his personall appearance amongst vs , to worke i know not what , miracles , to the confusion of heretiques . was not iohn chastelius , a yong man of nineteene yeers of age , and a nouice in claremount colledge , fully satisfied , thinke you , by the resolutions and incouragements of these persons , and vpon the foresaid positions ; before he would hazard his portion in heauen , to vndertake the slaughter of the said king of france & nauar ? but as god would , he missed his throat , & by the wauering of his hand , strooke out but one of his teeth : affirming that he was but as another ehud , apointed to murder eglon the wicked king of the moabites . by whome were so many and so often treacheries plotted not only to haue beene executed by strangers against queene elizabeth , but also by her owne seruants , namely parry , squier , lopez , yorke , williams , and patrike cullen : by whome was her sacred maiesty excommunicated , her peace disturbed , her subiects assayled , her realme betrayed , and her life set at sale to bee taken away by any meanes ; by poyson , by massiue rewards , or any other kind of violence what euer ? i will not stand to dilate hereupon . the world i hope is againe and againe satisfied with the proofe hereof . it yet freshly remembreth , what ouertures were made , euen but yesterday , and by whome , vnto the spanish king for a second inuasion . and as yet , caelum , non animum mutant , qui trans mare currunt . for , it is as cleere as day , that none but men moulded and sold ouer to the worst of wickednesse , would euer haue imagined or consented to haue blowen vp a state-house ; and that vpon the first day , and first sitting , when in certainty they knew , that of necessity the king and prince would be present , the assembly fullest , and the massacre bloodiest . who were the instruments , that sigismund k. of polonia and sweland after the death of his father returned into sweland , there against the tenor of his oath , to root out the lutheran religion as they terme it ? who were the authors of the vnseasonable commotions in liuonia ? who accouncelled him by surprise to inuade the kingdome , and almost to haue lost his life , as he hath now at last the kingdome ? and by whose seducements hath hee attempted so many innouations in polonia ? to what shall we attribute , but to their daungerous instigations , that demetrius beeing returned out of poland into moscouie , in attempting to alter the receiued religion of the moscouits , was himself in one day depriued of life and empire , with an infinit number of his nobles and followers ? whom should we accuse , but these furies , for the murder of the worthy prince of orange , shot to death by balthasar gonhard , before prepared for blood by the assurance of these cunning garnets ? what should i dull your eares with these vnpleasant discourses ? if you list , your selues may reade at leysure the examinations of peter de pennes , michael renicher , and peter de four , against the life of graue maurice , the aforesaid prince his son , for maintaining the cause of religion ? i could also , bring you presidents from transiluania 1607. from bohemia , 1608. from austria 1609. bauaria , 1592. argentina 1698. aquisgran , 1607 donauerd and venice 1606. but that i am very vnwilling to tire your patience with the desperate resolutions of these irregular and faithlesse men . faithlesse to god : for they vow religion and humility , but worke treachery and affect superiority . and irregular amongst men , for they preach faith , and administer oathes ; and yet if any thing displease them , they send soules to desperation , and make port-sale of periury . and therefore to conclude , i will for your perpetuall remembrance , in the person of one , describe the very genius of the whole fraternity in these short remembrances following . seductor sweco : gallo sicarius : anglo proditor : imperio explorator : dauus ibero : italo adulator : dixi teres ore suitam . he that hath oft the sweth-land-pole seduced : murdred the french : and englands-king abused : a spie for austria : a cunning knaue for spaine , and sooths th' italian states to popish gaine ; is all one man , and iesuit is his name . and what yee read of henry , frederick , of otho great : and their succession . gainst a philip faire , and the b twelfe lodowic , french kings : gainst c henry th' eight of albion , and his diuinest child d eliza queene : with many more of nations far and wide , be bold to say : like measure to haue beene in high proportion meated from that side . the tables to this booke : the first declaring how many emperors haue beene either excommunicated , or constrained to kisse his holinesse feete . emperrours excommunicated by otho the fourth . innocent the third . henry the fourth . gregorie the 7. henry the fift . paschal the second . frederick the first adrian the fift . philip the sonne of frederick . alexander the 3. frederick the secōd . innocent the third thrice by gre. the 9. conradus the fourth innocent the fourth lodowick the bauarian . iohn the 22. benedict the 12. and clement the vi. emperours constrained to kisse the feet of charles the great . iustian emperor of constantinople . luit prandus king of lomb. crescentius consul . &c. otho the first . frederick the first . henry the fift . sigismund . charles the fift . adrian the pope . stephen the second . iohn the xvij . iohn the xvij . alexander the third agroofe , &c. paschal the second . of martin the fift , and eugenius the fourth . of clement the seuenth . the second , deuided into sections ; seuerally epitomizing the liues of the popes , with the vices whereunto euery one hath in particular beene addicted , viz. who haue beene , 1 atheists . 2 arrians . 3 magitians or coniurers . 4 blasphemers . 5 forswearers and equiuocators . 6 turkish pentioners . 7 mad-men and tyrants . 8 warriours and bloud-succours . 9 traytours and mouers of seditions . 10 parricids and impoysoners . 11 whoremasters . 12 adulterers . 13 incestuous persons . 14 sodomites . 15 pandars . 16 bawdes . 17 bastards . 18 drunkards . 19 couetous persons . 20 church-robbers . 21 simonianists . 22 ambitious persons . 23 monsters . 24 vnlearned persons . ❧ liues of the popes . 1. atheists . leo the tenth : who hearing cardinall bembo speaking to a point concerning , the ioyfull message of our lord , answered most dissolutely ; it is well knowen to the world through all ages , in how great stead that fable of christ hath profited vs and our associates . this man neither beleeued heauen , nor hell , after our departure out of this life . and such were alexander the tenth , siluester the second , paul the third , benedict the nineteenth , iohn the thirteenth , clement the seuenth , & gregory the seuenth . 2. arrians . anastasius , the eleuenth : liberius and felix . 3. magitians and coniurers . alexander the sixth : this man made a league with the diuell , vpon promise to procure him the papacie . paul the 3. obtained the garland in astrology , and in that kind of speculatiō , which is assisted by the ministery of diuels . he altogether kept familiar acquaintance with negromancers , & such like notable impostures , and starre-gazers , to learne the faults of himselfe and his children . siluester the second , as well seene in these diabolical arts , as his predecessors , gaue himselfe wholly to the diuell , vpon condition to aduance him to the papacie . benedict the ninth , obtained the same sea by charms , spels & inchantments . before his instalment , in company of his associates , in woods and remote places he was accustomed to inuoke euill spirits , and by negromantike toyes to worke women to his filthy lust . iohn the thirteenth , at dice would call vpon the diuell , and in merriment carouse a cup of wine to his diuelship . of clement the seuenth , we read that he was a geomantique and simonianist . gregory the seuenth , laboured the papacie by the same arts. he was the first that euer presumed to excommunicate an emperour . and that was henry the fourth , vnto the end of whose legend , if you please , you may with pleasure and to good purpose add these true and vncontrolable records . with the forme of his outlary vpon earth , we will not trouble you ; but with his impudent presumption in banishing his soule from heauen ( a place wherein i feare ) such persons haue smallest interest , ad perpetuam rei memoriam , i will not faile to informe you . then thus . agite igitur apostolorum sanctissimi principes , & quod dixi vestra authoritate interposita , confirmate , vt omnes nunc demū intelligāt , si potestis in caelo ligare & soluere , in terra quoque imperia regna , principatus , & quicquid habere mortales possunt , auferre & dare vos posse . ediscant nunc reges huius exemplo , & omnes seculi principes , quid in coelo possitis , quantique apud deum sitis , ac deinceps timeant sanctae ecclesiae mandata contemnere . hoc autem iudicium cito in henricum exercete , vt intelligant omnes , iniquitatis silium non fortuito , sed vestra opera è regno cadere . hoc tamen à vobis optauerim , vt paenitentia ductus , in die iudicij vestro rogatu , gratiam à domino consequatur . actum romae nonis martij ; indictione tertia . courage then ye most chosen princes of the apostles : and what i haue thundered by the deputation of your authorities , ratifie i beseech you ; that now at last all people may vnderstand , that as ye are of power in heauen to binde and to loose : so likewise that you are of no lesse potencie on earth , to giue and to take empires , kingdomes and honors , with whatsoeuer the inhabitants of this world may peculiarly challenge . by the example of this man let kings and princes of the earth now learn , what are your prerogatiues in heauen , & what your credits with god , that henceforth they may feare to contempe the awards of holy church . execute i beseech you , this sentence with speede vpon henry , that all the world may perceiue , that this sonne of iniquity was disinthronized by your operation , and not by destinie . yet thus much i request of your clemencies , that after repentance , in the day of iudgement , he may obtaine pardon of our lord at your intercession . giuen at rome the nones of march the third indiction . to the rarenesse and nouelty of which president , ( to auoid exception ) and to confound such quarrelsome spirits , let them heare , what the wisedome of that vpright bishop frisingensis , a man for discent , zeale and learning most eminent , reporteth : and the rather for that he was almost an eie-witnesse vnto those times . lego & relego ( saith he ) romanorum regum & imperatorum gesta , & nusquam inuenio quemquam eorum ante hunc a romano pontifice excommunicatum vel regno priuatum . i read and read againe the chronicles of the roman kings and emperors , and in no age can find that euer a romane bishop excommunicated or depriued any one of them from his kingdome before this man : meaning hildebrand . and again in his first book of the gests of frederick : gregorius septimus ( saith hee ) qui tunc vrbis romae pontificatum tenebat , eundem imperatorem tanquam a suis destitutum , anathematis gladio feriendum decernit . cuius rei nouitate eò vehementius indignatione motum suscepit imperium , quò nunquam ante haec tempora huiusmodi sententiam in principem romanorum promulgatam cognouerat . gregory the seauenth saith he , at that time pope of rome resolued to smite with the sword of excommunication the foresaid emperor as forsaken of his people . at the nouelty whereof the empire was so much the rather mooued with indignation , for that before those times , it neuer had known such a sentence to haue been pronounced against the prince of the romans . now with what sequell this hildebrand striued masteries to arrogate this temporal authority from henry the fourth . otto frisingensis also ( whom bellarmine , not vndeseruedly , for his parentage , his learning and integrity of life , tearmeth most noble ) doth relate vnto you . but what mischiefes , what warres , what hazarding of battailes followed hereupon ? how often was miserable rome besieged , taken , and sacked ? it greeueth mee to record how a pope was set vp against a pope , a king against a king. finally the turmoyle of this tempestuous season produced so many miseries , so many schismes , so many shipwracks of soules and bodies , that those times onely , what by the massacres of persecution , and what by the perpetuity of mischiefes , gaue sufficient arguments to approoue the infelicity of humane misery . so that , those daies were compared by a certaine ecclesiasticall writer to the palpable and darke mists of aegypt . for the foresaid bishop gregory was inforced from the regall city , and gibert of rauenna was thrust into his place . hereunto , saith one of the tender hearted romanists , that it mought be that gregory did this vpon a good intension of the heart , let god iudge ; but it can not be defended , that he did it iustly , discreetly , or by warrant of his calling ; but that he erred foully following the humours and counsels of men , in arrogating that vnto himselfe which was none of his due . where by the way our aduersaries may learne in auoiding of shedding of christian bloud , that notwithstanding all the pope could do by his excommunications , and curses , for fiue and twenty yeeres space , a great faction of the clergy and laytie sided with the emperour , so that gregories ouersight could be no small fault , in that he called not into his consideration ; that it was the office of so eminent a pastor to haue studied all the points of christianity , peace and humility , by suffering the faults of one man rather to escape vnpunished , then to haue ingaged the innocent and harmelesse people through his priuate desire of reuenge , in an ocean of misfortunes . for it is manifest that all which we go about in the feruour of zeale , and to good intents , is not alwayes done to good purpose . moses in zeale to his countryman slew the egyptian , yet he sinned . oza in zeale to vphold the arke of god touched it , and dyed . peter in zeale to our lord and his master stroke off malchas his eare , and yet he was blamed . an inconsiderate zeale doth oftentimes produce mischief and inconuenience . in regard whereof , he ought not to haue excommunicated the emperour , in participation of whose offence such multitudes of christian soules were interessed , that without apparant schisme , and disunion of vnity in the church and common weale , it could not be remedied . this is but the same councell which for many ages past , that great light of the church s. augustine did religiously and aduisedly admonish vs of , and prooued the warrant thereof out of the writings of s. paul. whose opinion the church from thencefoorth held so forceable , reasonable , and acceptable , that it vouchsafed to auouch it in warrant of their canons . for confirmation whereof let vs take notice how hildebrand behaued himselfe after the feeling-smart of these monstrous miseries , by his troubled conscience , and the testimony of antiquity , with reiection of bare assertions , and cauills of dubiae fidei . pope hildebrand ( saith our authour ) alias gregorie the seuenth , died in banishment at salerne . of this man i find it thus recorded . volumus vos scire , &c. we will that you who are to be carefull ouer the ecclesiasticall flocke , take notice , that our apostolicall lord hildebrand ( called also gregory ) now vpon the point of death , called vnto him one of the twelue cardinalls , whom hee best loued . and he confessed to god , to saint peter , and before the whole church , that he had greeuously sinned in his pastorall office , committed vnto his charge to gouerne ; and that by the perswasion of the diuell hee had raised greate wrath and hatred amongst the sonnes of men. then at last he sent his foresaide confessor vnto the emperor and the vniuersall church , that they would deigne to inuocate his pardon , for that he perceiued that his end drew nigh . and presentlie he put on the angelicall vestment , and released and reuersed vnto the emperour , and all christian people aliue and dead , clarkes and laie , the censures of all his curses . and commanded all his followers to depart from the house of deodoricus , and the emperors friends to aproach . such were iohn the nineteenth twentith , and one & twentith . sergius the fourth . benedict the eight . siluester the third . gregory the sixt . clement the second . damasus the second . leo the ninth . victor the second . stephanus the ninth . benedict the tenth . nicholas the second . alexander the second . for from siluester the second to the time of that most infamous impostor gregorie the seuenth . all the roman bishops applied those studies , and therein far excelled the aegiptian sorcerers . 4. blasphemers . leo the tenth of whom before . iulius the third . this man made it his common exercise to reason in contempt of the deity . was especially delighted in the flesh of pork and peacocks : but when the physitian admonished him to refraine from hogges-flesh , for that it was an enemie to the gowty disease , wherewith his holinesse was at that time afflicted , and neuerthelesse would not abstaine . his physitian , i say , forbad his steward to serue vp any more porke . which when his holinesse obserued , he demaunded for his dish . his steward made answere , that his physitian had forbad it . the bishop replied , al dispetto didio , bring me my pork . againe , when at dinner time , hee had espied a peacock , which was not toucht . keepe me ( quoth he ) this seruice colde for my supper , and let it be ready by an houre ; for i meane to inuite certaine guests . but at supper perceiuing many hote smoaking peacocks , but missing his colde one ; all pale with anger hee belched out most horrible blasphemy against the diuine maiesty . which when one of the guest-cardinals obserued ; let not your holinesse ( quoth he ) be so angry for so small a trifle . where to iulius replied : if god were so farre forth angry about an apple , that therefore he spared not to cast our first parents out of paradise , shall it not be lawfull for me ( his vicar ) to be offended for being cousoned of my peacock , sithence a peacock is of more worth then many apples . 5. for swearers and equiuocators . the papal canons doe teach , that the romane bishop , may absolue frō oaths , dispense with vowes , and release a periured person . whereupon , it is not to be wondred at , to finde so many periured and faithlesse papists , swarming in euery corner of the world . the councel of constance ouer-awed the emperor sigismond ( to the violation of his oath ) to deale with iohn hus , according to the fore-said canon , & by that law to burne him : vt supra . gregory the thirteenth , by the breue wrote vnto the papists of england , that rebus sic stantibus , they might yeeld their obedience to the queene . which intimateth nothing else ; but that for the present they may sweare , and vpon occasion dally with their oathes as them best seemeth . iulius the second , according to the testimony of guicciardine in his eight book , maintained , that the romish bishop might violate his pleighted faith . and this maxime he taught as well by example , as manner of life . for he not onely by falsifying his faith , cousoned the cardinals of a huge masse of treasure , but also by the treachery and equiuocation , ingaged the french and venetians in manifold incumbrances . siluerius , against his oath of allegeance sworne vnto the emperour , did his best to betray the city to the gothes . gregory the second , hauing forgotten his oath giuen vnto the emperor , caused italy to reuolt , and confederated with his enemies . gregory the seuenth , in a moment forgot what hee had religiously promised and sworne to effect . pascal the second , after a peace sworn with the emperor in special & precise termes , as soone as his popeship had leuied his forces , he charged his maiestie . formosus , by breaking his oath , caused most cruell tragedies . alexander the sixth , for his false faith ( more infamous then punique ) was most renowmed . leo the the tenth , against his sworne promise , banished the house of ruver out of the dutchy of vrban . clement the seuenth , had small regard of his faith . paul the fourth , and pius the fifth , excommunicated the english , for not reuolting from their oathes of alegeance . gregory the fourteenth , threatens that he would doe the like against the subiects of france . remember the battell of varna . 6. turkish pensioners . clement the sixth , was euermore very carefull , to keepe the christian princes at iarres , so that they could neuer intend to prepare their mindes to thinke vpon the turk . alexander the sixth , being willing to make good his supremacy , called in the turk to assist him against the king of erance . alexander the third , betrayed frederick to the sultan . gregory the ninth , by his letters requested the soldan , not to make restitution of the holy land , but rather to slay the emperour , then warring in the easterne parts . 7. mad-men and tyrants . iohn the thirteenth , put out the eies of some of his cardinals ; some he depriued of their tongues ; some of their fingers , hands , noses and priuities . boniface the seuenth , by an ambush tooke iohn the fifteenth prisoner ; put out his eies ; committed him to prison , starued him , and so became master of the popedome . paschal the second , excommunicated henry the fourth , being a most religious prince : prouoked the sonne to rise in armes against the father . and to put no period to his hellish nature , so infinite was his rage towards the dead carcasse , that he commanded it to be digged vp , to be cast out of the church , and to want christian buriall by the terme of fiue yeares . histories record , that nicholas the third was priuy , nay , author of that sicilian massacre , from whence sprung the prouerb : vesperae siculae . iohn the fourteenth : this man deliuered vnto the hang-man , one peter the praefect of rome : who stripping him to the skinne , and shauing his beard , by his fatherhoods cōmandement , tied him vnto a gallowes for a whole dayes space by the haire of the head . then setting him on an asse , with his face reuersed , and his hands fastened vnto the beasts taile , hee commanded him so to be shewed in spectacle round about the citie ; to be scourged , and afterwards banished into germanie . gregory the ninth , his fury against the emperor was vnappeaseable , and would as farre as in him lay , haue vtterly confounded him . vrban the sixth , vpon a creation of nine new cardinals , cast seuen of the olde into prison ; sewed fiue in sacks , and cast them into the sea . boniface the eighth : such ( in partiality of his owne faction ) was the vnquenchable flame of his rancour towards the gibellins , that vpon report , how some of the side had seated themselues at genoa ; himselfe made hast to the place , finally to haue destroyed them , and rooted out their race from the memory of man. vpon ashwednesday being according vnto custome to minister ashes vnto the people , the bishop of the place ( whom he knew to be a gibelline ) approached him , & vpon his knees desired his benediction . vnto whom his holinesse ( notwithstanding the reuerence of the place , the frequency of the people , and his religious calling ) where he should haue sprinkled the ashes vpon his bald pate , he cast them wholly into his eies : saying : remember man that thou art a gibelline , and with the gibellines thou shalt be turned into ashes . innocent the 7. this man tooke such delight in gouerning his affaires with tumult and disorder , that when the romane citizens desired him to restore vnto them their auncient priuiledges ; to surrender the capitol ; to put an end to the schisme ; to finish the warres , and to bury all memory of seditions . hee in shew of friendship requested the petitioners to attend his resolue at his nephew lodowicks house ( as good had they beene to haue gone to the hang man ) then dwelling in the hospitall of s. eskerit . for foorthwith he murdred eleuen of them , and cast their dead bodies out at the windowes , saying : that by any other counsell it was not possible to finish the warre and the schisme . innocent the fourth . as full of fanaticall frensie , accursed fredericke ; depriued him of all imperiall dignity ; absolued his people from their oaths of obedience ; insinuated with them to choose another : and to further his vile purposes , deuised infinit scandals to worke the commons . clement the sixt that vnmanerly presbyter , rather then he would giue ouer his furious and selfe-wild intendments against the sacred maiesty of an annointed emperor , fastned his libells vpon euery church dore . protesting that vnlesse his maiesty would within three daies take order to satisfie his pleasure , he would impose vpon him his most grieuous censures . against what poore groome could he proceed more basely ? stephanus the sixt . such was his malice against the name of formosus , that presently he abrogated his decrees ; frustrated his acts , and continuated his rage so far forth against the dead bishop ; that calling a synod he caused the body to be digged vp , to be disrobed of all episcopall habit , and clothed in secular raiment , to be deliuered to lay buriall : from his right hand he cut off two of his fingers , and cast them into tiber. sergius the third . this man after eight yeeres rest , caused the body of the said formosus again to be digged vp : to be placed vpon a papall seig , & to be araigned & condemned to capitall punishment , as if he had beene liuing . from the foresaide hand he caused the other three fingers to be chopt off , and together with the remainder of his body to be throwne into the riuer , as vnworthy of common buriall . he condemned all his actions , so that they who by him had bin admitted vnto his holy orders , were again fain to be readmitted by his present popeship . 8. warriors and bloodsuckers . innocent the second after his installment , accounted it his holiest proiect to season his new and high calling with the destruction of roger duke of sicil. whereupon he flyeth to armes , marshalleth his forces , and speedily vanquisheth . but by the vnexpected comming in of roger his sonne , his popeship is taken , and his cardinals made prisoners . iulius the second , in seauen yeeres space was the cause of the slaughter of two hundred thousand christian soules . he limited a reward to any man that could kill a frenchman . marching out of the city accoutred with pauls sword , and other such holy furniture , to fight against the french and the confederate princes : he vnsheathed the blade , and cast the keyes into tiber saying : sithence peters keies can no longer stead vs , welcome the sword of good s. paul. gregory the ninth , receiuing newes of the recouery of ierusalem , caused the emperors embassadors to be murdred . clement the sixt to effectuate his proper deseignes , from time to time sowed occasions of warre & discord amongst the christian princes : and rather then to faile of his purposes , hee would not spare to set them on working by massiue promises , by entertainment , by trecheries and many cunning deuises . clement the fourth without either formall proceeding or obiection of reason , consented that the noble emperour conradus , the last of the house of sweuia , should be publiquely beheaded . sixtus the fourth managed many wars , and was the author of the pactian league , wherein iulian de medices and many other gentlemen miserably miscaried . innocent the third persecuted caesar philip. and is reported to haue boasted : that either the pope should take the diadem from philip , or philip the apostolike miter from innocent . paul the third was prepared for great innouations to be practised against the saints of god. for he raised the german warre . like vnto him was alexander the sixt , whome the papists affirme to bee most cruell . of whom they vulgarly repeated these verses . if after death borgia did spue vp blood , wonder t' is none : for his cold stomack could not well disgest so great an ingorg'd flood . onuphrius writeth , that euen a light word was with him a sufficient colour to put any man to death . vpon what termes the tumults of france were first raised , the league instituted , the massacre contriued , and the warres continued , the closets of pius the fift , and gregory the thirteenth , can best testifie . 9. traitors and mouers of seditions . alexander the third , manifestly ingaged himselfe in a plot of treason against fredericke . for proofe whereof , frederick summoned a dyet at norimberge , assembled the princes of the empire , and before them caused the popes traiterous letter , directed to the soldan , to be opened , with the meanes of his deliuery . gregory the second procured all spaine , aemylia , liguria , italy & other prouinces to reuolt from the empire : antichristian-like forbidding the people to pay those tributs , which christ himselfe had formerly commanded . sixtus the fourth by entertainement of murdring rascals hauing slaine iulius of medices , was the occasion of great tumults in florence . gregory the seuenth by plotting of infinit practises , studied to take away the life of henry the fourth , so far forth that hee would haue murdred him in s. maries church , being at his praiers . he soundly buffeted alexander the second emperour of the east , and barbarously slew cincius . against him ( saith bembo ) crieth the bloud of the church , poured out by his miserable trecheries . paschal the eleuent , spent the whole course of his life in warre and commotions . gregory the ninth , by his legats publiquely commanded the princes of germany to depose fredericke . guilty of the same treason were iulius the second . hadrian the fourth , and gregory the third . gregory the thirteenth , the successor of pius quintus in impiety and tyrannie was the author , approuer and commender of the parisien massacre : then the which the sunne neuer beheld a more satanical stratagem , whence rose the prouerb ; nuptiae gallicae . by the conniuance of sixtus the fifth , henry the third , was stabbed to death by a trayterous monke , and by him the said murder was exceeding well allowed . 10. parricids and impoysoners . paul the 3. impoysoned his mother and niece , that the whole inheritance of the farnesian family , might accrue vnto himselfe . his other sister also , whō he carnally knew , vpō fancying of others , he slew by poison . alexander the sixth , by poison made away gemen the brother and competitor of baiazet , for the hire of 200. thousand crownes . and by the like medicine he purged away the life of many senators & cardinals . but preparing the like sauce at a supper for some other , by mistaking of the bottle , himselfe drunk off the prepared cup , and died . innocent the fourth , being corrupted by rewards , offered a bole of the like liquor to the emperour conrade . this the said emperour verified by his publique letters . gregory the seuenth , by the ministerie of his companion brazatus , slew nicholas the eleuenth with poison . and againe , some authors affirme , that by the seruice of this wicked villaine , he impoisoned six or eight cardinals , obstacles in his preferment to the papacie . paul the third , did his best , not onely to raise the christian princes , against henry the eight king of england , but also plotted against him some practises of conspiracie . gregory the thirteenth , loaded with his indulgences , parry , and others , to haue laid violent hands vpon queene elizabeth . 11. whoremongers . iohn the eleuenth . this man , theodora ( with the more state and pomp to inioy her fractique pleasure ) made first bishop of bononia , secondly , archbishop of rauenna , and thirdly , pope of rome . christopher the first , who vpon the deposition of leo , had by the assistance of his female acquaintance , inuaded the papacie , was againe himselfe , by one sergius the amorite of a gallant whore , named marozia , deposed and shamefully disgraced . iohn the thirteenth , who liued player-like , not pope-like , was addicted to all kinde of voluptuous pleasure . gregory the seuenth , had secret commerce with the countesse matilda . clement the fifth , was a publique fornicator , and kept for his leman the countesse of perigord , a most beautifull lady , and the daughter of the earle of foix. 12. adulterers . sergius the third begat iohn the twelfth , vpon that most impudent whore marozia : and in his papacie committed infinite abominations amongst light women , as writeth luitprandus ticinensis in his third book and 12. chapter de imperatorum gestis . lando the first : this man in fashion of an annointed batchelor , according to the custome of those daies , consumed the greatest part of his life amongst women ; and was himselfe at last consumed , when he had reigned seuen moneths . iohn the eleuenth . theodora , a famous whore and lady of rome , was so vehemently in loue with this iohn ( the bastard of lando , at his comming to rome ) that shee not onely desired , but inforced him to keepe her company . and the freer to inioy his company , she caused him to translate the bishops sea from rome to rauenna , as writeth ticinensis in his second booke . cap. 13. iohn the twelfth , the bastard of that famous whore marozia , spent the time of his whole papacie , in most bestial sensuality , of him thus writeth theodorick niemensis . being mounted into the papacie , he was somtime present at the huntings of wilde beasts : the rest of his time hee spent wantonly and pleasantly , and kept company with suspitious women . iohn the thirteenth . none would serue his turne but virgins , & votaresses . the lateran pallace he made his stewes . he defiled stephana his fathers concubine , the widdow rayner ; another widdow hanna ; and his owne niece . alexander the sixth , was a most luxurious tyrant : no penne is able to register the rare , beastly and obscene qualities of this most impious knaue . and such were iohn the 14.15.21.24 . benedist the sixt and ninth . stephan the eighth . 13. incestuous persons . paul the third : he , to be made cardinal & bishop of ostia , gaue vnto alexander the sixth , his sister iulia farnese , to be deflowred . another of his sisters , whom hee kept for his owne store , for playing false with others , he poysoned . nicholas quercaeus taking him and his wife laura farnese ( though his niece ) together in company , gaue him such a stab with his dagger , that the scar remained with him to his dying day . another of his nieces ( a delicat wench , no lesse admired for her mayden-like modesty , then her choise beauty ) this goat-like olde knaue solicited to incest & vnnaturall whoredome . and to inioy his owne daughter constantia , with more liberty , whom he had often heretofore knowne , he impoysoned her husband bosius sfortia . alexander the sixth , was more familiar with his impudent daughter lucretia , then stoode with his honestie . iohn the thirteenth , often times defiled stephana his fathers concubine . such an other was benedict the 3. 14. sodomits . ivlivs the second . this man , as we read in a certaine commentary of the masters of paris , abused himselfe with two young gentlemen ( besides others ) whom anne queene of france had sent vnto robert cardinall of nantes , to be brought vp and instructed . iulius the third . being legat of bononia , he vsed one innocent , his ancient minion ouer familiarly . being bishop , against the mind of the colledge , he admitteth him his houshold seruant , and createth him one of the cardinals . the report went at rome , and dispersed by libells , that ioue kept ganimed , but an ill fauoured one . at what time his holinesse presented this his darling to the colledge , and euery man denied his consent : for that his presented had neither vertue nor good manners to aduance him : it is reported that he should say : what more saw you in me , i beseech you , when you preferred me to this papacie ? wherefore sithence we are all but fortunes tennis-balls , and by her good fauour you haue assisted me : so in like maner be you fauour able to this my boy , and i will create him a cardinall . but after that some writers had brandished this catife for his blasphemies and villanies , he procured a fellow as wicked as himselfe , viz. ierome mutius , to defend his actions , and thereto he put his approbation . virgerius writeth , that he abstained not from the cardinalls themselues . in the time of this incarnate diuill liued , and issued from his priuate closet , that apostaticall legat iohannes à casa , archbishop of beneuent , who in italian rithmes writ a poeme in commendation of the sinne of sodomy ; and intitled it , opus diuinum : affirming that he tooke great delight therein , and neuer knew any other venery . leo the tenth made alwaies very much of his carkasse , and gaue his mind to all variety of pleasure , but especially to the loue of boies . sixtus the fourth built a famous brothell house at rome , and dedicated it to both sexes . wessell of groning reporteth in his treatise of popish indulgences , that at the requestes of peter ruerius ( his fatherhoods catanut ) as also at the instance of s. sixtus cardinall and patriarch of constantinople , and ierome his brother ; his holinesse graunted his faculty to all the houshold seruants of the cardinall of s , luce , chiefe hunts-man vnto paul the eleuenth ( a fearefull thing to be spoken ) in the hot months of iune , iulie , and august , to vse the masculine sinne ; signing the bull with this clause : fiat quod petitur . petrus mendoza called cardinall valentinian , not contented with a troope of euill women , nor satisfied with the queene her selfe ; desired and oft obtained of alexander the sixt to vse in holy single-life , as his best beloued spouse , his bastard sonne the marquesse of zaneth . iohn the four and twentith was accused in the counsell of constance , to haue been a sodomit , an adulterer , and a whoremonger . clement the seuenth . of him it is recorded in a certaine commentary vppon the articles of the masters of paris , that hee was , a bastard , a poysoner , a man-slayer , a pandar , a symonianist , a sodomit , a periurer , a deflowrer , a rauisher , a geomancer , a church-robber , and a plotter of all villanies . such like were benedict the third , iohn the thirteenth , fourteenth and paul the third . hence complaineth luit prandus , that the lateran pallace became by time and sufferance to be a receptacle of vncleane persons . 15. the fauorites of whores . victor the third obtained the papacy , neither by the choice of the cardinals , nor by the suffrages of the people , but was thereunto hoysted by his mistrisse matilda with the assistance of the normans . vrban the second , and victor , by the same party and like meanes , obtained the like preferment . iohn the eleuenth , by the wealth of theodora an impudent gamester , ran the same fortune . paul the third had a roll of forty fiue thousand whores , of whom he exacted a monthly tribut . and no wonder , for if fame deceiue not , i haue heard it reported by men of good experience , that rome is a city consisting of about fiue thousand soules , whereof a third part were accounted to bee light weomen and church-men . sextus the fourth was very bountifull towards their maintenance , and had to spare for his friends and seruants . it should seeme hee augmented their numbers ; for their hyer prooued very aduantagious to his exchequer , euery whore being rated to pay weekly to his holinesse behoofe , a peece of their coine , termed a iulius . the yeerely entrado whereof many times amounteth to the yeerly value of foure hundred thousand dukats . and the officers of the church doe as duely make their accounts for this entrado , as for any other of the churches reuenues . lucius the third ratified the sacring of whooremongers . iohn the thirteenth being deposed for his enormious villanies , the weomen of his old acquaintance by promising the romane nobility their rewards out of the churches treasure , inuited them to armes , and wrought his restitution . iohn the eight . shee was at first called gilberta ; but counterfaiting the virill sex , and the habit of a young man , went first to athens with a monke her sweete heart . where after her great proficiency in the arts , and the death of her friend , shee returned alone to rome , but alwayes in her late disguise . where in all disputations , behauing her selfe for eloquence and readinesse of acute answers with admiration , shee so gayned the good esteemes of all her auditorie , that leo beeing dead , shee was chosen pope , and sate in peters chayre two yeeres and sixe moneths . during her popedome she was gotten with child by a familiar friend , her chapleine , and in a solemne procession , betweene the colosse and saint clements church shee fell in trauaile , and in the middest of the city , in the streetes , and before all the people , she brought foorth a sonne , and through paine died in the place . certainlie it can not bee doubted , but that god suffered this whore to bee pope , to represent in plaine termes that babylonian creature , spoken of in the 17. of the apocalips , to the end that of her selfe , and her inchantments , the elect might beware . 16. bawdes . paul the third , surrendred his sister iulia fernese vnto alexander the sixth , to be defloured . sixtus the fourth , by the testimony of agrippa , amongst the moderne pandors , was the most eminent ; as the man who excelled all other builders in the edifying of that most stately brothel-house , which he dedicated to both sexes . 17. bastards . martin the eleuenth , by a common woman , was the sonne of a negromantique priest . so was iohn the eleuenth , begotten by pope lando . item , iohn the twelfth , begotten by sergius the third vpon marozia . item , iohn the fourteenth , then sonne of iohn the twelfth . item , iohn the sixteenth , the sonne of leo a priest . item , benedict the eighth , the sonne of bishop gregorie . item , iohn the seuenteenth , another sonne of the same gregory . item , siluester the third , the sonne of the arch-priest lawrance . item , adrian the fourth , the sonne of monk robert. item , eugenius the fourth , the sonne of gregory the twelfth , pope . item , clement the seuenth , the son of leo the tenth . item , gregory the ninth , the sonne of innocent the third . item , adrian the fifth , the son of innocent the fourth . item , gregory the eleuenth , the sonne of clement the sixth . 18. drunkards . leo the tenth , and nicholas the fifth were famous for the loue of their liquor . 19. couetous persons . theodore of niem , did long agoe delineat the auarice of the romane bishops . for hee compared the popes exchequer to the ocean , whereunto all riuers paid tribute , and yet was it neuer satisfied . histories do affirme , that at one gleaning the popes had out of france ninety hundred thousand crownes . whereupon lewes the ninth complained , that his kingdome was miserably exhausted by these harpies . the wealthy kingdome of england to be miserably impouerished , partly by tithes , partly by procurations of the apostolique legats , partly by donatiues , and partly by the sale of benefices , mathew paris in his time did much complaine . in those daies , sayeth hee , pope gregory either so permitting or procuring ; the insatiable auarice of the romane clergy , grew to be so feruent , that without any sparke of modesty ( confounding all law and equity , as a common and brasen-faced-harlot ) set all to sale to all sorts of persons , and reputed vsury as a trifle , and simony as a matter of no inconuenience . germany was pillaged after the same fashion . by warre and cunning , the pope wrested from the emperour his lawfull patrimonies , some after some , throughout italy . by harlots they make also rich purchases ; they put out their mony to interest , and account no gaine , base or vnlawfull 20. church-robbers . boniface the seuenth , when he saw that it was no longer safe for him to reside at rome , priuily and feloniously he purloyned certaine rich tresurers out of the church of saint peter , and fled to constantinople . clement the seuenth , was accused for periurie , sacriledge , and impoysoning , &c. 21. simonianists . from gregory the ninth , caesar obtained his absolution for the price of one hundred thousand ounces of gold . benedict the ninth , being strucken with feare ; for one thousand and fiue hundred pounds , solde the papacie to his chapman iohn gratian , afterward called gregory the sixth . hereupon iohn the monk complained , that rome was founded by theeues , and so continued vntill this day , to liue by spoiles . and alan chartierius , saith , you haue made the diuine sanctuary a banke of exchange . alike in conscience were leo the tenth . innocent the eighth , siluester the third , gregory the sixth , gregorie the twelfth , iohn the eighteenth , &c. so that bernhard also complained , that the holy offices of the church were become meerely questuarie . 22. ambitious persons . iohn the foure and twentieth , by ambition onely affected the papacie . for by the testimony of stella , when he liued at bononia , he carried himselfe more like a lord then a legat ; he was gouernour of a great armie , and vnto him the fathers were glad to resort to elect a new pope ; he gaue out many vnder hand-threats , that vnlesse they would present one to the papacie , whō without exception , himselfe should very well like of , he should not preuaile . whereupon , many were nominated , of whom he meant neuer to approue one . whereupon , the fathers beseeched him to name the man whom he best fancied . then giue me peters cloake ( quoth he ) and i will bestow it on him that shall be pope . which being done , he cast the cloake vpon his owne shoulders , saying , behold your pope . which stratagem , though it displeased the fathers , yet they thought it fitter to be silent , then to aggrauate displeasure . iohn the three & twentith , was a man most ambitious , writing vnto the greekes , that hee onely was head of the church , and christ his vicar . vnto whom the grecians re-answered in as many words . we constantly acknowledge thy high authority ouer thy subiects : thy high pride we can not indure ; thy auarice wee are not able to satisfie . the diuell be with thee ; the lord is with vs. so iohn the two and twenteth , after a long vacation , being made cardinall by the councel of naples ; being intrusted with the election , elected himselfe : which by the canons he could not doe . so boniface the third that ambitious beast , in the midst of a tumultuous number , ( yet many gainesaying it ) was heaued into the papacy ; confirmed , worshipped , and saluted lord and prince of all bishops by that adulterous emperor , parricide and tyrant , phocas . afterward by ardent importunity , or rather by his immoderate bribery , he obtained , that rome should be called the head of all the christian churches , vppon these idle reasons forsooth : that the empire first took his origen from rome , and so peter gaue vnto his successors of rome the keies , &c. read the history of phocas and this boniface , to be further satisfied of their mutuall knaueries . let paschal the eleuenth ranke with these fellowes . for when william procurator and clarke to king henry , speaking in his masters right , amongst other reasons constantly affirmed : that the king had rather loose his kingdome , then the inuestiture of prelats : the pope made this proud reply . if as thou saiest , thy master will not suffer the ecclesiasticall presentations to bee alienated from him , for the losse of his kingdome ; then take thou notice precisely , i speake it before god , that neither i without the price of his head will suffer him to inioy them quietly . clement the sixt answered the embassadors of lewes the emperor as arrogantly : that he would neuer pardon his maiesty , before he had resigned his imperiall right , sequestred himselfe , his children , and all his goods into his custody , and promised neuer to retake them but by the bishops grace and good liking . so great was the spirit of boniface the eight , that almost he disdained all men . for such was his ambition , that he suborned certaine companions in lieu of angels with a soft voice by night , to sound in the chamber of pope celestine , that he should voluntarily resigne the popedome , if hee meant to saue his life . which the simple man performed accordingly . but boniface contrary to law and equitie , stepping into the popedome , layd violent hands vpon celestine trauelling out of rome , to lead his life in some solitary mansion , and cast him into perpetuall prison . the same boniface instituted the iubile , and celebrated it , in the yeere of our lord 1300. promising to all people that would visit rhe city , full remission of their sinnes . he reiected an embassie sent from the emperor albert. vpon the first day of the solemnity , he appeared in his pontificalibus , and bestowed his benedictions vpon the people . the next day he came foorth accoutred like an emperor , and commanded a naked sword to be borne before him , with this acclamation : behold here two swords . this is the right i haue to kingdomes and empire ; they are all in my disposition . the kings of the earth , vnlesse they will receiue their kingdome from this holy sea , are to be accursed and deposed ▪ finally hee gloried in his pride , that he was the porter of heauen , and ought to be adiudged by no man. adrian the fourth did grieuously chide fredericke the emperor for holding his left stirrope , as he came from horse . vt supra . fo . alexander the third in more base manner vsed an other emperor as before . fo . stephen the second deposed childerick , and preferred pipin to his place . he shaued childericks crowne , and thrust him into a monastery . pipin lay agroofe vpon the earth , kissed the popes toe , held his horse by the bridle , performed the office of a footman , and gaue him his oath of perpetuall fidelity . damasus the second . this man was chancellour to his predecessor ; but his ambition not able to stay the death of his master , it is reported , that he gaue him a dram to dispatch him . constantine the first . this man was the first that put his foot to be kissed by an emperor . benedict the third followed the president , and suffered himselfe to be worshipped as a most holy father , or rather like a terrene idoll . iohn the seuen and twentith did the like to crescentius the roman consul . martin the fift to sigismund caesar . leo the fourth gaue his foot to all commers , and against the canons of the aquisgran councel , first aduanced a papall crosse , and adorned it with pretious stones , commanding it to be caried before him . of the like stampe were boniface the first , symmachus , boniface the second , siluerius , martin the second , formosus the first , theodorus the second , benedict the fourth , sergius the third , iohn the tenth , gregory the sixt , &c. 23. monsters . benedict the ninth . historiographers doe write that this benedict was seene neere a certaine mill by an hermit in a most horrible shape . his body was like a beare , adioyned thereto the head and taile of an asse . and being asked by him , how he came to be thus metamorphosed : it is reported , that he answered : in this shape doe i wander , for that in my popedome i liued without reason , without god , and without limitation . nicholas the third begat a sonne on his concubin , who had hayre and clawes like vnto a beare . vide iohannem nouiomagum . 24. illiterate persons . benedict the eleuenth was a meere laique . and so were benedict the ninth , sergius the third , eugenius the fourth , iohn the ninth , iohn the one and twentith , &c. of the fall and death of certaine romane bishops . adrian the third flying from rome , came vnto venice in the habit of his cooke : where he lurked in a certaine monastery , and was made the gardiner of the garden thereof . iohn the fiue and twentith trauelling towards constance fell headlong from his litter : a presage of his future deposition . for many faults beeing obiected against him in the councell , he began to flie : but being taken and preuented ; he was cast into prison , and there remained for three yeeres . siluerius campanus was banished into pontus by theodora the wife of the emperor iustinian . the same theodora her selfe impleaded vigilius for not perfourming his word : arrested him to constantinople ; there contumeliously disgraced him , whipped him , cast an halter about his neck ; caused him to be haled through all the streets of the city , and finally banished him . constantinus the second , was eiected by a councel : and beeing depriued aswell of his eies as of his popedome , he was cast into a monastery , and after into a perpetuall prison . benedict the fift was depriued of his papall dignity , and sent into banishment . stephen the eight was so sorely wounded in a popular tumult , that for the deformity of his wound , hee was neuer after willing to shew himselfe in publique . innocent the fourth died miserably . robert of lincoln reproued his vile behauiour , his auarice , his pride , and his tyranny , and that as well by word of mouth , as by writing . for which the pope citeth him to rome , and iniuriously condemneth him . from him robert appealeth vnto christ as his iudge . vpon the death of lincolne ( as writeth cestriensis lib. 7. ) a voice is heard in the court of rome , crying ; miserable man , make ready to come to the tribunall of god. vpon the day following the pope is found dead in his bed , and vpon his body appeared a blewish blow , as if he had been strucken with a cudgell . siluester the second beeing at masse was attached with a suddain feuer ; and by the noise of spirits ( witnesse peter praemonstratensis ) he perceiued that his end drew nigh , to pay the diuell his due vpon composition . he confessed his errors , and ( as saith benno ) preuented a miserable and fearefull destruction . yet in the anguish of death , he desired that his hands , his tongue , and his priuities , wherewith euen in his single life , he had blasphemed god , by sacrificing to diuels , might be cut off . nicholas the third in midst of his greatest imaginations , was taken with an apoplexy , and without one word speaking breathed his last . paul the second hauing merrily supped , was also taken with the apoplexy , and departed , without sight of any man. paschal the second was taken by the emperour , and thrust into prison . gelasius the eleuenth . one cinthius a powerfull patrician of the city made an assault vpon him , tooke him by the throat , cast him to the earth , spurnd him with his feet , and cast him into prison . boniface the eight , grown desperate with the ouerwaight of fury , gaue vp his vnhappy ghost loden with an infinit heape of mischieuous actions . this is that pope , of whom it is recorded , that he entred as a wolfe , liued as a lyon , and dyed as a dog. gregory the sixt was taken prisoner , and sent into banishment . gregory the seuenth for his innumerable wickednesses was deposed by the emperor henry , and in banishment ended his daies . eugenius the fourth priuily flying in a monasticall coole , together with his friend arsenius , entred a fisher-boat . vpon report whereof , his enemies followed to seeke him with stones and shot . clement the seuenth , for his conspiring with the french king against the emperour , was made prisoner by charles his captaines , and wonderfully derided by the germane souldiers . iohn the eleuenth , was taken by the souldiers of guido , committed to prison , & stifled with a sirplice thrust into his mouth . boniface the eleuenth died suddenly . iohn the eighth , not that teeming woman , but a man , died together with his crescentius , hauing his eies first put out , and his whole body mangled . benedict the eleuenth , was poisoned at an abbesses banquet with a dish of figges . benedict the sixth , no doubt for such like malapert practises , as in these dayes popes play with mightie princes , was taken by one cinthius , a powerfull roman citizen , thrust into the mole of hadrian , now saint angelo , the prison of the basest offendours , and there miserably strangled . hadrian the fourth : into his mouth slew a flie , which could not be taken out , nor thrust downe , by any art of the physitian : so that it stopped his breath , and choked him . lucius the second , with an armed band , assaulted the citizens in the capitol , of purpose vtterly to destroy the whole senate . the newes runneth through the city : the people fly to armes : and a strong fight is managed . lucius ingaging himselfe in the hottest of his armed troupes , is so mauled with stones and shot , that a little while after he surrendred his life . iohn the two and twentith . at the instant wherein he promised vnto himselfe a long continuance of his life , was suddenly taken away , and was alone found buried amongst timber and rubbish , by the fall of a chamber . clement the sixt was suddenly taken with an apostume , and died . leo the tenth suddenly died with an astonishing disease . leo the third was so odious vnto the people , that in a certaine procession being cast from his horse ; they dispoyled him of his pontificall ornaments ; buffeted him well fauouredly , and committed him to prison . and as some report , they depriued him both of his eies and his tongue . christopher the first being deposed from the papacy , was constrained to lead a monasticall life . not long after he was taken from the said monastery by sergius his successor , and committed to a most seuere prison , and there ended his daies in great misery . ¶ these vnder written were poisoned . iohn the sixteenth , nineteenth , & twentith . clement the second . damasus the second . leo the ninth . victorinus the second . nicholas the second . alexander the second . victorinus the third . gregory the eight . celestine the fourth . vrban the sixt . alexander the fift . clement the seuenth . thus much for their manners : and now to stop the mouthes of those who cry out ; what is this to religion ? behold here for a conclusion , not the fruits , but the very points , some few for a taste of these their irreligious documents . blasphemies of the canonistes . the bishop of rome is god. dist. 96. ca. satis euidenter . 2. the pope is not man. lib. 1. sexti de electione . tit . 6. ca. fundamenta in glossatore . 3. the pope is neither god , nor man. in prologo clementinarum in glossatore . 4. it is lawfull for no man to imagine or practise to transgresse the precepts of the apostolicall sea. dist. 20. ca. nulli . item dist . 12. & 22. 5. an heretique is hee who is not obedient to the popes decrees . ibid. in gloss . 6. he is guilty of sacriledge , that belieth the pope : for he supplieth the place of the liuing god on earth . de paenit . dist . 1. ca. libenter ignosco . 7. the pope is the vniuersall bishop through al parts of the earth . lib. 5. sexti . ca. faelicis . in gloss . 8. the pope is lord of all principalities vpon earth . li. 3. sexti . tit . 16. cap. periculoso . 9. let no man dare to say vnto the pope , lord why dost thou doe thus , or thus ? in extrau . tom . 22. tit . 5. ca. ad apostolatus in gloss . 2. li. 1. decretal . tit . 7. ca. 5. vide gloss . 10. the pope by vertue of these words , thou art peter : or , feede my sheepe , obtaineth primacy . in praemio sexti in gloss . 11. no mortall man may sit in iudgement vpon the pope . caus . 9. quaest . 3. c. nemo . item aliorum . & dist . 40. ca. st papa . caus . 12. quaest . 2. ca. quisquis . in gl . dist . 40. ca. non nos . in gloss . 12. it is lawfull for no creature to call into question the iudgement of the apostolique sea , or to delay the sentence thereof . caus . 17. quaest . 4. c. nemini . 13. the pope may dispence against the apostles . dist . 34. collector in gloss . dist . 82. ca. presbiter . in gloss . caus . 15. quaest . 6. ca. authoritatem . in gloss . 14. the pope hath celestiall arbitrement . li. 1. decr . greg. tit . 1. ca. 5. 15. the pope may change the nature of things . ibid. 16. the pope of nothing can make something ibid. 17. the popes will is a law. ibid. 18. the pope may dispense aboue the law . ibid. 19. the pope may cause an vniust decree to be receiued for iust . ibid. 20. the pope hath fulnesse of power . ibid. 21. as is the difference betweene the sunne and the moone . such is the difference between the pope and a king. li. 1. decre . greg. tit . 33. solitae . 22. persons vniustlie condemned and oppressed ought to seeke redresse and amends from the church of rome . caus . 2. quaest . 6. c. ideo . last of all , by these mens liues , manners , and doctrine new , pen'd by the trauaile of my pen ; o you , who read the leazings of this false-mouth'd crue , learne these their liues , words , maners to eschue . contradictions more reasonable , then canonisticall . a learned and noble preacher ( if any such be amongst the iesuits ) being demaunded his iudgement concerning the opinion of bozius ( a more peremptory champian for the canonists then any of his fellowes ) eum vocabat papalem parasitum , viz. termed him a papall parasite . gaguin a learned and religious historiographer , in his time , thus taxeth this their irregular vsurpation : such is ( saith he ) at this day their haughtinesse and lordship , that hauing small respect vnto princes , they boast that all things are lawfull vnto themselues soly . neither in my age did any of them ascend the papacy , but forthwith hee enriched his nephewes with infinit wealth , and honours . s. bernard long before gaguin : doth not now ambition more then deuotion , possesse the apostolicall succession ? hereupon said platina : in this maner dyed that boniface , who studied more to terrifie , then to teache kings , princes , and nations . who for his pleasure made it a matter of pastime , to giue and retake kingdomes , to interdict nations , and absolue them afterwards . gaguin againe ; such was the end of boniface , the scorner of all men : who hauing no remembrance of his master christ , did his vtmost , according to his priuate fancy , to take and to giue kingdomes . when meane time , he was not ignorant , that he was his vicegerent vpon earth , whose kingdome was not of this world , nether compounded of earthly , but of heauenly perquisits , &c. pius the fift said vnto martin aspibeneta ; that the lawyers ( meaning the canonists ) accustomed to attribute plus satis potestatis , more then reasonable supereminency to the papacy . no wonder then , if i. gers . termed them pusillos , that is , weake and simple christians , who being deceiued ( his own words ) by vnlearned glossors , doe esteeme the pope onely to bee god , hauing all power in heauen and in earth . certainly , tales adulatores , such parasites haue corrupted the iudgement and dispositions of many popes . as concerning whome , iohan. de turre-cremata thus censureth . it is a wonder ( saith he ) that the popes doe treat so modestly of their patent of power , and yet certaine doctorculi , vpstart doctors without any true ground will , to flatter them , euen equalize them to god himselfe . in the same list doth cardinall cusanus ranke certaine other authors ; who ( saith he ) indeauouring more then befitteth , or beseemeth holy church , to make famous the roman sea ( in truth worthy all commendation ) spare not to ground themselues vpon apocriphall writings . verbum sapienti . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a14210-e840 john 18. matth. 20 john 6. luke 12. marke 12. matth. 17. sanguis martyrum semen ecclesiae . plati . in the life of iohn xiij . platina in the life of benedict the fif● . see also krantzius lib. 4. cap. 9. naucler . general 34. plat. in vita gregorij v. cuspinian & theod. de nyem in the life of otho the third . cardinal benn● of the l●fe and gests of hildebrand . benno . plati . in the life of siluester the third and gregorie the sixt . of this matilda , whence and what she was , see krantzius lib. 5. saxon. formula decreti extat . c. si quis deinceps . vide formulam abrogationis apud plat in . in vita gregorij . 7. be● no. benno . nauclerus generatione 36. vrspergensis . platina in loco ante citato . the pope will deale surely . the forme of the curse is extant in platina . vrsperg . fol. 238 doth witnesse this conference betweene the king and the bishops . see the iudgement of god. abbas vrsperg . ab. vrsperg . helmoldus in his 30. cap. of the hist . of s●lad krantz . and innumerable others . i hope the romanists of this age are not behind for shifts ▪ &c. benno . a● . vrsperg , aue i●inus . naucler . krantzius li. 5. c. 22. vrsperg . 362. helmold . in the annals of sclauony . li. 1. ca. 32. see more hereof d. barlo 240. at full . see krantz . lib. 5. vrsperg . fo . 264 h. mutius seuenteenth of his cronicles . c. adrian . c. in synodo 63. distinct . c inter vos . a pretext for periurie . otho frising . li. 7. ca. 17. nauclerus gen . 38. nauel . gen . praeallegata , saith that this was done at leyden , before his iourny into jtaly . otho frising . and naucler . in the fore alleged places . cusp . in the life of lotharius of saxonie . naucl. gen. 38. hominem fieri . cuspin . in the life of conrade . naucler out of antoninus and godfridus gen. 38. nauc . gen . 38. & 32. bartolus in a peculiar book of the guelphs and gihellines . panorm . in c. lucanis & pisanis de rest . spol . cuspin . in the life of fred. the second . plati . in the life of bonef . the eight . naucle . gen . 44. nauel , vbisupra . raaouicus li. 3. funcius li. 10. chro. barnus de vitis pontif. helmold . in the cro. of sclauony ca. 81. barnus in vita . hadriani , ex johan . de cremona . frising . li. 2. cap. 21. if the pope can not haue apulia presently , he must haue gold without excuse . cronicon hersaugiense in vita hartuigi abbatis . radenious li 3. num . 3. & 10. nauel . gen. 39. radeuicus li. 3. ca. 9.10 . radeuicus vbi supra . nauel fo . 761. gen. 39. nau. fo . 792. the epistle is to be seen in radeuicus li. 3. c. 15. notable policy cunning and hypocrisie . iacob . spigelius in annotat . ad ligurinum gunthori . li. 6. fol. 143. epist . extat li. 3. ca. 16. in radeuicus . auent . li. 6. annal . boior . so . 636. nau. gen. 39. auenti . loco prae allegato . rade . li. 3. cap. 17. nau. gen. 39. ex joh. cremonensi . radeuicus li. 4. ca. 40. & 4. guntherus in ligucinoli 9. circa finem . ab. vrsperg . plat. in vita alex. nauc . gen. 39. rad. li. 4. ca. 54. behold the emperiall iurisdiction solicited . radeu. li. 4. cap. 58. generall councels ominous to popes . c. patet . & canemo 9. q. 3. item 17. q. 4. ca. si quis suadente in extremo . item dist . 40. c. si papa . naucl. gen . 39. nauc . gen . 39. naucl. vbi supra . nauc . gen . 40. vrspergens . nau gen . 40. abbas vrspergensis . tritemius in cronico hiersaug . sub abbate volmaro . so . 175. nau. ge . 39. fol. 765. platin. in vitae alex. nau. gen . 41. blondus & alij . io. cremonensis . barnus author vitae frederici germanice scriptae . did not the bishops of england so by henrie the fift . haec subsequentia naucl. gen . 40. narrat . vt et alij pontisicij , praecedentibus tamen omissis . naucl. generat . allegata . platina in the life of celestin the third . bergomensis in supplemento & eum sequens nau. gen . 40. nauel . gen . 40. cuspinian in vita henrici & philippi . naucl. gen . 41. vrsperg . fo . 323. see guicciardine . naucl. gen . 41. vrsperg . in the life of otho the 4. naucl. gen . cuspinian in vita frederici . pandulphus collomitius . pandulfus in vita frederici . vrsperg . & alij . o rome . cuspinian in the life of fredericke . cuspinian . platina in the life of gregory . naucl. gen . 41. platina citans . collomitius , quem prae caeteris , vide . platina in vita gregorij noni . petrus de vineis li. 1. ep . 33. collenutius & cuspinian in vita frederici . hieron . martius . cusp . in vita frederici . nauc . gen . 42. epi. extat in epistolis petri de vineis . epist . 32. de hac coniuratione vide ep . 10. & 52. li. 2. rursus epi. 19. & 62. li. 3. see d. b. 290. so did it in the powder treason . platina in vita clementis quarti . nauel . gen . 43. so alwaies pap. cauill . herein let all christians note the beginning , progresse and sequell of all popish practises . mutius . li. 21. naucl. gen . 44. naucl. vbi supra . paralip . vrsp . cuspi . in vitae . alberti . paralip . v●sperg . naucl. gen . 44. doct. b. fo . 68. s. e. h. fo . 48. mutius lib. 23. cuspinian . vide c. pastoralis , desententia & re iudicat . in clement . rhithmi de morte henrici impressi hunc proditorem veneficum paulinum vocant . cuspin . in vita ludouici pulchri . naucl. gen . 46. naucl. gen . 45. plati . in vita benedict . 12. cusp . in vita ludouici . apud . na decretum hoc extat gen . 45. naucl. gen . 45. naucl. vbi supra . cuspin . marius . cuspin . & paralip . vrsperg . paralip . v●sp . parap . vrsp . naucl. gen . 45. cuspin . in vitae guntheri . idem in vitae caroli . auont . li. 7. theodor. de nyem . zeigl . de viris illustribus germaniae . ca. 91. krant . li. 1. c. 3. tritemius in cron. hirsang . aeneas siluius ca. 3. hist . bohemic . de his & alijs quam plurimis prolixè vide theod. de nyem in nemore suo iam edito . c. 71. zeigl . de viris illustribus ger. ca. 83. naucl. gen . 47. theod. de nyem . li. 2. ca. 14. theod. de nyem . li. 3. ca. 53. naucl. gen . 48. parap . vrsp . cuspinian . platinan vita martini quinti , praeter alios . plat. in vita eugenij . 4. vuimphelinagus in epit. rerum germani carum . naucl. gen . 49. epist . extat . infine clemangis in fasciculo rerum repetundarum ante aliquot annos coloniae impressa . vvork layd out on another frontier by the court of rome , when reformation is spoken of . vide paralip . vrsp . munster . in cosmog . naucl. in vlt. gen . note . note againe . hubertus golt . & hutenus . naucl. gen . 49. mutius li. 29. cuspinian in vita maximil . & zelemi othomanni . mut. li. 3. hubertus goltz . paral. vrsp . hubert . goltz . mutius lib. 3. paralip . vrsp . arnoldus feronius in vita francisci valesij . catal. testium veritatis . jouius li. 4. de vita leonis decimi . the pope is now french. a truer prophesie , then the pope was aware of . appendix ad plati . sleid. vbi supra . now imperial . resp . caesaris ad breue apostolicum . againe french. and lastly imperiall . gerardus moringus in vita hadriani vi . iouius in vita eiusdem . feronius in vita regis francisci . resp . caesaris ad breue apostolicum . feronius . as leo : so iulius . as leo and iulius , so the residue : viz. wethercocks , for aduantage . sleyd . li. 4. feronius in vita francisci . iouius li. 7. in vita f. daui . sleyd . li. 6. feronius vbi supra . like for like , by caesar to the pope . if such the men continually , thē what their religion ? haec omnia exposita exstant apud sleyd . li. 17. vsque ad lib. 23. to winne time . mamb . roseus li. 4. appendicis ad historiam neapolita . pādulphi collenutij haec latè explicat . sleid. li. 21. l. 26. m. roseus li. 4. append . ad hist . neopolit . hiero. rosellus de bello romano . guil. zenocarus de vita caroli . 5. at saint quintins . no true popish motion : but in these dayes the turk is growen too neere a neighbour . mustipha ac famagusta . tunc tua res agitur , &c. read the turkish historie for the bottome of their inforced lenities . vide de hoc constit . lodouici 4. apud alberic . de rosate l. benè a zenone c. de quadrien . praescript . lib. de concord . cathol . cap. 4. strange conclusions in poperie . note the euasion . inseruiendum est tempori . vvitnesse france , belgia , and hungarie . onely because it reformed popery . for the more credit , you shall haue his owne words . lib. 5. cap. 11. see the text . as lewes the eleuenth in france . 2. king. 15. 2. paral. 26. saunders . 2. kings 4. spaine . 1568. chro. belg. portugal . 1578. chro. bel. france . 1572. hist . gal. anno. 1572. hist . g●● anno. 1589. chro. bel. anno. 1594. cat. ies . 482. chro. belg. eug. 1588.1594.1597 . cat ies . 436. & 448. anno. 1607. sweueland . 1593. or pol. b. 4. praef. cat . ies . polon . moscouia . netherland . a by boniface the eight . b by iulius the second . c by clement the seuenth and paul the third . d by pius the fist . notes for div a14210-e36990 lib. 3. cap. 2. cont . ep . parmeniani . can. non potest . 23. q. 4. in cronograph . anno. 1085. sig. in cronograph . anno. 1085. one of the popes best benefactors . a good pope , that would not in those daies touch an emperor before he had become a priuate person . a popish miracle . note what persons the pope bindeth to his seruice . note . notes for div a14210-e45730 if it were a true confession , no doubt . notes for div a14210-e47760 b. de potest . pa pae . so . 6. li. 10. hist . fr. in vita caroli vij . lib. 3. de consid . ad eug. in vita bonisacij . li. 7. hist . in vita philippi pulchri . nauar. in com. can. non liceat papae . 12. q. 2. in cano. coniunctio . 35. q. 2. an answer to mr. dodwell and dr. sherlocke, confuting an universal humane church-supremacy aristocratical and monarchical, as church-tyranny and popery : and defending dr. isaac barrow's treatise against it by richard baxter ; preparatory to a fuller treatise against such an universal soveraignty as contrary to reason, christianity, the protestant profession, and the church of england, though the corrupters usurp that title. baxter, richard, 1615-1691. 1682 approx. 401 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 88 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26860 wing b1184 estc r16768 11733763 ocm 11733763 48440 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26860) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48440) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 11:8) an answer to mr. dodwell and dr. sherlocke, confuting an universal humane church-supremacy aristocratical and monarchical, as church-tyranny and popery : and defending dr. isaac barrow's treatise against it by richard baxter ; preparatory to a fuller treatise against such an universal soveraignty as contrary to reason, christianity, the protestant profession, and the church of england, though the corrupters usurp that title. baxter, richard, 1615-1691. [24], 151 p. printed for thomas parkhurst ..., london : 1682. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng barrow, isaac, 1630-1677. -treatise of the pope's supremacy. catholic church -controversial literature. papacy. 2004-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-05 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-05 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an answer to mr. dodwell and dr. sherlocke ; confuting an universal humane church-supremacy , aristocratical and monarchical ; as church-tyranny and popery : and defending dr. isaac barrow's treatise against it . by richard baxter . preparatory to a fuller treatise against such an universal soveraignty , as contrary to reason , christianity , the protestant profession , and the church of england ; though the corrupters usurp that title . london : printed for thomas parkhurst , at the bible and three crowns , at the lower end of cheapside , near mercers chappel , 1682. reader , though the difference between mr. dodwell ( and mr. thorndike , and such others ) , and those condemned by them , be very great , i would not have it seem greater than it is . the sum of it is as followeth : 1. mr. dodwell thinketh that there is no true ministry , church-sacraments , nor covenant-right to pardon and salvation , but where there is a ministry delivering the sacraments , who were ordained by bishops ( in his sense of bishops ) , who had their ordination from other bishops , and they from others , by an uninterrupted chain of succession from the apostles . we know , that by this doctrine he condemneth , or unchurcheth , not only the reformed churches , the greeks and other easterns , but the church of rome it self , and leaveth no certainty of the very being of any one church on earth . and we maintain , that the sacred scripture is the universal law of christ , in which he hath described and instituted the office and work of the sacred ministry , and appointed the way of their continuance in the world , by necessary qualification , election , consent , and ordinarily regular ordination . that as presbyters now lay on hands with the bishop , so senior pastors are the ordainers , as the colledg of physicians license physicians , and the convocation of doctors make doctors ( and man generateth man ) . but to avoid contention and division , the churches have used to make one of these presbyters or pastors a president , and partly a ruler in each colledg and church , and given him a negative voice in ordinations ; against which we strive not , but maintain , 1. that his consent is not so necessary , as that no one can be a true presbyter that hath it not . as the clergy at rome in cyprian's days long governed when they had no bishop ; so if the bishop be dead , or refuse to ordain , or would ordain none but here●icks , or uncapable men , or would tyrannize and impose men not consented to , the ordination is valid that is made without him . and 2. that the true chief pastor of every particular formed church , is a true bishop , though diocesans should deny it . 3. and that even ordination it self is necessary but for order where it may be had , and not to the being of the ministry where it cannot be had on lawful terms , no more than coronation to the king , or publick solemnization to marriage . 4. and we are assured , that if regular ordination were interrupted by death , heresie , refusal , neglect , e. g. at antioch , alexandria , constantinople , jerusalem , &c. christs charter , or scripture-law would presently restore it to persons duly qualified , chosen and ordained by the fittest there that can be had . 5. if this were not so ( as multitudes of schismatical and unlawful popes ordinations at rome would be invalid , e. g. john 13. and 21. and 23. and eugenius 4th deposed as a heretick by a general council , &c. ) so every usurping bishop that pretendeth falsly , that he was himself lawfully ordained , would nullifie churches , ministry and sacraments of all ordained by him . and many have falsly pretended to orders . 6. and that if men must refuse the government and sacraments of all bishops and presbyters that do not prove to them a regular ordination uninterrupted for 1600. years , all the ministry on earth may be refused : and none for so doing should be called schismaticks . i never yet heard or saw a bishop prove such a succession , nor ever knew one that would take his oath on it , that he was a true bishop on such terms . ii. mr. dodwell thinks that the presbyters , yea and bishops , were not given by god. pag. 60. saith he , but where do they find , that god ever gave bishops , presbyters and deacons ? where note , that it is of the office in specie that we speake . but we think that god hath made or instituted the office and its work . and if he did not , 1. who did ? if men , was it clerg-ymen or lay-men ? if lay-men , was it christians or infidels ? and by what authority ? do the children beget the fathers , and yet may not presbyters propagate their species ? if clergy-men , who were they ? if not apostles , or prophets , or evangelists , they were none . if these , then it seems the apostles did it not as bishops ; for it is the making of the first bishops that we question . and what the apostles did ( not as bishops , but ) as commissioned apostles , christ did by his spirit . and they that will do the like , must have the like office , authority and spirit . if god gave not bishops , because the apostles made them , then god gave us not the scripture , because the apostles and evangelists wrote it . and is not this the same or worse doctrine than that which the italian iesuits would have had pass at trent , against gods making bishops or their office ? and if god gave not bishops or presbyters , they that reject them , reject no gift or institution of god. and if men made them , how come they to be essential to the church ? did not christ and his spirit in the apostles , institute so much as the church-essentials ? and if men made bishops and presbyters in specie , may not man unmake them ? iii. mr. dodwell maintaineth , that the power of presbyters is to be measured by the intention of the ordainers who give it them , and not by any scripture-institution , charter or description . we maintain the contrary , that god having instituted and described the office of bishops , pastors , presbyters , gods law in scripture is the rule by which the office-power , and obligation , and work in the essentials , must be known . otherwise , 1. it would be supposed , that god made not the office of bishops or presbyters ; which is false . 2. that ordainers may make new churches , bishops or presbyters in specie ; yea , as many species of them as they shall intend . 3. that they may abrogate or change the ancient species . they may make one office only for preaching , another only for praying , another only for baptism , another only for the lords supper , and others for new work of their own . the papists themselves abhor this doctrine . 4. then no man can know the measure of his authority , not knowing the intentions of the ordainers . perhaps three or ten ordainihg bishops may have three or ten several intents . 5. then the bishop may put down gods worship or sacraments , by limiting the priests power . 6. it 's contrary to all ministerial investitures . the investing minister is not the owner or the donor , but delivereth possession of what the owner and donor contracted for , or gave . if the archbishop , crowning the king , would infringe his prerogative , it 's a nullity , because he is not the giver of it ; nor is his intention , but the kingdoms constitution , the measure of it . if the priest would make the man whom he marrieth to a woman , no governour of her , it 's a nullity : for it is not his intent that makes the power . 7. if this were otherwise , i call and call again ( but in vain ) to mr. dodwell , and all his party , to tell me , how the bishops and priests of the church of england in the days of henry the 8th , and edward the 6th , and queen elizabeth came to have power to put down the mass , to set up the liturgie , to take down images , and to reform as they did , when it was certainly contrary to the intention of their ordainers ? 8. and setting this point together with the other , ( that ordination of presbyters is null ) i ask them , ( and ask again , but all in vain ; ) 1. do not bishops generate their species , and make bishops their equals ? 2. who then can give his office to the archhishop , if he have no superior in england , unless his inferiors give it , or you fly to a forreign iurisdiction ? 3. whose intention is it that giveth power to the pope , if he be greatest ? or to the general council , if it be greatest ? if there be none above them , either god or inferiours give them their power ? 4. and what if these inferiours that make popes , primates , or councils , by intention would take down half their power ? is it then done ? what self-contradiction and confusion would some men rather run into , than grant christ to be christ ? that is , the only vniversal head and legislator to the church on earth . iv. accordingly mr. d. holdeth , that there is a supreme authority in man over the universal church , from whose intention and sense it is not lawful for us to appeal so much as to the sacred scripture , no nor to the day of iudgment , for any practice different from them . see his reply , p. 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 , 85. though we hold that no unjust appeal should suspend the authorised acts of a governour , this doctrine seems to me to be worse than antichristian , and to put down god. if god indeed be the vniversal soveraign lawgiver , and the final iudge ; if god be god , and man be man and not above him , to say that we must not obey him before man , and disobey man that commands what he forbids , or that we must not appeal from mans subordinate law to his supreme law , nor from mans judgment to his final judgment ; and to say , ( as he and thorndike do ) that to do so , and practise accordingly , is inconsistent with all government , are things that i had hoped my ears or eyes should never have seen or heard delivered by a sober christian. papists most commo●ly abhor it , save some few flatterers of the pope . if ●his be so , a man must not only worship images , swear to the pope , and do all that councils command ; but also curse christ if the turkish rulers bid him , blaspheme god if heathen rulers bid him , and condemn all the martyrs as rebels that did subvert all government , by practising contrary to it and appealing to god. and then man must be every where of the rulers religion , and do whatever wickedness he commandeth , dan. 1. and 3.6 . and the church for three hundred years and more tell us of other kind of examples . v. mr. d. holdeth this absolute destructive power to be essentially necessary to the vnity of the catholick church : which is the sum of thorndike's book . i would not go further from them or the french , in the point of vnity , than i needs must . i shall therefore tell you what is our judgment of it . 1. we grant them , that christ's church on earth is one , and its vnity is part of its very essence ( as the vnity of the parts of a house , ship , &c. ) 2. we hold that this essential vnity consisteth in the vnion of all christians with christ , the only unifying vniversal head ; and that the vnity described ephes. 4.4 , 5 , 6. sufficeth to it , viz. one body ( of christ ) one spirit , one hope ( of grace and glory ) one lord , one faith , one baptism , one god and father , &c. and that all this is prescribed in the gospel , and every true christian hath all this . 3. that all must endeavour to keep this vnity in the bond of peace , and to be in every lesser matter of one mind , as far as they can : and the pastors of the churches to beautifie and strengthen the church , by as much concord as they can well obtain . 4. but that perfect concord being the fruit of personal perfection , will never be had on earth : and the differences of the infirm that cannot be cured , must be tolerated in tender brotherly love. and to persecute or destroy christians , who unite in christ and the essentials of christianity , because they are not of one size of knowledg , and differ in lesser things , is the work of satan the enemy of love , and the great destroyer . 5. we believe that synods or councils are so far good and useful , as they are needful to the foresaid strength and concord of the churches : but that they are for agreement , and not for direct regiment , as archbishop usher was wont to say , councils are not for government of the several bishops by the majority , but for consultation and concord : and they that cannot in all things consent to them in accidentals , or lesser matters , are not therefore cut off from christ's vniversal church : but it is a fault peevishly and causelesly to dissent and be singular , a breach of christ's general law , of doing our work as much as we can in love and concord . plainly , reader , do you know the difference between the senate of rome or venice , and the assembly at nimmegen , ratisbone , or frankford ? the said senate is una persona politica , though plures naturales , and hath the supreme government by vote in legislation and iudgment ; and it is rebellion there to disown their power , and a crime not to obey it . at nimmegen , ratisbone , &c. many princes or their agents meet for peace and christian concord . it is a sin for any of them to be causelesly against any vote that is useful to those ends . but no one of them , nor the major vote , is governour of the rest ; nor is any one to be dispossest of his dominion , that seeth reason to dissent . this is plain truth ; though dr. sherlock find fault with the learned and iudicious dr. barrow , for asserting it in his treatise against the papacy . and it being not regiment but concord that is the end of synods ( as over bishops ) there is no more use than possibility of an vniversal council , or one vniversal colledge ; but the necessity and aptitude of councils for strengthning concord , must measure their extent . what mr. d's opinion is of the degree of corporal punishment , which he would have used to his ends , i know not : mr. thorndike is against death and banishment . for my part , the two greatest things that have alienated me from popery are ; 1. that it cherisheth ignorance , and i am sure that is the soil of all wickedness ; god , christ , the spirit and scripture , are light ; and satan is the prince of darkness . 2. that it liveth like the leech on blood , hating and destroying the most holy persons who differ from them : to these my soul is unreconcilable . i hate cruelty to papists or infidels , much more to godly faithful persons , that do hurt to none . and i think i have convinced mr. dodwell himself that i am not inclined for the avoiding of popery , to run into any contrary extreme ; nor to imitate them tha● ignorantly call truth , or harmless things , antichristian or popish . the name of popery doth not affright me from any truth of god : what i have written in many books , especially in the last part of my catholick theology , and what censures i have suffered for it , ( which never moved me to comply with the censurers ) i think prove it . i again and again profess , that if the papists , or such as i now deal with , would but prove , that god ever made or allowed such a church as they plead for in the world , that is an vniversal church , constituted or unified by any one head or supreme governing p●r● ( monarchical or aristocratical ) under christ , the dispute whether it be pope , or council , or cardinals , or colledge of bishops in all the world , shall not hinder me from a chearful and joyful declaring my self a papist without partiality , fear or shame , in the sense that the word papist hath still signified with such as i converse with . these things i have taken the boldness to ask some of the greatest , that on the fore mentioned terms appropriate the name of the church of england to their sect or party , and i could get no answer from them , viz. whether they took the councils of constance and basil for papists ? and whether they now take the bishops and church of france for papists ? and whether they took gerson , cusanus , cassander , erasmus , for papists , or not ? 2. if yea , what is the difference between the said papists church-form and government , and that which these call the church catholick , and dispute for ? 3. if not , then is not the controversie de nomine , whether the french bishops and church , and the said councils being of the same form and religion with the church of england , ( as called by these men ) ought to be called papists , or not ? and for that i shall strive with none : let every man call them as he seeth cause ; or if he will , as they will call themselves . let them be papists in france , and protestants in england ; i contend not for names . but i wonder not at these church-men , if they unchurch the french protestants , and condemn their ministry and sacraments as none ; how else could their persecution be justified ? and , o that they would tell us , what churches they be that they live in communion with ? whether the french , spanish , italian , greeks , nestorians , jacobites , copties , abassines , be in their communion , or not ? if yea , whether the reformed churches be not as worthy of their communion ? if not , whether the church of england be all the catholick church in their account ? o that we could long more for god's righteous final iudgment , ( to which we appeal , though mr. dodwell be against it ) and for the world of perfect light , and love , and union ! dated septemb. 2. 1681. ( appointed a publick fast for the burning of london . ) i have not time to gather the errata of the press ; i cast my eye on these , pag. 9. l. 19. for natures , r. names . p. 10. l. antep . dele and. p. 11. l. antep . r. is in . p. 17. l. 1. for or , r. over . p. 5. l. 29. after excommunicating , r. christ's servants for not forsaking their faithful pastors . p. 10. l. ult . for of , r. by . p. 16. l. 32. for our r. one . p. 90. l. 12 r. temerity . p. 139. l. 17. for by , r. to . pag. 151. l. 4. for by , r. my , &c. the contents . a late letter of mr. dodwell's , with the answer , written since the rest was printed . chap. 1. of mr. dodwell's displeasure against me , as if i accused him to be a papist , and wronged the councils of bishops . p. 1. chap. 2. his schismatical church-destroying scheme , the sum of his great schismatical book confuted . p. 7 chap. 3. the consequents of mr. dodwell's foresaid doctrine . p. 21 chap. 4. my words of gods collation of ministerial authority vindicated from the forgeries and fallacies of mr. dodwell . p. 27 what my assertion is of the cause of church power . p. 29. the contrary , p. 32. the truth proved , p 33 , &c. his objections answered , p. 36. &c. bishops are of god , p. 46. &c. his sad qualification of ministers , p. 48. preferring god is no wrong to government , p. 54. what succession we have , p. 54. of aidan and finans episcopacy , p. 57. his assertion of supreme church-power , from whom there is no appeal to scripture , to god , or the life to come , and whose intention is the measure of the power of all ordained by them , examined , p. 57 , &c. whether the church on earth be one visible society under one visible humane government , p. 59. whether divine authority may not be pretended for practising contrary to some superiors , p. 60 chap. 5. wherein mr dodwell's deceits , and their danger lie . p. 63. whether there be but one sense of all terms , which causes obliging men to mean , all that have skill in causes are to understand , p. 63. twelve great doctrinal articles in which we differ from mr. dodwell , p. 65. some questions put to him , p. 68 his second letter to me from ireland , p. 70. my answer to it , p. 75. proving the impossibtlity of just discipline in the diocesan way , which i dissent from . the short answer to mr. dodwell's long letter ( which dr ▪ sherlocke and mr. morrice extol ) , which is fully answered in my treatise of episcopacy , p. 90. a letter sent to mr. dodwell mar. 12 1681. a letter to mr. dodwell nov. 15. 1680. anoth●r to him of july 9. 1677. opening many of our chief differences . p. 100. another after a personal conference sent to him , but returned , because he was gone into the country ; debating with him eleven of our great differences : in which mr. dodwell may be known . p. 118. an account of my dissent from dr. sherlocke his doctrine , accusations and argumentation ; specially about the essence of the universal , a national and single church , and the nature of schism , &c. chap. 1. the historical proem . chap. 2. my ●etter and couns●l to mr. sherlocke many years ago , advising him to expound or retract his words , which seem to deny the three articles of our baptismal covenant , our belief in god the father , the son and the holy ghost , p. 162 his answer , p. 173 chap. 3. of the ill manner of these mens confutations . p. 174 chap. 4. the main part of our difference , viz. what is the essential form of the catholick , national and single churches , p. 182 chap. 5. what is the catholick church , as described by arch-bishop bramhall , bishop gunning , dr. saywell , mr. thorndike , mr. dodwell , mr. sherlocke and the french papists , p. 193. some notes on dr. saywell's communion , p. 198. more on dr. sherlocke's . p. 203 chap. 6. what is the vnion and necessary communion of the catholick church , according to this accusing defender ? p. 207. his unsatisfactory solutions manifested , and dr. isaac barrow's excellent treatise of church-vnity , published by dr. tillotson , defended against his vain exceptions . chap. 7. of the rest of his book . p. 228. a late letter from mr. dodwell , calling for more answer , with the answer to it , written since the rest was printed , though it be here placed . reverend sir , i am now in the country , and as yet in so unsetled a condition , as obliges me to be a stranger to new works . however , by the short view i have when i come into shops , i find you put me off for a reply to mr. clarksons little pamphlet concerning diocesan jurisdiction : i have got it and perused it , and the design of my writing at present is , to acquaint you with the reason why i think my self unconcerned in it , if that be all i must expect from you in answer to my yet unanswered letters . you must excuse me , if i cannot think that book an answer , which as it was written before them by your own confession , so neither doth it foresee the accounts given in those letters , nor provide against them : whether it do so , let the reader judge . but to return to the account intended , why i cannot think my self concerned in this new pamphlet of mr. clarkson's , be pleased to understand , that the excellent dean of st. pauls being engaged against you on the same argument of my letters , was pleased to put himself to the trouble of perusing my papers , as they came from the press , purposely that he might avoid repeating what had been said by me . this being so , you may easily understand how far i am concerned in what is said to him , when it was indeed wholly distinct from mine . not that i should have been unwilling to serve that great person , but that i know he is in much better hands already . mr. clarkson in this pamphlet , as he has only mentioned dr. stillingfleets name , so he hath confined himself to his arguments , and hath taken notice of nothing in my letters not considered by the doctor . if he will be pleased to engage further , i confess i like his temper better than any i have seen of your late brethren , except dr. owen . such an adversary i should desire , as would confine himself to the cause , without digressing to personal slanders . there is one mistake in him , which you may be pleased to acquaint him with , and that is his translating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thousands more than once , and sometimes where his argument is grounded on it , that it may appear to be his mistake rather than the printers . the mistake is small and separable from the main cause , but withal is very evident . but according to his candour in acknowledging it , so i shall see what candour i may expect from him in the main cause , if he think fit to engage with me in it . as to your answers to my objections against your ministry in our oral debates , had they been unproved assertions , i should then have thought them sufficiently answered with denials . but you know the assertions are proved in the body of my book ; and till i see my principles unravelled , and answers more distinctly applied to the junctures , where the proof may seem to fail , i am not likely to see any reason to change my minde . till you attempt this , i am content the reader judg , whether what you have done , or shall hereafter do in the like way , deserve the name of a confutation . if i must never expect any further satisfaction from you for the slanders you have raised against me , all the return i intend , is my hearty prayer to god , to qualifie you for your forgiveness , not only of that sin , but of the many others of your late writings , by your re-union to the church from which you are fallen , on which account alone i have proved that you can expect forgiveness . i am obliged not only on my own account , but to the publick , to which you have shewn your self an enemy on this occasion , to reflect on you ; but i desire to leave no monuments against you to posterity . god may yet have mercy on you , and let you see the mischief you are doing , before it be too late . that he will do so , is the most unfeigned request of him , who , notwithstanding your many and great provocations , will still endeavour to approve himself shrewsbury , sept. 19 , 1681. yours , as far as is consistent with his duty to the publick , henry dodwell . when you have occasion to write to me , send your lettrs to be left with mr. took sir , i received not yours of septemb. 19 , 1681. till octob. 21. through the miscarriage of one that should have delivered it . what you have to say to mr. clarkson , write to himself and not to me : as to your call for more answer to your books , you shall have more . i had wrote one long ago , and cast it by : men are weary of our controversies , and had rather all of us gave over . but if i should shew the errour and impertinency of every such word in your great book , it might be a years work ; when i look not to live so long ; and it might make so great a volume in folio , that few i think would buy or read ! and what great good will it do the world , to tell them how grossly you abuse the chuch , and how confidently and voluminously you err ? as to your charge of slandering you , and wronging the church , and being unqualified for forgiveness , i have the same accusations from quakers , anabaptists , antinomians and papists , almost in the same words : within these two hours an ancient doctor sent me as hard words [ as being a self condemned person , to be forsaken , as opposing the commands of god , and the faith of iesus , ] for not yielding to his [ asserting of the seventh-day-sabbath , and condemning the lords-days observation . ] i have these thirty six years lived under such accusations : it is no new thing for seducers to use affrighting words instead of proof , and to say , [ except ye be circumcised and keep the law of moses , you cannot be saved . it 's the cry of most sects , [ you cannot be saved but in our way ] sir , no man living hath more cause to be loath to err , and to be willing to know the truth . i am as sure , as i can be , if i know any thing of my own minde , that i am not only willing to know the truth , but to know it at a far dearer rate than it was ever like to cost me in this world . i am sure that i have not been slothful in seeking it : i am sure that i would joyfully recant any errour that you or any man can convince me of , with hearty thanks for so great a benefit . i have considered your books ; you are confident of my erring and wronging the church ; and i am as confident of yours : that you are a misleader of an extraordinary size , that would set up an vniversal humane supreme government , which protestants have taken for popery and treason against christ ; and who falsly unchurch the reformed churches , and deny them all covenant-right to salvation , while you tol● me your self , that it is not for the christian interest to hold , th●● the roman bishops ordination ( as you require it ) hath had an intercision . is it a crime to speak truth of you or a slander to say , that the doctrine of an humane , absolute , vniversal soveraignty , is the most fundamental part of popery ? and is it no sin or slander for you to condemn so many millions falsly , even the purest and holiest of the churches on earth ? if not the whole ( by self-contradiction ? ) is it a damning sin not to feed , cloath , and visit in prison one of christ's little ones ? and is it a meritorious virtue in mr. dodwell to unchurch , or unchristen , or degrade , if not condemn to hell all the reformed churches , ( nominally but not really excepting england ? ) yea , and to go about with a persecuting spirit and diligence , to provoke magistrates to lay them in jayls with rogues , because they dare not give over preaching the gospel , to which they were devoted in their ordition ? reproach●ng those magistrates as contemners of religion , who will not punish us as deceivers , as if it were not you that is the deceiver ? should i presume to judge , that so many and such men through christendom , as you condemn , were all so ignorant and so bad , as not to know the common verities necessary to the essence of the ministry , and to salvation , and that 't is i that can teach it them , by such media as mr dodwell useth , ( while he knoweth that voetius hath answered a far abler defender of his cause ) i should sure be reputed a man so extremely proud , as that no complemental humble deportment would excuse . as for the question , whether you are a papist , what obligation lieth on me to decide it ? why should you expect that i should say you are none ? do you not better know your self ? and is not your own word fitter to tell your minde ? i do but tell what your doctrine is . and i will speak so much plainer than i did , as to say , that 1. to hold a humane universal church-supremacy , aristocratical or monarchical . 2. and that this power is so absolute , that there is no appeal from it to scripture , or gods judgment . 3. and that this power doth make universal laws for all the church by general councils . 4. and that the pope hath the primacy or presidentship in those councils ordinarily . 5. and that he is the principium vnitatis . 6. and that it belongs to the president antecedently to call councils , and to him alone ; so that they are but unlawful routs , or rebellious , if they assemble without his call. and that they are schismaticks , who dissent and disobey this supremacy . 8. and that the reformed churches , for want of your episcopal ordination uninterrupted from the apostles times ▪ are no true churches , have no true ministry , or sacraments , or covenant-right to salvation ; but by pretending them , do sin against the holy ghost . 9 but that the church of rome , by vertue of an uninterrupted episcopal succession , is a true church , hath a true ministry , and sacraments , and covenant right to salvation . 10. and that the french-church ( which we call papists ) are safer than the protestants there . 11. and imply , that the said french clergy , and the councils of constance and basil were no papists . 12. and that the said protestants being schismaticks , and sinning against the holy ghost , the magistrates that will not be contemners of religion , are bound to punish them . ( as if in england and france your bellows were needful to blow the fire . ) these things asserted among you by bishop bramhall , heylin , mr. thorndike , and you and such others , the protestants have been hitherto used to call popery : but i will not dispute with you a mere question of the fitness of the name . if you had rather , call it church tyranny , cruelty , or diabolism . and is all this a virtue in you ? and is it a sin in me to defend christ's flock , and the true unity of his church , and to detect such deceivers , and bear my testimony for truth , love and concord against such dividers and destroyers ? it 's a hard case then , that such as ● are in , that the more unfeignedly we desire to know god's will , and the more diligently and impartially we study it , and the more it costeth us , the greater sinners we are : and no sins have been so loudly charged on me , as praying , and preaching the gospel , and laborious vindicating god's truth and servants . it doth not follow , if you hate them , or would have them ruined , that every man sinneth that doth not as you do ▪ and whereas you would get some countenance to your writings ▪ by the name of dr. stillingfleet , as having perused them , &c. either he is , or is not of your mind ? if not , this doth but adde to your deceit . if he be , your cause will do more against the conscience and reputation of dr. stillingfleet , than far greater parts and reputation than his can do for your cause . and sir , what should i get , should i give a voluminous answer to all your books ? when i have confuted you as far as i have done , i have but lost my labour . the church-men that i hear from , despise it , and say , what is mr. dodwell to us ? he is an unordained man ( he knoweth why ) , and his book was rejected by the bishop of london . his opinions are odd , and the church of england is not of his mind : yea , mr. cheny would perswade us , that you are a singular contemned fellow . but it 's a useful way , to set such an one as you to do mens business , and to boast , as dr sherlocke and mr. morrice do , of your performance , and yet to disown you when their cause requireth it . but it is an abuse of us that dissent from you , to connive only at your published books , and then to boast of them as unanswerable . and when we have lost our precious time in shewing their deceit and schismatical love-destroying tendency , then to say to us , you have done nothing : vvhat is this to us ? mr. dodwell is an odd disowned man , and none of the english clergy . if god and conscience would give me leave , i could presently be a good man , and a pardoned sinner with you : it is but honouring you , and saying as you say ; i could so be extoll'd by almost any sect , papist , quaker , &c. but it must be but by one : for all the rest would nevertheless revile , accuse me and condemn me , as you do the protestant churches . and the quakers , like you , say , we sin against the holy ghost . the old sabbatarian dr. before-named , in his first letter accused me as aforesaid ; and when i profest my self willing to learn of him , as his disciple , i was in his next , the unwearied labourer in christs harvest , and his marvellous joy , &c. and in the rest , when i could not receive his reasonings , i became worse and more m●serable than ever . it 's a wonderful meritoriou● excellency with such men , to become their proselytes and admirers . as true charity and piety would fain propagate tru●h , goodness and happiness ; so pride , self-conceit , and a sectarian spirit , are like the inordinate lust of fornicators , impatient longer than they are propagating their spurious kind . and indeed the inordinate height of your self-conceitedness and confidence in gross confounding error , will make chast souls afraid of your procacious sollicitations . had you sought my corporal destruction , and not the churches ruin , for which you profess a zeal , i might silently have let you take your course . but the sober world so well knoweth , that satan and papists are so much against the plain and serious preaching of the gospel , and so much for blood or cruelty towards dissenters , how faithful and truly religious soever , that if you go on to be like them , 1. in la●bouring us to cease preaching . and 2. to call for punishment ( we know what ) to those that will not cease , you will cherish men in the opinion that you are a papist , more than all your friends and talk can make them believe that you are not . sir , when sin groweth crying and common , i am one that dare not preach impenitency by hiding it , and saying , it is a doubtful or a little thing , though i expect that guilt should be impatient , and some doctors should go on to say behind my back , that less than this is unchristian and intemperate passion or abuse . methinks you who judg millions of true believers , and lovers of god and holiness , to damnation ; and by printing this , go about to have all men think them such , and consequently to love them no better than the damnable should be loved , should never be so partially tender , as not to endure to be but told what you say and do . and will you be angry with sober christians for startling at such a doctrine , that all our other qualifications , though we believe and love god , &c. will not save us , unless we have the sacrament from a minister ordained by a bishop of your described species , and he from such another , &c. to the beginning ? can christian ears relish the description of such a hell as containeth the believing christian lovers of god and holiness , who call'd upon his name , and sought first his kingdom and righteousness , and forsook all for christ , but were damned for want of an uninterrupted diocesan ordination of the priest that gave them the sacrament , and all his predecessors ? sure christians hitherto han't believed that diocesans sacraments will make a heaven of wicked ungodly men , nor the want of them make a hell of saints . and will you be angry with me , for not believing that god is such a one , as will for ever hate and damn in hell the souls that loved him above all ? will he take that love from them when they die ? or do they continue in hell to love him , while he hateth and tormenteth them ? were not that to call him worse than the devil , whom they do not love ? you only tell us , that they cannot be saved for want of your species of sacramenters . but if you meant not by this their damnation , but a purgatory or annihilation , it 's meet you should deal plainly , and tell us what it is . they are articles of our faith and religion , that whoever believeth ( sincerely ) in christ , shall not perish , but have everlasting life : and that there is joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth : and that eye hath not seen , &c. what god hath prepared for them that love him . when dr. vvilkins once preached in pauls church an excellent sermon for peace and concord , on mutual forbearance , on rom. 14.17 . the kingdom of god is not meat and drink . but righteousness , and peace , and joy in the holy ghost ; for he that in these things serveth christ , is accepted of god and approved of men , he accosted me at the pulpit foot with these true words , i am sure this sermon pleased you . if dr. tillotson will publish that sermon , as he hath done dr. isaac barrow's , those two books will more shame your love-killing , schismatical doctrine , than all that i have said against you . and if the fore-mentioned moderating doctors , go on to publish me to be a man of unpeaceable provoking language , for saying , that such doctrines and practices are great sins , they will seem to me , to take the preaching of repentance for reviling , and that he is the sinner that tells men of sin ; and that the laity are far happier men , who may be called to repentance for their vices , than the clergy , or church-corrupters , who are heinously wronged if their sins be named , and they be but intreated to consider and repent ; yea , if we but tell the reason , why we dare not do as they , in a time when we have cause to study such texts as ezek. 9.4 . perhaps god may permit your principles to get the upper hand . but if he do , i shall love them never the better , but the worse , and shall better love the world which forsake not god , nor is forsaken by him . mr. dodwel's leviathan , or absolute destructive prelacy , the son of abaddon apollyon , and not of iesvs christ , &c. chap. i. of mr. dodwel's displeasure against me , as if i accused him to be a papist ; and accused unjustly the councils of bishops . § . 1. when mr. dodwell , in a tedious volume , did null the reformed churches , their ministry , sacraments , and covenant-title to salvation , meerly for want of uninterrupted succession down from the apostles , of ordination , by such as he appropriateth the name of bishops to , i aggravated his fault , as being one that professeth himself a protestant . he took this to be an accusation of popery : i published , to satisfie him , that i meant no such thing ; but de nomine will call him what he calls himself , and de re will be no judg of any thing but his books and words , to which i leave the reader to know him : this satisfieth him not , but he continueth so much concerned , that i doubt he will make men think there is some tender place that is so impatient of a mis-supposed touch . i have nothing to do with him , or his religion , as his , further than he assaulteth us by his writings : and he is the accuser , and the accusation is of no less moment than aforesaid , and sinning against the holy ghost , and of schism , and subverting all government , if we do but practice differently from the prelates will , and alledg scripture and gods authority for it , and appeal to christ. i am but on the defence against all this . § . 2. i profess it is not meer education , prejudices , custom , or worldly interest which keep me from popery , or his way of absolute obedience to prelates . i have studied what may be said for it as well as against it ; and i never met but with two objections , which seemed to me worthy of much further search : one was , that seeing de facto popery and high prelacy have so far and long ruled in the church , whether it be credible that christ would so permit it , if he hated it , and give his church , de facto , no better government ? 2. whether mens great proneness to discord , make not popery ( italian , or french ) a prudent course . and to these , 1. i am sure that christ came to destroy the works of the devil , and save his people from their sins , and make them holy , a peculiar people , zealous of good works , and gather a church of such out of the world , and rule them in a communion of saints , till he bring them to perfection . therefore i have great reason to suspect those men , and that order and course of government , which cherisheth ignorance and sin in ministers and people , and hunteth , and silenceth faithful ministers , and suppresseth , persecuteth , tormenteth , burneth the most conscionable christians , that for fear of offending god , disobey them , that turn serious religion and spiriritual worship of god , into bodily exercises , and meer conformity to their wills , and outward taking sacraments , and using commanded ceremonies and words ; under the shadow whereof , for 1000. years , piety hath withered , and impiety prospered . christ promised to be with his servants to the end of the world , mat 28.30 . and i cannot but think that he is most with those that are most acquainted with his gospel , and most love him and obey him , and are most holy and heavenly , and walk not after the flesh , but the spirit , rather than with the ignorant , fleshly , worldly malignant persecutors , that set them against serious godliness and godly men . § . 3. and i take not any notices of the time present from any thing but certain experience ; nor of the ages past , from enemies , or suspected , but of the eldest times from all our common church-history , and of the last 1000 , or 1200 ▪ years , as to the worst part of their actions , from their own greatest friends and flatterers , such as baronius , binnius , platina , petavius , and others . § 4. and the matter of fact , i confess , hath had much power on my judgment : had the popes , and lording sort of diocesans been promoters of love and holiness in the church , and not the woful scandal of it , and the enemies of good men , and serious piety , i should have been stronglier tempted to own their form of government to be of god ; though i am assured that nature maketh one man , or one council uncapable of proper government over all the earth ; i should never have opposed that which doth good . but destruction , silencing , persecuting , cruelties , rebellions , worldliness , ignorance , malignity , and cherishing sin , and suppressing piety , and the very word of god , i am sure are all the work of the devil , what name or titles soever are pretended for them . § . 5. and the fact being to me past dispute , i quietly submit to the dreadful providence of god that permitteth it , considering , 1. the church on earth is no better than the angels ; of heaven were ; and if so many of the angels kept not their first estate , but fell by pride , what wonder if many bishops do so ? 2. if adam and eve both fell from innocency , and that so soon , it is not incredible that the serpent should beguile some bishops to depart from the simplicity that is in christ. 3. and if the first born man , cain , murdered his righteous brother by malignant envy for his true religion , it 's no wonder if some clergy-men are such . 4. and if the whole world so soon was drowned in wickedness , that only noah and his house were meet to be saved from the flood , what wonder if the church had too great a deluge of iniquity ? 5. and to be short , if noah himself fall after such deliverance , and a cham be cursed that had been saved , and their posterity proved so bad , that all the canaanites , &c. must be destroyed ; if sodom's flames too , better warned lot , or his wife and children ; if abraham have an ismael , and isaac an esau , and iacob envious sons , and two murderers , and two adulterers ; if israel sin , and die in the wilderness ; if aaron after that he had seen , make them an idol ; if nadab and abihu die , as they did ; if eli's and samuel's sons proved all so bad ; and in the days of the judges there were so many revolts and ruins ; if the first king , saul , so soon revolted ; if david so fell , and absolom so sinned , and solomon himself : if ten tribes so quickly broke off from david's house , and left him but two ; if those two proved as bad as the prophets tell us , and went into captivity : and if the nation rebelled against christ , and be cursed and scattered over the earth , what wonder if the pope and proudest prelate did corrupt the church of god ? if christs chosen twelve had a iudas among them ; if the rest strove who should be greatest ; if peter denied him , and they all forsook him and fled ; if heresies swarmed in the apostles days , and iewish teachers would have subjected the gentiles to moses's law ; if all forsook paul in his tryal , and many accused him before , and such as diotrephes cast out the brethren , and prated maliciously against iohn ; if christ tell us of a little flock , and not many noble and great are called ; if it be as hard for the rich to be saved as christ saith ; if for three hundred years the church was a persecuted people ; and if the patriarchs and bishops themselves , for many hundred years after accused one another in councils , and accused such councils themselves of heresies , and other crimes , as much as is yet visible they did , why should i be scandalized at the badness of bishops and councils , and the woful corruptions of the church ? especially considering , 1. that it was chiefly but the worldly proud domineering sort that thus miscarried , as the very angels did . 2. that god kept up still a great number of humble and holy bishops and presbyters , that joined not in usurpations and pride with the rest . 3. and that god blest their labours to the saving of so many millions of souls , and propagating true serious religion to this day . yea , some of the great patriarchs themselves have been holy humble men . 4. and when god preserved , by an humble ministry , so many christians , as the albigenses , waldenses , and many among the papists themselves , from the liking and guilt of the roman corruptions . 5. and when god hath raised so learned , humble , and holy a ministry to reform the churches , and blest their labours in europe , and specially in england , as he hath done ; even those that mr. dodwell degradeth ; yea , many pious diocesans here and elsewhere , who yet cannot prove their title by his pretended way of successive canonical ordinations ; nor durst have sworn that they had such a call . § . 6. i am sure that the work of christ is the restoring of gods image , holy life , and light , and love ; and that the destroying of these , by hiding the scriptures , unintelligible worships , imagery , dead hypocrisie , silencing , and persecuting , and killing gods servants , making dividing engines to tear , and canons to batter the peace of the church , and this by an ignorant , ungodly , worldly ministry , seeking not the things of god , but of men ; all this is the devils work ; and to do the devils work against christ , is not a sign of christs servants ; he bids us judg of our selves and others by the fruits ; his servants we are whom we obey : if a peter once give christ such worldly fleshly counsel , he shall hear worse than i said of church-tyrants , get thee behind me satan , thou art an offence unto me ; for thou savourest not the things that be of god , but those that be of men , mat. 16.22 hating the good , silencing thousands of faithful ministers , excommunicating , and sinning against god , in obedience to prelates , and for using the needful means of their own salvation , and serving god but as peter and paul did ; this is the devils work , if he have any in the world . and mr. dodwell must trust more to swords than words to keep it up ; for there is a spirit in true christians that will never suffer them to believe that it is pleasing to god , what name soever is pretended for it . § . 7. i will reverence the iews visible church , to whom were committed the oracles of god , but will not say , that they sinned not in persecuting christ and his apostles ; nor say , that they are not now under their own curse , and cut off from the church , who once cast out christians from their synagogues . i will give due honour to primogeniture , and yet not equal cain and abel , ismael and isaac , esau and iacob , &c. but expect , that as he that was born after the flesh did persecute him that was born after the spirit ; even so it will be now : and the world was the world still , when it was taken into the church . the heathen romans were less persecutors than the iews , and so are the turks than the papists . § 8. i shall , in due place , take notice of mr. d's confining the essence of the ministry to transacting between god and man , in covenanting , requiring essentially no more skill than any man is capable of , who is but capable of understanding the common dealings of the world , p. 73 , 74. and that immoralities of such mens lives excuse us not from schism , for turning from such to better teachers , p. 72. contrary to the epistle of the carthage council , in the case of martial and basilides , and even of popes and councils , that forbid hearing mass from a fornicator . and his denying the ●cripture to be intended or designed to be a charter to appeal to for all future generations , and for the extent of offices , and preventing litigious dispute about government and subjection , p. 80 , 81. but that recourse ought now to be had to the intention of the ordainers for these . and what he saith , p. 81. against appealing to writings ( as he calls them ) , against the sense of all the visible authority of this life , as unreconcilable to the practice of any visible government on earth , p. 81. and that subjects cannot preserve their subordination to their superiors , if they practice differently , and defend their practices , and pretend divine authority for them , where he speaketh indefinitely , and excepteth no practices . and if we may not appeal from man to god and scripture , we may appeal from scripture to man. and if mans law be above gods , it is not from him ; for the inferior maketh not his superior . and the root of all this i● , p 82 ▪ that god hath made his church ( and not only particular churches that are parts of his church ) a visible society , and constituted a visible government in it . did i know what mr. d. taketh this one visible government to be , whether general council , or pope , or all the bishops of the world by a major vote , or all the people of the christian world , or what , i should know what to say to him . but for this i must not hope . § . 9. but i shall after speak to his securing subterfuge , p. 90. that there is but one sense of all terms , which causes oblige men to mean ; and that every one ought to know who pretends to skill in causes . which i am so defective in , that i know not at all what his cause is till he tell me : nor know i among many senses of most of his chief terms , which it is that he meaneth . i know not what he meaneth by a papist ; and whether he take those for papists that are , as the councils of constance , and basil , and the french , for the supremacy of a council , the pope being president , or principium vnitatis , and patriarch of us in the west . i know not who he meaneth by the supreme church-power in the visible universal church . i know not by what he essentiateth the very episcopacy which he so much pleads for ; no , nor their ordination . i know not what he taketh to be the supreme church-power over the church of england . and how can i know by the bare general name , when dr. stillingfleet denieth any such thing ? chap. ii. his schiswatical church destroying scheme confuted . § . 1. because he dealeth so falsly with my doctrine , by pretence of putting it into his words and order , i will deal better with him , and deal with his scheme word by word as he hath laid it down . as for his exceptions , th●t i refel not his charge of the sin against the holy ghost , &c. i am not yet so idle , ( having formerly written a treatise of that sin . ) his wilful refusal to answer voetius de desperata causa papalus , when he knoweth that this plea is the papists chief strength , and iansenius is so fully answered , is but a dishonourable tergiversation . and it 's like he knoweth how melancthon in his epistles copiously shameth mr. dodwell's cause as trusted to by the papists ; when yet the protestants here plead melancthon's judgment for their reformation . and though mr. d. told me , that it is not for the christian interest to hold that the roman successive ordination hath been interrupted ; i think they that believe their own most flattering historians , must believe that the intercision there hath been more notorious , than in those reformed churches which mr. dodwell nulleth , or than those german and danish bishops whom bugenhagius a presbyter ordained . but i will briefly examine the words of his destructive deceiving frame . 1. that all are obliged to submit to all unsinful conditions of the episcopal communion where they live , if imposed by the ecclesiasiastical governours thereof . and , 2. that the nature of this obligation is such , as will make them who rather than they will submit to such conditions , either separate themselves , or suffer themselves to be excluded from communion by such governours for such a refusal of submission , guilty of the sin of schism . here are two parts . a 1. that all are obliged to submit to all unsinful conditions of the episcopal communion where they live , if imposed by the ecclesiastical government thereof . this proved by these two degrees . 1. that the supposition of their being less secure of salvation out of this episcopal communion than in it , is sufficient to prove them obliged to submit to all terms not directly sinful , however unexpedient , rather than separate themselves , or suffer themselves to be excluded from this communion , chap. 1. § . 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. 2. that there is indeed less security of salvation to be had even on performance of the moral conditions of salvation , out of this episcopal communion , than in it . this proved from two things . 1. that they cannot be so well assured of their salvation in the use of extraordinary as of ordinary means ; nay that they being left to extraordinaries , is a condition either very hazardous , or at least very uncomfortable at present , whatever it may prove hereafter , ch. ii. 2. that these ordinary means of salvation are , in respect of every particular person , confined to the episcopal communion of the place he lives in , as long as he lives in it . this proved from two things . 1. that these ordinary means of salvation are confined to the external communion of the visible church . this proved from four things . 1. we cannot be assured that god will do for us what is necessary for our salvation on his part , otherwise than by his express promises that he will do it , chap. iii. § . 1 , 2. 2. the ordinary means how we may assure our selves of our interest in his promises , is by our interest in his covenant , by which they are conveyed to us , chap. iii. from § . 5. to the end . 3. the ordinary means by which we may assure our selves of our interest in this covenant with him , is by our partaking in these external solemnities , by which this covenant is transacted and maintained , chap. iv , v , vi , vii . 4. the participation in these external solemnities , with any legal validity , is only to be had in the external communion of the visible church , chap. viii . b. ( ii. ) that this visible church , to whose external communion these ordinary means of salvation are confined , is no other than the episcopal communion of the place where any one lives , whilest he lives there . this proved in two parts . a ( 1. ) that the visible church , to whose external communion these ordinary means of salvation are consined , is the episcopal communion . this proved by these degrees . ( a. ) 1. that salvation is not ordinarily to be expected without an external participation of the sacraments . 1. negatively , not by those other popular means , which ordinary persons are apt to trust in , to the neglect of the sacraments ; that is , 1. not by hearing the word preached , chap. ix . 2. not by private prayer , nor indeed by any out of the communion of the church , chap. x , xi , xii , xiii . xiv . 2. positively , that salvation is ordinarily to be expected only by this external participation of the sacraments . 1. proved concerning baptism , chap. xv. 2. concerning the lords supper , chap. xvi , xvii . ii. that the validity of the sacraments depends on the authority of the persons by whom they are administred , chap. xviii . iii. no other ministers have the authority of administring the sacraments , but only they who receive their orders in episcopal communion . this proved by four degrees . 1. that the authority of administring the sacraments must be derived from god , chap. xix . 2. that though it be derived from god , yet it is not so derived without the mediation of those men to whom it was at first committed , chap. xx. 3. that it cannot be so derived from those men to whom it was first committed , without a continued succession of persons , orderly receiving authority from those who had authority to give it them from those first times of the apostles to ours at present , chap. xxi . 4. that this authority is not now to be expected any where but in the episcopal communion , chap. xxii , xxiii , xxiv , xxv . b. ( 2. ) that the episcopal communion , to which every particular person is obliged to joyn himself , as he would enjoy the ordinary means of his own particular salvation , is the episcopal communion of the place wherein he lives , whilest he lives in it , chap. xxvi . b. ii. that the nature of this obligation to unsinful conditions of their episcopal communion , is such as will make them guilty of the sin of schism , who rather than they will submit to such conditions , either separate themselves , or suffer themselves to be excluded from communion by their respective diocesan ordinaries , chap. xxvii . here is episcopal communion talkt of , without telling what is the episcopacy , or what the communion which he means , and how both are known . confusion 1. there are usurping bishops not truly called or chosen . 2. there are heretical bishops . 3. there may be divers bishops in one city or county ; which of these mean you ? 4. he may be one fit for others , and not for me , nor am i to take him for my pastor . as the greek bishop in london , and many latine bishops , that spake not english heretofore ; or his faultiness may make it my duty to chuse a better . 5. what if the king and law command the contrary ? 6. all this is nothing for submitting to sinful conditions . 2. as it is a duty to refuse sinful conditions , so of many particular churches to chuse the fittest for our communion . the french , and dutch , and greeks in london , are not schismaticks for not being subject to this bishop , or locally communicating with him . 2. you tell us not how a man shall know he is of the bishops communion among a thousand parish-churches that differ in many things , and own the bishop in some things , and not in others . 3. few of the diocess ever locally communicate with our bishops ; and mentally the nonconformists communicate in essentials at least . 4. most christians on earth are guilty of schism , and yet are not prevalently schismaticks , but still members of the catholick church . 5. the bishops , e. g. in france , are more guilty of the schism than the protestants . see dr. stillingfleet's defence of laud. 1. this is false in the fore-excepted cases : 1. if he be a bishop to others , and not to me ( unless communion include not subjection ; for so we communicate with many other bishops ) . 2. if the condition imposed be a thing which a superior power forbiddeth , ( king , or in some cases parents . ) the matter and consequences are so weighty , as tell us it is not well done to abuse dull readers thus with the deceitful unexplained nature of episcopacy , and communion . the love of truth and souls forbid such deceit . 1. if some receive only parish-bishops ( of the old sort ) and others also their archbishops , and others such diocesans as put down all parish-bishops , which of these have episcopal communion ? 2. when of old , many ages , voting , and fighting , could not tell men which was the true bishop among many competitors , and when at rome there were oft two or three at once ; and when the worst oft carried the possession ; and councils themselves were for divers ; whih was the episcopal communion ? 3. is communion and subjection all one with him , or divers ? if divers , i have communion with many bishops that i am not subject to ▪ if the same , how many must each man be subject to ? and in what order and cases ? 4. communion is 1. mental or local ; and the first , 1. in essentials . 2. integrals . 3. accidents of christianity . i have communion with all christians in essentials , with the best in most integrals ; with none in all , nor in all accidents . 4. i am more secure in the mental communion of many bishops , than of some one , and of all in essentials , and certain things , than of some one in suspected things , especially in universal communion with christ and his whole church . 2. he that hath no communion with any true bishops of gods institution , in his judgment , will , and profession , hath no communion with christs church : but if they are , 1. of a false species , 2. incapable , 3. unordained , 4. obtruders not consented to by the clergy and the flock , it 's safest to disown them . 5. and ●f they turn wolves , thorns , and thistles , or hereticks . 2. it 's dangerous to refuse communion with the true episcopi gregis , but not with such as depose them . 3. and its doubtful as to the episcopi episcoporum . 1. it 's but deceit to distinguish only ordinary and extraordinary , in speaking of the necessity of means . the gospel written or preached , is an ordinary means , which to want is hazardous indeed ; so is meditation , prayer , and sacraments , where they may well be had , and pastors to administer them . but there are many lesser means that may be wanting or ignorantly refused , where salvation is safe . the church of england thinks preaching to be such , which forbiddeth men to go for preaching , and from a bare reader in his own parish . and the indians converted by frumentius and edesius , might have certain salvation before they had any pastor . and so may they that cannot know among contenders which is the true pastor either as to the species or individual . but 2. comunion in every lawful thing is no ordinary requisite means of salvation . mark reader that he said , that suffer themselves to be excluded from communion by such governours , for refusing submission to unsinful things . and dr. saywell , bishop gunnings chaplain , and this man , make such refusal and schism damnable . now mark here , how they make all indifferent imposed things consequently necessary to salvation , and make all such indifferences to be articles of faith , or necessary to salvation to be believed . e.g. if organs , the cross in baptism , surplices , church-images , exorcisms , and five hundred such , be indifferent , and commanded by the bishop , he that is excommunicated for not conforming to them , or withdraweth for it , is a damnable schismatick : ergo , it is necessary to salvation to conform to every one of them in that case : ergo , it 's necessary to salvation to hold them to be lawful ( or else to use them while i verily take them to be sins ) . to what a mass now have these men brought the a●ticles or necessaries to salvation ! doth any living man know all lawful things to be such ? 1. then in abassia , where there is but one abuna bishop , local communion with him is impossible to most . 2. and how is the patriarch of alexandria , who ordaineth him of that place that is another kingdom . 2. then in one place-communion with papists , in another with greeks , moscovites , abisines , armenians , &c. is necessary in unsinful things . 3. who will judg , but the excommunicator , what is unsinful as to his act ? 4. what a case were men in at rome , under formosus stephen , sergius , eugenius 4. iohn 12. and 22. &c. and at alexandria under peter , meletius , paulinus , flavianus , and so oft in other schisms , and nullities ? 5. the novatians , and ioannites had the ordinary means of salvation in constantinople , under separate pastors . but it 's true , that the ordinary means are confined to the visible church , and its external communion where it may be had . of which more anon . 1. some think that if god had only commanded men to love him , call upon him , hate sin , seek life eternal , without an express promise , one might be sure it should not be done in vain . 2 but god hath expresly promised salvation to all that truly love , trust , and obey him , and seek first gods kingdom , and are pure in heart , holy , and love all men , though they were excommunicate for not crossing , subscribing , or thinking diocesans unlawful . chap. 3. the promises of god , and his covenant on his part , are all one . those that god promiseth to save , shall certainly be sav●d : who those are , the gospel fully t●lls us , yea , and told men before the particular churches were fixed under their proper pastors , called elders and bishops in the scripture . 3 transaction is an ambiguous word . 1. it was transacted by making the promise by christ on earth . 2. it is transacted by giving the consenting penitent believer a right , before god , to christ and salvation , when he first truly so consenteth . 3. it is transacted by a solemn m●nisterial investiture , sealing and delivering that right for the fuller comfort of the consenter , and in soro ecclesiae , to give the right of external communion , as a tessara , when the person is baptiz●d . 4. it is transacted by renewed confirmation , and for further grace , daily in the eucharist . i love not to offend you ; but i must be true to truth and souls , and therefore tell men , that these generals and confusions are but cheats . 3. would you have men believe that external solemnities are necessary to the right of heart ▪ covenanters before god , as to salvetion ? or that all external solemnities are of the same necessity ? the church of england takes confirmation to de an external solemnity , for assuring men of gods favour , by the sign of imposition of a diocesans hands ; and yet bind you to profess that it is not necessary to salvation , but the baptized infants are certainly and undoubtedly saved without it . litanies , processions , and many external solemnities are not essential to external communion with the visible church . chap. 8 o tremendous ! is it no other ? is not the universal visible church , consisting of all professed christians , headed only by christ , the only universal church visible in the world ? is there no communion with this as such ? had the baptized eunuch ( by philip the evangelist ) no communion with the visible church , nor promise of salvation ; nor the iberians , indians , and many others that were baptized before they knew , or had a bishop ? do not baptizing presbyters ( and lay-men say , turtullian and the papists ) assure men of salvation , though they should not hear of a bishop ? why was not diocesan episcopacy in the creed , if the belief and obedience be necessary to salvation ? a ( 1. ) 1. apostles and evangelists took men into the visible communion of the universal church , before they had particular church-bishops . 2. fixed church-communion was exercised universally under congregational , or parochial bishops or pastors , without such as our diocesans . it must be pastoral , or true episcopal regular communion . 3. many individual bishops , separating from one another , have been , and may be in one city . 4. if e. g. the bishop of lincoln , have many counties , and one differing from him , were chosen by the clergy at leicester , hartford , &c. as he was by the king , which of them is the bishop on the place ? if gloucester clergy and people had chose another when goodman , a papist , was bishop , which was the bishop ? 1. 1. salvation is pronounced by conformists to be certain upon baptism , without any other sacrament . 2. popes and papists are as much as any for tying salvation to sacraments ; and yet a pope victor and his council , at benevent , 1078. decree , that rather than communicate with a simonist , they should persist without visible communion , and in mind joined to christ , have his communion . 3. what shall they do ordinarily in italy , spain , france , &c. that have none but papist bishops . 1. wilful neglect of any known means , sheweth wilful disobedience against god. but many means may be ignorantly neglected without destroying assurance of salvation . turtullian thought children should stay from baptism , unless in danger of death : and nazianzen was for some years delay . this ignorance damned not the practisers . apocryphal books , divers sacraments , ceremonies , church-offices , doctrines , have been controverted means among true christians . 2. faith comes by hearing , rom. 10. christ blesseth them that hear and do it : thousands are mentioned as believing by hearing , and salvation is promised to faith. 2. 1. whoever shall call on the name of the lord , shall be saved : ask and ye shall have . true faith and conversion , wrought by hearing gods word , and working by true love and prayer , hath many a promise of pardon and salvation . 2. is a baptized praying believer out of the communion of christs church , though he doubt of diocesans , or patriarchs ? he is not . 2. 1. ordinarily faith comes by hearing , and hearing by preaching ; and he that truly believeth shall be saved , iohn 13.16 . 2. i think many score , or hundreds of protestant divines have proved that baptism giveth not the first right to life , but only solemnly confirmeth , sealeth , and by ministerial investiture publickly delivereth that which true faith received before . see gataker's two tracts on dr. ward 's and dr. davenant's theses . 3. what 's baptism to episcopacy ; till king iames alter'd it , women might baptize in england , and priests still may . and are men baptized into the name , or belief of diocesans ( as bellarmine saith , baptism binds them to the pope ) . prove this if you can . 2. if baptism undoubtedly save , at what age doth the effect cease ? 2. the lords supper is necessary for corroboration , and for expressing true obedience , and living by faith on christ , where it can lawfully be had , and the need and use of it is understood . ( b. ) this is false : if they be given by a lay-man , falsly pretending orders , or by one who hath no authority through uncapacity , or usurpation ; yet the receiver loseth not his right ; he taketh it as from god : and if his ignorance be not culpable , there is not so much as disobedience in it . 2. if i prove that papists have no such authority as you plead for , are all their baptisms and ordinations null ? iii. episcopal communion is the cothurnus , the hose drawn over your ulcer and snare . 1. we have mental communion , in essentials , with all true bishops in the world . 2. we have subject communion with true parish-bishops . 3. and with their ruling bishops , at least as magistrates . 4. novatians , luciferians , donatists , and others , in time of schisms , had all orders in episcopal communion , and so have papists , greeks , moscovites , armenians . 5. parish-bishops have more proof of authority from christ than the diocesans , or many hundred congregations that have no other bishops . 6. authority may be given by god , without any ordination , where it cannot be had , or not without sinning . 1. no doubt but all true authority must be derived from god. 2. those to whom it was first given , were the twelve apostles . they are considered , 1. as the inspired prophetical declarers and recorders of the laws , and doctrine , and promises of christ. 2. as chief pastors of the church , to gather and rule it . all gods gifts and graces that come to us by the mediation of the gospel , come by the apostles mediation in the first sense , as declaring christs will , how ministers shall be made in all ages . and as chief pastors , gathering , and setling the first churches , which , by christs charter , shall call their pastors , and so others , to the end of the world ; they may be said to be mediators herein . 3. but they mediate not as the donors of the pastoral power , as being pastors themselves , but only as ministerial investers . the sacraments come not to us without the mediation of the apostles , but they made them not , nor make them effectual , nor make new apostles to deliver them . 3. this is deceitful confusion . 1. authority to administer sacraments , and authority to call others to administer them , are different things . 2. and so is succession of apostolical power , and succession of common ministry . 3. and so is giving power , as the donor , and giving it as an investing servant . 4. and proper giving it , and improper , which is but qualifying the persons to receive it . 1. apostolical prophetical conveyance harh no such succession . 2. the flock that have no authority to administer sacraments , partake of the authority to call others to do it . 3. inferiors may have authority to call superiors ( else the highest could not be made ) 4. none of these people give the power , but their election is part of the receivers qualifications , to whom god giveth it by his law or charter ; and then as ser●ants , they solemnize the investiture . 5. the power of this law or charter is never interrupted : but if all pastors were dead an hundred years , it would renew pastoral power in the church , without uninterrupted donors or investers . 4. this conveying power is where-ever gods law , and capable receivers are : a capable receiver is , 1. one personally qualified with sufficiency and willingness . 2. and that hath the churches and ordainers necessary consent , when ordinary for order sake , the ordainers then must invest him by declaring him authorized by god , &c. the regular ordination ( like publick matrimony after contract ) is to be by authorized ordainers ; and most bishops , diocesan , papists , greeks , moscovites , armenian , &c. are of more doubtful authority than congregational , or parish bishops , though the former usurp the name , as appropriated to them . b. 2. 1. then men in rome , italy , spain , france , &c. must be of the papists prelates churches and communion . 2. paulinus and flavian , donatists , novatians , arrians , &c. may have bishops in the same place . and the orthodox , two , or more at once : grotius thought as many as there were synagogues in a city . 3. then if i prove the chief pastor of a parish , or city-church , to be a true bishop by vertue of gods law ; and if he have better qualification , and election , and ordination , to be of surer authority than the diocesan , it 's his communion that we must prefer . 4. but indeed baptism and salvation are ordinarily given before episcopal communion of any sort . 5. they that thought the pope antichrist ( as most protestant bishops long did ) , thought it a duty to reject the communion of the bishops of the places where they lived : and denmark , and other countries set up others against them that were ordained by bugenhagius , and other prsbyters . 6. parochial and diocesan bounds are humane mutable institutions . 7. if the bishop of the place be a schismatick , the communion of a better near is better . b. ii. 1. all causleless separation from any christians , or causleless disobedience to any pastor , or neglect of any christian duty , needful to the churches peace and concord , and every opinion and practice that is against them doth make a man guilty of sinful division , or schism in some degree . and while every christian hath many errors and sins , which all tend to some sinful breach ( as the least sore is solutio continui ) , i cannot see but every man living hath some guilt of schism ; nor that there is any church on earth that hath not some such guilt : but every degree of guilt denominateth not the man , or church a schismatick , in a predominant or mortal sense . and in charity , i hope that even some of those heinous schismaticks may be saved , that divide the churches by their usurpation , obtrusion , sinful impositions , and worldly domination ; yea , some that in blind zeal put down parish-bishops , and smite and silence the pastors , and scatter the flocks . and if i must have communion with none that 's guilty of schism , with what church or bishop should i joyn ? and if their sacraments be invalid , what a case is italy , spain , france , yea and england in ? must all be baptized again that they baptized ? 2. but it 's no schism but a duty for the people as far to forsake a sinful bishop ( much more an usurper ) as cyprian and that council advised them to do in the case of martial and basilides . 3. and after all this deceitful confusion , note reader , that he denieth not our disobedience to be lawful in case of sinful conditions imposed . and if we fully prove not this to be our case , let our accusers silence us , and let our guilt be our shame . 4. and if people that had parish-bishops on the place where they lived , lawfully called , shall forsake them to obey a diocesan that is not on the place , but perhaps forty , or fifty , or sixty miles off , and never saw them , and was obtruded contrary to the ancient canons , which nullifie such , and sets himself to silence faithful pastors , and persecute them , and other godly christians , for not sinning heinously upon deliberate choice and covenant , doth not even this man conclude such to be schismaticks that are out of the ordinary way and hope of salvation . chap. iii. the consequence of mr. dodwell's foresaid doctrine . 1. those that live under the popish bishops in italy , spain , france , &c. must live in their communion , and under their command in all unsinful things . 2. the protestant churches that have not episcopal ordination , are no true churches , and have no true ministers or sacraments , nor any covenant-right to salvation . 3. the protestant churches are in the same unchurched damnable case that have bishops , if they have not an uninterrupted succession of such from the apostles canonically ordained . 4. therefore the churches of denmark , germany , &c. that have superintendents ordained at the reformation by bugenhagius , pomeranus a presbyter , and all the rest whose succession was interrupted , are in the same case . 5. it is schism , and rejecting sacraments , and covenant-right to salvation , in all the people that continue in such protestant churches , and communicate with them . 6. it is better for the protestants in france to joyn with the papists , than to live as they do without sacraments or church-communion . 7. yet ( by self contradiction ) it will follow , that certainly the church of rome , and all that derive their ordination from that church , have no true bishops , ministers , sacraments , churches , nor covenant-right to salvation ; for it 's certain their true succession hath been oft interrupted , 1. by such utterly uncapable persons as all history describeth , and even baronius calleth apostaticos non apostolicos ; and such as divers general councils judged hereticks , infidels , simoniaks , &c. e g. eugenius 4. who yet kept in . 2. by such whose false ordination the canons expresly null . 3. by many schisms , two or three popes at once , of whom none can tell who had the right , or whether any . 4 by the popes taking on him to be christs universal vicar , an office in specie usurpt , which he maketh his episcopacy , and as such giveth his orders . and all his presbyters have turned the true ministry into the false one of mass-priests ; and being no true ministers , can give no true sacraments by his rule . 8. yea it is certain , that few , if any churches on earth , can prove such an uninterrupted succession as he and the papists describe , and most it s known have no such thing . 9. therefore if any have such a succession , they cannot know it , it being a thing that cannot be proved ; and so cannot be sure that they are true churches , &c. 10. for the certainty of any true ministry , church , sacraments and salvation , dependeth on such knowledg of history as is not in the world : viz. to know that this bishop and his ordainer , and his ordainer , and his ordainer , and so up to the apostles , were every one true bishops , and truly ordained ; which no mortal man can know . 11. men that by a prince , against even the nullifying canons , can but get possession of patriarchal and diocesan churches , without the clergy or peoples choice , have thereby the power of damning men that fear god , at their pleasure . for , 1. they must pass for the bishops of the place . 2. they may command any unsinful thing , and excommunicate him that doth not obey . 3. he is a schismatick that suffers himself so to be excommunicate , and so is in a damnable state . 4. he cannot hinder it , not knowing the thing to be unsinful . 12. for by this whoever will escape damnable schism , must be one that knoweth the unsinfulness ( as he speaks ) of all things in the world that are such , which a prelate may command ; or else he must do any thing which he judgeth sin , if a prelate command it . but that is wicked idolizing man. 13. and therefore by this rule , no man living can be saved that a prelate hath a mind to damn ; or from his damning impositions . for no man living knoweth the lawfulness of all lawful things , and therefore may take a commanded thing for sin that is not : and then if he wilfully do that which he judgeth sin , he rebelleth against god ; if he do it not , the prelate may excommunicate him , and unresistibly make him a damnable schismatick . 14. and hereby there are as many hundred new articles of faith made , as there are things lawful which a prelate will command . for though all is not to be done that is to be believed , yet all must be believed to be lawful and duty which must be done as such : e. g. we cannot love god , worship him , hear and read his word , &c. as by divine obedience , unless we believe it to be our duty by a divine command . therefore when as mr. dodwell , dr. saywell , and such others tell us what damning schism it is to disobey such commands of the bishops , or to suffer our selves to be excommunicate , it plainly includeth that it is as damning a sin to take any lawful thing to be a sin , and not to believe it to be lawful whatever the bishop shall command . and so to how many hundred indifferent things may the articles of our faith be extended , while it is made ordinarily necessary to salvation to do them , and therefore to believe them to be lawful ? 15 ▪ by this he confoundeth communion and obedience : i may have communion with many bishops whom i am not bound to obey : but i cannot hinder them from excommunicating me without obeying them . 16. yea , he maketh communion and salvation to lye not only on such obedience , but on such perfection of obedience as reacheth to every lawful indifferent thing . whereas god himself under the gospel accepteth of sincerity , instead of perfection which the law required of perfect man. 17. this is the way to make bishops absolute lords of kings and states , and all the world , if they can make them believe that on pain of damnation for schism , all must obey them even in every indifferent thing . 18. if you would ferret him out of his burrough , ask mr. dodwell , what if the bishop of the place where i live contradict the archbishop , or the synod , or most of the bishops in the land , which must i obey to escape damning schism ? doubtless he will allow me to disobey my bishop . but what if the national synod gainsay the provincial ? he will say , i may disobey the provincial ? but what if a council of many nations , called general , gainsay the national ? and it be known that our national church is gainsayed by the far greatest part of the bishops in the world ? which must i obey ? if the national , why not a provincial against them ? and why are not they schismaticks for disobeying a general council ? if it be the greater council that i must obey , 1. what 's become then of his doctrine of obeying the episcopacy of the place where we live ? 2. and then we are brought under a foreign jurisdiction . 3. and who but the pope must call that general council , preside , approve , & c. ? 4. and among all the erroneous and contradicting councils called general , how shall all christians know which of them to obey ? we see whither all will come at last . but saith bishop bilson , to such councils called general , we owe respect for concord , if they abuse us not by error or usurpation ; but subjection and obedience we owe them none . 19. how hardly will these men ever resolve one's conscience which is to be taken for the episcopacy of the place , when there are in the same place both different species of bishops , and also divers bishops of the same species , and all pretending to be right . in ireland both the papist and protestant bishops pretend to just succession ; and so they did in bohemia , poland , transylvania , hungary , &c. and doth salvation lye on mens knowledg who hath right ? 20. and how contrary is it to the way of christ , and the ancient church ( that made the baptismal covenant the terms of salvation ) for men to make it necessary for every poor man and woman that will have covenant-right to salvation , and escape damning schism , to be able to decide the controversies between all such pretenders , and to know whether their bishops be of a true species , and have true ordination , and to be such rare historians as to know that all the line of ordainers down from the apostles to their bishops , were truly ordained ? o difficult terms ! 21. doth he not condemn all those ancient and modern christians as fautors o● damning doctrine , who thought that when there were none of the clergy to do it , lay-men might baptize and give the lords supper ? grotius told us his judgment for it in dissertat . de caenae administrat . ubi pastores non sunt : and he hath vindicated tertullian's judgment for it , confessed by rigaltius . anton. govea tells us it was the case of the christians of malabar , &c. called of st. thomas , whose bishops being all destroyed , they caused a deacon to administer the eucharist , as the bishops and presbyters had done ( which grotius also repeateth ) . ionan . antiochenus magnified by socrates , lib. 6. cap. 3. when at antioch there were two churches , with two bishops , meletius and paulinus , stuck to meletius till he died , and after , for three years , would communicate with neither . did he by this become a damned schismatick , or lose his covenant-right to salvation ? 22. many of old were chosen for bishops before they were baptized ( the cases of ambrose , nectarius , synesius , &c. are known ) : if the church thought them all to be in a state of damnation , for want of the sacrament , it 's strange that they would choose them to be their bishops ( though it was irregular ) . indeed it 's true that grotius saith ( ibid. in fine ) , that chrysostomes , nazianzenes , and others cases tell us , that it was ordinary in the greek-church to delay baptizing even the children of the faithful , till at full years ( about twenty ) . were they all that while without any promise of salvation , or ordinary hope ? 23. what a task will it be for mr. dodwell to tell us what state the baptized are in till they receive the lords supper ? baptism saveth them once ; but yet till they receive the lords supper by a minister , in successive episcopal orders , they have no covenant-title to salvation , by his way . but some communicate not till thirty years old , some not till one and twenty , and in england scarce any before sixteen . are they all this while the children of god , or of the devil ? and when is it that their christianity ceaseth for want of the other sacrament ? i believe that if they truly believe , they are gods children before they come to the second sacrament ( or the third , as some call it . ) was constantine mag. in a state of damnation , who was not baptized till near his death ? or the good emperour , valentinian , who died unbaptiz●d , but taken by ambrose for a blessed man ? what absurdities are men fain to use , to get the mastery of the christian world , by making men believe that they can save or damn them by the power of sacraments ? 24. and how is this man for conformity , by which they subscribe assent to the certain salvation of infants , so dying without confirmation ; and ordain that the lords supper be not administred to any till they are ready to be confirmed , by learning the catechism , and recognizing the covenant ? &c. 25. doth he not make the chief bishops and reformers of the church of england , to be the promoters of the doctrine which he accounteth so damnable , when dr. stillingfleet in his irenicon recites the words of cranmer , and others of them , at a consultation , down-right against not only the necessity of his uninterrupted succ●ssion , but also even of episcopal ordination it self ? and i have elsewhere cited about fourteen of them , for the validity of ordination without bishops : and dr. stillingfleet , bishop edw. reignnolds , and many more , held that no form of government was of divine determination . did all these plead for damning schism , against all title to salvation ? 26. and what could more directly contradict the main tenor of the gospel , which tells us of the saving power of the word preached , how it converteth souls , and promiseth salvation to all that truly believe and repent ? insomuch that paul thanks god that he baptiz●d few of the corinthians , because god sent him not to baptize , but to preach the gospel ? 27. but his doctrine feigneth , that god will damn them that truly believe , repent , love god , forsake sin , for want of the sacrament : or else that the word converteth none , but only sacraments convert men . 28. and then it will follow , that none but unbelievers , impenitent wicked men should be first admitted to the sacrament ; for if that only converteth , then it is only the unconverted that must first be received to it . 29 when all 's done , he doth but contradict his end ; for it 's hard to find a national episcopacy on earth , which imposeth no unlawful thing on ministers or people : and with all such he speaketh not for our communion . 30. either ordination , and collation of church-power , must be given by superiors , or by equals : if by equals , why may not presbyters make presbyters ? if by superiors , then who shall give the pope his power ? or if you think any other be the highest , who makes them such ? who giveth the archbishop of canterbury his power ? 31. in short , as far as i can understand , these men deny all covenant-right to salvation to all men living , and all true sacraments and church-communion , or at least , all knowledg of any such thing ; seeing , as it is certain , that in most churches such ordination as they describe , hath not had an uninterrupted succession , so no man is sure that any one church or man hath had such . and they that silence us for not subscribing , declaring and swearing obedience to our diocesans , and other ordinaries , are bold men , if they dare swear themselves , that they are true bishops , and have any authority to rule and command us , by an uninterrupted succession of a canonical episcopal ordination down from the apostles . but i have already in my book of concord , part 3. chap. 9. opened so many palpable , and pernicious absurdities , and ill consequents of mr. dodwell's doctrine , which he dare not undertake to answer , but s●ly passeth by , that i must expect the reader will there peruse them , who will judg uprightly between him and me ; and therefore will hear what both have said . and those that will judg falsly upon partial trust , to save themselves the labour of tryal , are out of the reach of ordinary means to be saved from deceivers . chap. iv. my words of gods collation of ministerial authority , vindicated from the forgeries and fallacies of mr. dodwell . § . 1. christ hath taught me to judg of prophets , or teachers , by their fruits more than by their cloathing , mat. 7. and the fruits which are of god , are those which express the divine nature and image , viz. holy light and truth , holy love , and holy life and practice , and the promoting of these in the world . and christ hath taught me , that the devil is , 1. against holy light and truth , the prince of darkness , and a lyar , and the father of lyes . 2. against holy love , accusing , slandring , and rendring as odious the servants and ways of christ. 3. against holy , righteous , and sober living ; and an opposer of it , and a persecutor and murderer of the saints . and those that are likest satan in these three parts of his image , and whose works are more certainly the works of these three diabolical principles , i am taught by christ to judg of by their fruits ▪ so much as there is in mr. dodwell's labours , of holy truth , holy love , and helps to holy living , so much sure is of god. but so much as there is in his , or any of his parties cause , of deceit and falshood , and defence of ignorance , so much as there is of malignity , calumny , or making odious the servants of christ ; so much as there is of cruelty and destruction , and silencing faithful ministers , and promoting ungodliness , by upholding its defences , i am obliged to resist , as being from him , against whom in my baptismal covenant i was engaged . § . 2. he giveth his reader the sum of my doctrine in this point , p. 29 , &c. a chain of forgeries , or putid falshoods . either he knew that he wrote falsly , or he did not ; if yea , then it seems he thinks that god or his church needed his lyes : if not , how unfit is he to write against what he understandeth not ? but what made him devise a frame of his own words of above six pages , to express my words by , if he meant not to deceive those that would believe his writing without reading mine ? § . 3. and whether it be from the lord of love , or the enemy of love , that he goeth so far to the unchurching and damning of so many of the reformed churches , besides the churches of the southern and eastern parts of the world ( if not of all churches on earth ) let the sons of love consider . § . 4. and whether his endeavours to persuade all the nonconformists to give over preaching christs gospel , and all publick worship of god , till they can conscionably conform , and his reasonings for that frame that hath long excluded true discipline , and sheltered ignorance and ungodliness , be of god , and all his copious discourses to that end , are to save souls , or to starve and murder them , i leave to mens impartial trial . § . 5. i so often and fully repeated my judgment of the calling of the ministry , as leaveth his forgeries inexcusable . the sum is this . 1. there is no power but of god. 2. gods universal laws are the prime laws , and the only universal laws of the church or world . 3. in his laws god hath established or instituted the work and the species of that ecclesiastical ministry which he will have to teach and guide his church to the end of the world . and therein signified his owning of them as sent by him , and promised them his help and blessing . 4. in that law he hath told us what men they are that he will thus own and bless , and described the essentials and the integrals of their receptive disposition or qualifications . 5. he hath in that law told us who shall be the tryers and judgers of the personal qualifications ; and that ordinis gratia , ordinarily their approbation , choice , or consent , shall be a relative part of their receptive qualification . 6. god himself giveth all the personal qualifications . 7 he is ready to help the approvers and chusers to discern all these , and to judg aright of them . 8. the person being thus made a capable recipient by personal qualifications and relative ( due approbation , election and consent ) god's donation or law doth give him right , and oblige him to the office-work . and the electors , approvers , and consenters , are none of the proper efficient donors or causes of this right and obligation , but only efficient causes of his relative receptive capacity . 9. that therefore the right and obligation is immediately from gods law by resultancy , as the established medium of gods conveyance ; but not immediately without any means of his receptively , to make him materiam dispositam . 10. that all this is true both of soveraign civil power , and of church-power in bishops and pastors . 11. that yet besides approbation and election , god hath for the publick notice and order of the church , appointed a regular ministerial investiture , by which the approved shall be solemnly put into possession ( as kings are crowned , and ministers instituted ) : and ordination usually containeth both the approbation , part of the election , and the investiture . 12 but this investiture being but a ministerial delivery of possession , proveth not the investor to be any donor of the power to the king , or to the bishop or pastor . 13. nor is it necessary save ordinis gratia , and in foro ecclesiae , to avoid intrusion and confusion ▪ but not when it is set against the end , or the end may and must be sought without it . 14. who it is that hath the power of this ordination ( approbation and investiture ) is much of the controversie of these times : some say it is the magistrate : but those that say it is the bishops , are not agreed what species of bishops it is ; whether the chief pastors of each particular parish true church , or only a diocesan that is the sole bishop of many parishes that are no true churches ; or only diocesans that are archbishops over many true parish-churches and bishops . 15. but the fundamentum juris being christs statute-law or grant , and all that is left to man being but qualitatively or relatively to make the person an immediately capable recipient , and ministerially invest him ; therefore it follows , that if at alexandria , antioch , ierusalem , cesarea , constantinople , london , all the old bishops were dead or hereticks , a just title may be restored without the ordination of one that had successive canonical ordination ; because there needeth no efficient donor but christ and his law , and the receptive capacity may be without such ordination where it is not to be had ( as among papists that will not ordain one on lawful terms , &c. ) for order it self is but for the thing ordered , and not against it : and i will have mercy and not sacrifice ●morals before rituals ) ; and all power is to edification , &c. are certain rules . and god never made men judges in partem utram libet , whether there shall be churches , and pastors , and worship , or none ; or whether there shall be civil government or none ; no , nor of what the species the church-offices shall be . 16. i use to explain this by many expository , similitudes . 1. if the laws of god authorize soveraignty , and the constitution of the kingdom say it shall be monarchy ; were it elective , the electors are not efficients of power , but determiners of the recipient : and if it be hereditary or elective , the investers by coronation , are no efficients of the power ; but ministerial deliverers of possession , and that but necessary ad ordinem , and not ad esse potestatis . 2. if the king by a charter to the university , state the power of the chancellor , vicechancellor , proctors , and all the masters of colledges , and then tell them who shall be capable , and how chosen , and how inve●ted ; here his power is immediately from the kings charter , as the efficient instrument ; and all that others do is but to determine of the recipient , and invest him . 3. so it is as to the power of the lord mayor of london , and the mayors and bailiffs of all corporations . 4. so it is in the essential power of the husband over the wife ; the woman chuseth who shall have it ; and the parson that marrieth them , investeth him in it ; but god only is the efficient donor of his law. 17. therefore it is not in the power of the electors , approvers , or investors , to alter any of the power established by god. if both the woman and the priest say , that the man shall be her husband , but shall have no government of her , it is a nullity ; gods law shall stand . if the city and the recorder say , you shall be lord mayor , but not have all the power given by the kings charter , its vain , and he shall have all that the charter giveth him . if the a bp crown the king , and say , you shall be king , but not have all the power stated by the constitution on the king , this depriveth not the king of his power , ( unless he give away that which god hath not stated on him , but men ) so if an ordaining prelate , patron , or parish say , this is a true parish church , and we choose , and ordain you the true pastor of it , but you shall have but part of the true pastoral power stablished on the office by god , it 's null : gods institution shall be the measure of his power . 18. but i confess , that if god had left church-officers as much to the will of men as he hath done the civil , the case had been otherwise ; for monarchy , aristocracy , and democracy , are all lawful : and the king , or other supreme power may make new species of judges , and magistrates , and officers , and alter them as they see cause . and it would have been so in the church , if as the italians at trent would have carried it , christ had immediately instituted only the papacy , and left it to the pope to make bishops , and to bishops to make priests : and yet i would not wrong the worst . i cannot say , that they would have empowered the pope to change the species of priests or bishops . but god hath fixed the species , by making a setled law for all the work , and all the authority to do it , though accidentals may be altered in work and office. § . 6. this is the clear state of my assertions , which how grosly mr. dodwell hath falsified in his forged description , i will not stay to open . but it is a great stress and fabrick that he layeth on the contrary supposition , that his species of bishops are the givers of the powers , and so we can have no other , or more than they are willing to give us : and let him that thinks he spoke a sentence of truth and sense , to prove it , enjoy his error . i would quickly prove the contrary to him , if i knew what he denieth . § . 7. i. if he deny that god hath instituted the office of the sacred ministry , and pastorship in his law , 1. the scripture will shame him to all that believe , and understand it . 2. and if it be not divinely established , men may alter it ; and what is all this stir about , to keep up their domination ? § . 8. ii. if he think that god hath only instituted teachers , or rectors , in genere , but not in specie , then i give him the same answer as before . scripture will shame him , and men may make new species of church-pastors , and unmake , or alter them ; and how many , or how oft , who knows ? and who be the men that have this office-changing-power , that we may know whether , and how far , and how long we are bound to obey them ? § . 9. iii. if he think that gods law hath not described the essential qualifications of the recipient , then prelates may make pastors of infidels , mahometans , bedlams , or blasphemers , if not of horses or dogs . § . 10. iv. if he think that gods law hath determined of no way of election , approbation , or judging who is capable , then every man may make himself a bishop or priest , and the turk may make bishops for christians , or a company of lay-enemies and persecutors may do it ; and then the bishops judgment and ordination will have no divine authority . § . 11. v. if when the recipient is duly qualified , and chosen , and capable , he does not think that gods law , or grant , is a sufficient signification of his donative will , and a fundamentum juris , and an obliging instrument , 1. he must deny the very nature and force of gods law , and grant. and 2. he maketh it less effective than the laws , charters , and donations of men are ; for which he cannot have the least shew of true reason . § . 12. vi. can he devise any other sort of power in the ordainers , than i have named ? what is it ? if he say , that they give the office-power ; i ask , is the controversie about the word [ give ] or the act ? if that which i have named be called giving , let him use his liberty , and call it how he will. 1. but as to the thing , what is it more than i have described ? it is god , and not man that made the office in genere & specie . did our bishops make the universal law , which stablisheth the office in the world ? 2. and the bishop never had that power , and therefore cannot give that which he had not : it 's dr. hammond's reason against presbyters ordaining , n●mo dat quod non habet . the word office or power and duty , signifieth an accident , which cannot transire a subjecto in subjectum . the orda●ners have their own power , but they have not another mans . 3. do they give it as masters and owners , or only as the donors ministers ? no doubt they will say as his ministers and do i need to prove to mr. dodwell , that servants are not the donors , and give not their own , but deliver their masters ? stewards themselves are but entrusted with the performance of their masters will , in delivering his goods as he requireth them . § . 13. and this is so evident a truth , that the papists themselves , who would fain have all power flow from the pope , are yet forced to plead for it , ( as you may see in w iohnson's , alias terret's answer to my first ) because else they cannot defend the papal power . for the pope hath been sometimes chosen by the roman people , sometime by the roman presbyters , sometimes by people and presbyters , sometime by the italian bishops , sometimes by emperors , and now by cardinals ; and none of all these were popes , nor had papal power ; and if they were the givers , must give what they never had : whereupon the papists are fo●c't to grant that the electors do but determine who shall be the recipient , but that the power floweth to him ●m●edi●tely from gods law or institution . § . 14. and the prelatists must needs say the same , or else grant , that inferiors , that never had superior power , may yet give it others ; for how else shall the supreme ecclesiastical power , in every national church , be given ? if it be in a primate , or a synod , those that have not the supreme power must give it ; for there is none above them , or equal to do it : and so archbishops are chosen , and councils called . § . 15. and thus almost all societies , by contract , are formed . e. g. the king giveth commission to several men to list voluntary souldiers , and be their captains , and command them : every souldier chooseth his own captain , and thereby subjecteth himself to him ; but it is not by giving him his power , for that floweth immediately from the kings commission ; but by making himself a subject to it , and so ma●ing the captain relatively , a recipient of power from god , and the king , over this particular man ; for the soldiers have no governing-power to give , nor are superiors to their captain ▪ § . 16. and thus servants imprope●ly only make men their masters , not by giving them a domestick ruling-power ( which they never had themselves ) , but by making themselves the correlate subjects , and so putting their masters into the relation , to which gods l●w immediately giveth the ruling-power . all the power is from god : and god doth not first give it the servant , souldier , &c. to give the master , or captain , but the servants , or souldiers consent is , a causa sine quae non , dispos●tiva recipientis , to make the receiver capable of it from god. § . 17. and indeed all kings and soveraigns thus hold their soveraignty from god. though god hath not made the form , in specie , necessary ; all power is of god , and the soveraignty from him , by no mediate efficient below his law : it 's a falshood in politicks to say ▪ that the people , as such , efficiently give the soveraign his power , and that he is universis minor in authority , though he is not universis melior ; and therefore their common good is more than his , the finis regiminis ▪ nor is it true , that richard hooker saith , that in defect of heirs it escheateth to the people ; but only that it belongeth to the people to choose a new recipient , to whom the power shall flow from gods law , and not from them . i do not think that the king of france , spain , or england , will believe that their power is given ●fficiently by , and floweth from their people , parliaments , or the prelate that crowneth them . and the case is evidently the ●am as to the ministry . § . 18. and the french papists ( by some called protestants ) , who are for the ecclesiastical soveraignty of general councils above the pope , do not believe that the pope giveth them their power , though he may call them : but whoever calleth them , or chooseth them , they suppose that god only giveth them their power . § . 19. and in all these cases , it is notorious , that an interr●ption of due election and investiture , hindereth not the restoration of interrupted power . if the law say , whoever is thus and thus chosen to be lord chancellor , lord chief iustice , lord admiral , &c. shall have such , and such power , and be thus , and thus invested in the place , if there were an intercision of an hundred y●ars , the next person , so chosen , will from the law immediately receive his power . and the investiture is but for publick order , and the investers regular succession ( no nor the act it self ) , never necessary , ad esse , where it cannot be had , as i proved against mr. d. in my book of concord . the archbishops succession that crowneth him , is not necessary to the power of the king. § . 20. and obligation to the office-work , is as essential to the officer , as is the power to do it : and it is only the governours that lay on another an obligation to duty ( except what by contract a man layeth on himself ) : and none are the obliging governours of the highest powers , civil or ecclesiastical , but god ; therefore theirs must flow only from god. therefore the thing is not unusual . and if bishops were as much superior to parish-pastors , as the lord chancellor is to a constable , yet they were but governours of them , in tantum quoad exercitum , and not donors of their power : the constables power is immediately from the soveraigns law , and so is the ministers from christ ; for he is the only universal soveraign . § . 21. mr. dodwell saith , these are bare similies . ans. these are plain explications of the conveyance of power from the soveraign of all . he saith , that the power is not properly given by the ordainer , is but begged by me . ans. a begging affirmer may easily write books at that rate . but saith ●e , they connot give an instance from humane charters , where the acts of men , not invested , are valid in law. ans. 1. will you tell the king so to his saace , that before his coronation no act is valid that he doth ? 2. no doubt but ( as publick matrimony after secret marriage is necessary , in foro civili ordinis gratiâ , where it may be had , and yet when it was done by a justice , without a priest , yea , or by the persons publick contract only , it was no nullity , no , nor coram deo before , so ) to regular order , the most orderly investiture is needful , but not ad esse , much less that all the investers circumstances also , and all his predecessors , have been regular . 3. investing here , is the act of a servant only , solemnizing the entrance , or delivery of possession : but such a servant is not the owner , and don●● of th● power . 4. the papists and protestants confess that the power of inv●sting is so humane and mutable , that it cannot be necessary , ad esse potestatis . i told you how oft the power of choosing ●nd investing popes hath beeen changed . and the old canons make the act of three bishops necessary to invest , or consecrate one . but did god determin● of three ? or can you prove on● bishops ordination a nullity ? 5. in the civil state some officers are made without any investiture ( as constables , headboroughs , church wardens and others ) , and some the charter imposeth investiture on : but whether if recorders , stewards , town clerks , that by charter are to invest , be dead , or refuse their act , the mayor , bayliff , or other officers be therefore none , and the government be dead , let lawyers tell you . 6. sure i am that hen. 4. and the rest of the germane emperors , who fought , and strove so long against hildebrand , and his adherents , for the investing-power , were no bishops ; and all the councils of bishops , who stood for the emperors , never took them for b●shops ; and therefore thought not that ivesting was an act proper to episcopal-power . 7. i have before proved , that ancient writers , and papists , and many protestants agree , that baptism is valid administred by lay-men , that i say not women . 8. mr. dodwell , self-condemningly saith , that a presumptuous ordination of the priest serves to the validity of sacraments , though indeed he were not ordained ; and that god is bound to make such acts to the people good . 9. mr. d. must beg belief instead of proving it , if he tell us , that the stated teaching of gods word to a church , is not as truly the work of the pastor , as is the admistring the sacraments of baptism and the lords supper . it is one of the principal of the jesuits jugglings , to make the people think , that till they can prove their teachers the rightly ordained ministers of christ , they are not bound to hear them , or believe them . our parents ( mostly ) were never ordained bishops , or priests : must not children therefore hear them , and believe them ( fide humanâ ) ? and hath not that god , who appointed parents to teach his law to their children , lying down , and rising up , and to educate them in the nurture and admonition of the lord , thereby signified , that parents instruction is the first ordinary means appointed by god for the conveying of saving knowledg , and faith ? and if the help of parents , though unordained , be gods ordinary means of the first saving faith , shall we say with such men as mr. dodwell , that we have no covenant right to salvation , till we have the sacrament from the hand of a minister that had a regular ordination , uninterruptedly down from the apostles ? 10. did the three hundred , act. 2. and the eunuch , act. 8. refuse baptism till they were satisfied by proof , that the baptizers were rightly called ministers ? paul tells those that questioned his apostolick power , that he was an apostle to them whatever he was to others ; and that they should know first , whether christ were in them , and so whether he were not a true minister , and not begin at the trying of the ministry , 2 cor. 13.4 , 5 , 6 , 7. gal. 3.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. &c. 11. the acts of the parliament , called irregularly by general monk , were they that restored king charles the 2 d and were confirmed by him as valid , through the defect of a regular summons , and by necessity . 12. i have fully proved in my treatise of episcopacy , that the species of bishops , which mr. dodwell pleaded for , is not the same which the churches had for 200. or 300. years . and then where is his regular succession from the apostles ? § 22. he saith also , p. 37. they cannot give an instance ( of any power setled by charter ) , whereupon the acts of any persons , lawfully invested , though confessedly less qualified , are not thought valid : a plain sign that their investiture doth properly confer such power . ans. words fitted to deceive . 1. he that is unqualified is not lawfully invested , and yet the act of the invester may be right , had the recipient been lawful . 2. he saith , less qualified ; when he knew that our question is of the unqualified . 3. investiture giveth it , as the act of the power and donor , by a servant delivering orderly possession , but doth not make , or prove the investing minister the owner , or donor , no more than he was that from the emperor henry delivered the bishops the staff and ring ; or the priest that marrieth the persons 4. burroughs and cities choose , and return burgesses for parliament by charter ; yet if they are unqualified when they come thither , the choice is judged null . if a city choose , and invest a proclaimed rebel for mayor , i will believe it null , or invalid , though mr. d. will not : and if he write forty books with such streams of confident words , to prove , that the election , and investiture of the d●●lared heretick bishops at alexandria , antioch , constantinople , and most of the empire in many ages ( arrians , eutichians , &c. ) were yet judged valid by the councils of the orthodox , no man that ever read the councils will believe him . 5. nor will i believe him , that any bishops ordination can make a true bishop , or priest , of a woman , an infant , or a professed heathen , infidel , or proper heretick , or any uncapable person , any more than he can make a woman to be a husband , or a dumb man the university orator . § . 23. he saith , they cannot give an instance of any power setled by charter , whereupon a failure of all who are by the charter empowred to dispose of offices , the power must devolve to those who are not by the charter empowred to dispose of them and where such a charter is not thought in law to fail , by becoming unpracticable , till the supreme power interpose , &c. ans. still the same fraud : if all empowred to dispose of offices , is an ambiguous word . the prince disposeth of them , by giving the power , and the electors by choosing the receivers , and the minister by delivering the insignia : if electors , and all die indeed , there are none to determine of the receiver : and yet if the plague kill most of the electors at age , and leave not a due number , when the rest left come to age , and choose , the charter will renew the office-power . 2. but if it be only the ministerial invester that faileth , the sense of the lawgiver must be judged of by the words , and by other notices , and the light of common reason . e. g. whether it be the meaning of the charter which saith , that the recorder shall give the oath , or the former mayor shall deliver the insignia , that if the recorder , or mayor be dead , or sick , or mad , or wilfully refuse , the city shall have no mayor ; or if no priest will marry folks , all england must live unmarried ; or if the archbishops and bishops will ordain none but hereticks , all the churches must have no other ministers . and here nature and christ teach us , that the means is only for the end , and order for the thing ordered ; and god will have us understand his own laws so , as that rituals give place to morals : i will have mercy , and not sacrifice . and sure if the king of spains charter , for the making of governours at the west indies , should not express , or reasonably imply a remedy , in case of the failure of circumstances of meer order , his countrey might be lost before they could send to spain for a new charter or new power . and mr. d. saith , which is the very case impugned by me of the nonconformists : and so judg whether he must not turn a seeker , and say , that all ministry , churches , and sacraments cease , till a new commission comes from heaven , upon the failure of every such circumstance ; yea , when almost all the churches charge each other with failures and intercisions , and the very species of the ordainers is so much altered . if the king send his army into the indies ( or his navies ) , and mention no power but the generals , as chief , or no way of choosing a new general , but by the field-officers choice , and giving him an oath by the secretary , &c. yet no man doubteth but it was his meaning , that if the general die , or turn rebel , yea , and the major part of the field-officers , or the secretary , the army should choose another general , rather than perish , and the kings service miscarry . § . 24. he addeth , they cannot give an instance of any humane charter , that ever allows any person empowered , to extend his own power by a private exposition of the charter , against the sense of all the visible supreme powers of the society . ans. this opens the core of the aposthume . 1. we deny , as confidently as any french , or italians affirm , that there is any such thing at a supreme visible power over the universal church , under jesus christ ; and therefore none such is disobeyed , or contradicted . 2. and we maintain , that by divine appointment there is no visible national supreme church-power , but that of the civil christian soveraign ; and therefore none such disobeyed . 3. and we hold , that no man can extend his own power further than christs own law extendeth it . false expositions give no power . 4. and therefore we prove by your own rule , that ( christ being the only supreme universal ruler , and having described and specified the office of a pastor , and order of a church ) no bishops can by their private exposition ▪ turn a single church into a diocesan , or a presbyter of christs description into an half presbyter of their own making : but if they make a man a pastor , his power and work shall be what christ saith , and not what the orda●ner will. investing-ministers acts are null , if they contradict the order of the donor : if the king give you a parsonage of 300. l. a year , and the instituter say , you shall have but 100. l. out of it , it 's vain ; he instituteth you but as the donors instrument in the same benefice , and power given by him . § 25. he addeth , p. 38. where can they find such a charter for the power of presbyters in scripture as they speak of ? ans. nay , then we are far from agreeing , if you think that the very species of a pastors office is not found in scripture , as of christs institution . th●n it seems , the bishops make the very species : the italian bishops at trent scarce gave so much to the pope . then why may not the bishops put down presbyters , if they make the species , or make as many species as they please ? indeed dr. hammond thought that there was no evidence of the order of subject presbyters in scripture-times . and if god instituted none , let us have none . but i have told you before , and often , where in scripture the true pastors office is described . § . 26. he adds , they may find some actual practices ; but will they call that a charter ? ans. this is indeed to strike at our foundation . if we prove not christ to be king , and lawgiver , and that his laws , or governing-precepts , were partly given by himself , and partly by his spirit , in his commissioned apostles , and these recorded , sealed , and delivered in scripture : if we prove not , that these , as the authorized agents of christ , delivered his will by words and practice , in setling , and describing the pastors of his churches , then take the ministry , and spare not for mans invention . i cited you before , the texts that are our proof . but if the office , which you call priestly , be of mans making in specie , i doubt the diocesans will prove so much more ; for many papists doubt of the divine right of prelacy , that doubt not of the divine unalterable right of the priestly , or presbyter-power and work . and will this cure men of schism , to tell them , that god hath not so much as made , and specified the parish-pastors office , and it is but a humane invention which you forsake ? § . 27. and i would crave of this confident man to consider , whether he reach not high , and horrid sacriledg , if he make the invester to be first the owner , and then the donor ? did we devote our selves to patrons in our ministry , or to diocesans , or immediately to god ? if we covenanted only to be gods ministers , for the churches good , then let them take heed that claim propriety in us as priests . and if tythes and glebes were devoted to god , and not to princes , or patrons , i doubt he that maketh patrons the proprietaries , and proper donors , will prove sacrilegious , and be convinced at last , that he should only have taken princes and pastors for such trustees as determine of the receiver , but give not the things . § . 28. if it be otherwise , princes , patrons , and prelates , are greater and richer than i ever thought them 1. then , all the bishopricks in england are the king 's , till he give them . 2. then all the tythes , glebes , and temples in england , are the patrons , till they give them ; or else the bishops , or chancellors , who investeth men in them by institution and induction . and the patron and bishop may have a hard suit to determine which is the proprietor . 3. and then a bishop that ordaineth a thousand priests , was the owner of all their relations before ; and so as they that are for the pre-existence of souls , dispute , whether they pre-existed individually , or only in animâ universali ; so these that are for the pre existence of priesthoods in the diocesans , must dispute , whether they were in the prelate a thousand individual priesthoods before , or but one common priesthood , that fell into individuals by ordination . if they say , that they were but virtually in the prelate , that kills their cause ; for then they did not pre-exist ( for existere est esse extra causas ) . and this only saith , that the prelate had an effective vertue that could make them . but the species was made before ; and so was the obliging , and donative law ; therefore the prelate had not power to do what god had done before . § . 29. i take it for granted ( because i know him ) , that all this is nothing to mr. dodwell ; but to me it is moreover something , 1. that the highest esteemers of diocesans ordination , make it but a sacrament . 2 and that the investing minister is not the owner and donor of the relation and gift in any of their seven sacraments . 1. in baptism god only giveth the right and relation , which the minister by investiture solemnizeth , but giveth it not as his own : else every lay-man and woman by their judgment , should have multitudes of christendoms of their own to bestow . 2. in confirmation the priest never pretendeth to be the giver of the spirit , but by his act to fit the person to receive it : the holy ghost is said to fall on them that heard the word ( before baptism ) , act. 10.44 , 45 and they were after baptized : he fell on them , act. 11.15 . and peter and iohn prayed for the samaritans , that they might receive the holy ghost , act. 8.15 . and they laid hands on them , and they received the holy ghost , v. 17. but not that they gave the holy ghost , though by the laying on of their hands , and their prayers , he was given , as he was on them without , act. 2. 3. and in matrimony it 's confessed , that the priest is not the owner and donor of the husbands power , but a ministerial invester . 4. and in the eucharist , even they that think the bread is made god , take not the priest as the efficient cause , but a disposing instrument ; nor that he giveth god to the receiver , as the owner , or donor , but delivereth him as a minister . 5. the same is true of penance , extreme unction , and therefore must be so also in ordination . if the king send a thousand commissions to captains , judges , justices , &c. the messenger is not the owner , or donor of them all ; nor may make any alteration of them : yea , if he intrust the chancellor to name all the justices , he doth thereby but determine of the person that shall receive the commission , but altereth nothing of the office , nor is the donor of it . all this is plain to us , but not to mr. dodwell . § . 30. saith he , p. 39. are not many actual practices grounded on circumstances ? are not many of those circumstances obnoxious to great mutability ? are not ordinary governours the competent iudges of their actual change ? ans. 1. and did not christ promise , his spirit to his apostles , for the performance of their commissions ? and were not those commissions to gather , and settle his churches , and teach them all that he commanded them ? and did not christ by that spirit make pastors and teachers , as is before proved ? and did not the apostles faithfully perform their trust ? 2. and doth he not see , that by this he also subverteth his foundation of prelatical power also , as having no better institution than the priesthood ? and then who are those governours of the church that he talks of , that must judg ? and how prove they their jugding-power ? 3. and it were a kindness , if he would tell us what change it is that th● diocesans may make in the priestly office and work , and tell us the bounds of their power , if it have any ? and whether they may put down the preaching part , the praying part , the sacraments , or which of them ? and whether this be the power that hath put out the sacramental cup , and made all the changes that are made in the church . to tell us of these ordinary governours changing-power , is a hard word to us , that took christs laws , delivered by his spirit , to be perfect , and unchangeable ; however , some circumstances are changed , which were noted to be but occasional . § . 31. to return his consequence , p. 40. since it is certain , that the power of o●daining others , was not given to , nor for some hundred years exercised by that species of diocesans , who were neither the bishops of single churches , associated for personal present communion , nor were the overseers of such bishops , but the bishops of diocesses , that have many score , or hundred unbishoped stated worshipping assemblies , it will follow by his arguing , that these never had their office from the apostles , and much less a continued succession of it . § . 32. he next pleadeth the nullity of the presbyterians ordination . 1. because if they had ordaining power , it is only in assemblies where bishops are presidents , and edict them . 2. and because they carry it not by plurality of voices . but i am a weary with answering such trifling things , and the later part is a known mistake . i never heard of one contradicting voice against the ordination of any that was ordained in our synods . § . 33. and he hath half disabled me to answer him from p. 50. forwards , where he feigneth me to maintain , that authority must necessarily result from true qualifications : for it is taken for uncivil to give his words their proper name . but if the reader will pardon the repetition , i may remind him , how probable it is , that mr. dodwell trusted that his reader would believe his words without perusing what i wrote ; where he might have seen , 1. that i say , that the authority resulteth not from the qualifications , but from christs law , grant , or charter . 2. that personal qualifications ( of gifts , or grace ) are but part of the necessary dispasitio recipientis ; but that moreover there is needful , 1. opportunity . 2. and need of his office. 3. and to a bishop the flocks consent , if not election . and ordinis gratia , ( where moral necessi●y dispenseth not with order ) the ordainers approbation and consent . 5. and to regular possession , where it may be had , a due investiture ; so that there is a relative part as well as a qualitative of the receptive disposition necessary . and all the following leaves in which he disputeth against me , as maintaining a power resulting from meer qualities , are so unbeseeming a divine , and a c●ristian , that i will not soul my paper with their due confutation . but they are suitable to that man who thinks himself wise , good and fit enough to unchurch and condemn so much as he doth of the christian world , on pretence of pleading for obedience to the diocesans . § . 34. and where he adds , p. 50. [ or that it so depends on them ( qualifications ) as that where the persons ordained may want any of them , there the whol : ordination must be null , because of the incapacity of the matter . ] this also he denieth . ans. 1. i still distinguish between the qualifications necessary ad esse , and those only ad bene esse , or integral . if he would perswade the reader that i null ordination for want of the latter , his weakness , or designed ill intent is such as warneth his readers to take heed of believing him . if he mean it only of the former , as i speak , i have before confuted him that dare say that no qualification is necessary ad esse . then a pope ioan , or woman-priest or prelate , or a professed enemy of god or christ may be a priest. and he may be a pastor of a church to feed them by the word , who never heard or know what was the word or church . cannot the best believer go to heaven , if all your priests will but deny him the sacrament ? and yet may a man be validly a bishop , and the key keeper of heaven that believeth not that there is a god , a christ or heaven , and so professeth ? this maketh me remember the old roman canons , how no bishop must be deposed for lying with his own sister , unless a great multitude of witnesses testifie it ; and the councils that decreed no layman shall witness against a clergy-man , &c. but election , consent , the ordainers approbation ( ordinarily ) are part of my qualifications . and if these be unnecessary , what doth the man plead for ? and is a false approbation of a man that wanteth essentials , more necessary than having them ? how contrary is this to the doctrine of the council of carthage in the epistle in cyprian , of martial and basilides ; and to many honest councils ? § 35. p. 90. at the end of this insinuated false accusation , he asketh , [ where do we find that god ever gave bishops , presbyters and deacons , ( though he gave apostles , pastors and teachers ) ? those extraordinary offices indeed seem to have been made neither of man , nor by man , but by god immediately , &c. ans. 1. hath he said a word to prove that pastors and teachers are not ordinary officers , contrary to the common judgment of the church in all ages ? 2. whether he mean [ bishops ] in the dative case , or the accusative , i know not . if the later , let him speak out and say , god gave not bishops . but how proveth he that presbyters ( and bishops ) are not pastors or teachers ? 3. the text tells you , ephes. 4.14 , 15 , 16. that these offices were given for the continued stated use of the church : for the perfecting of the saints , the work of the ministry , for the edifying the body of christ , till we all come in the unity of the faith , and the knowledg of the son of god , to a perfect man , &c. was this temporary ? 4. it seems he disclaimeth bishops being made , in making apostles . 5. christ by his spirit in the apostles ordered the churches . § . 36. p. 65. he saith [ they never find any of those officers to whom succession is at present pretended , made immediately by god , but by the intervention of men , &c. ] ans. still deceiving confusion : 1. intervention is a word of fraud , and may signifie only that act which determineth of , and qualifieth the receiver ; and it may signifie the donation , or making of the office . it is this that we speak of . 2. the intervention of infallibly inspired men , commissioned to deliver and record christs own will , hath an efficiency instrumental in making the office , in that the spirit in them doth it , and they do make instrumentally the charter or law which giveth the power ; and christ doth what they did by his commission and spirit . if you can prove that our diocesans have this commission , spirit and power , if they write new sacred scriptures , or make new sacraments , and church-forms , and offices , we will obey them . but prove it well . 3. did any man but christ send forth the seventy ? yet most prelatists hold , that those were the predecessors of the presbyters . 4. by this it seems he again denieth , that christ himself instituted the order of bishops , by making apostles . and if so , he will sorely shake his standing ; for then they must prove all their power from the apostles ( or following persons ) institutions , and not make them successors of the apostles own office ( for they made not their own office ) . and dr. stillingfleet thinks there were no bishops , or few made in the apostles times , as dr. hammond thinks of subject-presbyters . and if christs spirit in the apostles made not these offices ( who made the scripture , which is gods law ) , i despair of seeing it proved , that any since them were authorized to make them . and if men only made the episcopal and presbyters office , men may unmake them . § . 37. a case put to me within this hour , remindeth me , how much these men prefer ordination , not only in it self , but in this circumstance of prelatical uninterrupted succession , before baptism , which is our christning . there are some godly young men that have communicated in the lords supper , that were the children of quakers and anabaptists ; some were never baptized , and some know not whether they were , or not ; and being born near two hundred miles hence , cannot learn or come to any certainty . the question is , whether these that have communicated , should yet be baptized ? which is to make christians of christians ? or whether the higher sacrament do not eminently contain the lower , as making a man a bishop , containeth making him a presbyter , and that containeth eminently his deaconship ( as some say ) ? if they must be baptized , yet , it implieth the nullity of their sacramental communion before : and if so , mr. dodwell must confess , that priestly exhibition , or investiture is null to an uncapable subject . but i think most will say , that he should not be baptized , it being done interpretatively . and if so , is his prelatical mode of ordination more necessary than actual baptism ? besides , that ( as is said ) they make lay-mens or womens baptizing sufficient ad esse . and yet the church of england professeth , that only the two sacramens , baptism and the lords supper , are generally necessary to salvation . § . 38. pag. 67 , 68. he would persuade us that the imposition of hands in ordination signifieth what he asserteth . but he giveth us not one word of proof of it . was it the holy ghost which was in the imposing apostle or prelate that was given by him , and out of him into the ordained ? no , he was never in scripture said to be the ownor , donor , or efficient conveyer of the holy ghost . but gods will made the imposition of the apostles hand , a conditional act to qualifie the recipient to receive the holy ghost immediately from god , as the texts before cited , and many more prove . what if it be once said that [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] when many other texts expound it ? it 's well known that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth many other causes , mediums , conditions , as well as efficient conveying causes . is it like to signifie more here than in the doctrine of justification , when it is so oft said that we are justified by faith ? and yet faith there , is no efficient instrument conveying or giving us pardon and relative justification , but only a necessary qualification of the recipient ( called by dr. twisse , causa dispositiva , which is part of the materialis ) upon which gods covenant immediately pardoneth and justifieth the believer ; so both there and here it is by or through the act of man , as a moral qualification of the recipient , made a condition by god. § . 39. after all this , the man cometh himself pag. 72. to distinguish of qualifications necessary to the being of the office , and to the well-being ; yea , and hath the face to say , that i should have distinguished them ; as if i had not ever done it . is it not an unprofitable toil to dispute with such men that will pretend that a case by me constantly stated was not stated , and then will long dispute himself for the unqualified without distinction , and after all distinguish in the fag end ? this beseemeth not any man that will pretend to plead for truth . but yet he will not be over-liberal to us ▪ he saith p. 13. all the skill that is requisite essentially , is only in general to know the benefits to be pe●formed on gods part , and the duties to be promised on mans , and the nature and obligation of covenants in general ; and the particular solemnities of ecclesiastical covenanting . and of this how can any one be uncapable , that is but capable of understanding the common dealings of the world ? ans. 1. and yet must we have universities ? and must the holy ghost be given by the bishops for this ? and is there any need to open the bible to know it ? and must so much riches and honour maintain this much ? and all be damned schismaticks that turn to better ? 2. set this qualified ministry and his great zeal to perswade the nonconformists to cease preaching , and his unchurching the reformed churches altogether ; and it 's easie to see what this humble diligent man is labouring for . 3. do not many millions understand the common dealings of the world that understand not the gospel ? the natural man receiveth not the things that be of god , for they are spiritually discerned . 4 is not this a plain design to set up a carnal kingdom of ignorant , vicious clergy-men , such as st. paul saith , rom. 8 neither are nor can be subject to gods law , instead of a holy catholick church and communion of saints ? and to make mahometans think that they are saints in comparison of us , and that christians are an unholy sort of men ? 5. either he includeth all that is necessary to the things named by him , or not . if not , then his priest must know the benefits of gods covenant , without knowing what god is , or that christ is the purchaser , covenanter , &c. if yea , ( which i doubt not he will say ) then , o what an excellent body of theology is included in these few general words ! then he must know all those attributes of god and his relations to man , by which he is said to be our god. he must know all the necessary articles of faith , about the person of christ , as god and man in two natures and one person , his incarnation , birth , life , sufferings , death , burial ! his doctrine , his merits , his resurrection , ascension , glory , intercession , kingly and prophetical office , and last judgment , and glorious kingdom . he must know what covenant god formerly made , and man broke ; and what sin , original and actual , and what curse and condemnation followed on mankind . and oh how many great and mysterious things are contained in gods covenant-benefits ! on union with christ , reconciliation , justification , adoption , sanctification ; the doctrine of the holy ghost as the third person in the trinity , and as the inspirer of prophets and apostles , and inditer and confirmer of the scriptures , and the witness of christ , and the sanctifier and comforter of the elect , besides resurrection , glorification , &c. and what a deal is contained in mans necessary qualification ( faith , repentance ) , and promised duty ? and the true nature and use of the sacraments themselves ? and is all this such a small or easie matter as he seems to intimate ? 6. but hath he yet proved that a true minister of christ hath no necessary work but thus to administer sacraments ? i will yet believe , 2 tim. 4.1 , 2. that he must preach the word in season , out of season , reprove , rebuke , exhort , partly to convert the unconverted , partly to confirm and guide believers ; and that the people should ask the law at his mouth as being the messenger of the lord of hosts . and that the very essence of his office is to be a minister under the teaching , priestly and ruling office of christ. 7. and if he had proved that a sorry priest hath all that is essential to his office , that proveth not that i must take him for my pastor , no not though the diocesan command me . souls are more worth than to be wilfully made the priests and prelates merchandize . if a man have all essential to a physician , and no more , i will not trust my life to his skill , which is less than my soul , though the bishop bid me . if a woman have all that 's essential to a woman , he is a fool that will take her for his wife , because the bishop bids him , if she have no more . the priests that the pope sent from italy into england ●hat could speak no english , knew what you mention perhaps . but it 's necessary also that the pastor teach all this knowledg to all the flock , which is not done with saying few words . this man minds me of the saying of an atheistical ph●sician , what needs there all this preaching and stir ? i can tell them all in three words , it is but think well , and say well , and do well . dr. saywell , and mr dodwell that are so much for our silence , seem to be too near to this mans mind . but saith st. paul , who is sufficient for these things ! 8. yet this sort of men that can accept of so little of god in the priests , so be it they will but be ruled by the prelate ( who i suppose need ad esse be no wiser or better himself in their opinion ) are the rigidest silencers and excommunicators of others the wisest and holiest pastors and christians , as schismaticks , or hereticks , if they obey not the diocesan in every indifferent thing , or be not of their mind in what they decree ; such odds is in their demands for god , and for the prelates . he that doth but understand the common dealings of the world , is capable of saying over the liturgy of the sacrament ; and a little knowledg , and no honesty or piety , may serve ad esse . but if the councils of prelates , yea or his single diocesan command him never so many things as indifferent , which the poor priest feareth are perjury , lying , false worship , or other heinous sins , he is to be excommunicated from christian society , and cast out of the ministry , and as a schismatick not only to be silenced , but to be damned , if such as mr. saywell and mr. dodwell , and their masters be to be believed . § . 40. but saith he , p. 74. how can they prove that preaching is at all any essential part of the office ? &c. ans. 1. from christs own practice , and his command to those whom he called and sent , and from their practice , and the holy ghosts determination by them , mat. 4.17 . & 10.7 . & 11.1 . mar. 1.4 , 38. & 3.14 . luk. 4.18 , 19 , 43. & 9.2 , 60. act. 5.42 . & 10.42 . rom. 10.8 , 10 , 14 , 15. mat. 28.19 mar. 16.16 , 20. act. 30.20 . & 8 5 , 2● , 40 & 9.20 . & 13.5 , 42. & 20.7 , 20 , to the end . phil. 1.17 , 18. 1 tim. 3.16 . 2 tim. 3.16 . 2 tim. 4.1 , 2. 1 cor 1.21 . 2 tim. 2.2 , 24. tit. 2.3 . where do you find that ever any one in the new testament was ordained a mass priest , or sacrament priest , and not a teacher ? 2. when did you prove that actual giving the sacrament was essential to a bishop or presbyter ? not only ; paul baptized few , but many parish priests leave that work to their curates , and some bishop● leave both the sacraments to their chaplains or priests . i suppose you know that in the ancient churches one assembly had usually a bishop with many presbyters and deacons ; and usually the bishop did both preach and celebrate the eucharist ? can you prove that the rest did any 〈◊〉 celebrate than preach ? 3. but if you are willing , you may easily know that we take preaching to ●ave more modes than making a set sermon in the pulpit . the presbyters of old were all preachers ; sometimes in the pulpit when the bishop or chief speaker was absent , sick or required it ; sometimes to smaller parties in houses or chappels , or lesser meetings ; sometime by conference , as christ preached to the woman , iob. 4. and if you think otherwise , yet i am confident by experience , that it is an easier thing , and requireth less skill to make a pulpit studied sermon , than to deal convincingly in conference with particular persons that need our teaching . and a man may learn to say mass or liturgies , that hath no tolerable fitness to teach . 4. but if preaching and teaching be all one with you as they are with me , is it not a strange question to ask , how we prove that preaching , that is , teaching , is at all essential to their office ? as if you should ask , how we prove that teaching is essential to a schoolmaster or tutor ? or that to rule is essential to a ruler ; or to give physick essential to a physician ? what can you take the office to be that includeth not teaching ? neither christs apostles , nor the ancient church ever ordained any to give sacraments without teaching , ( however papists make the essence of the priesthood to be in the power of making the body and blood of god. ) nay , how can they celebrate the sacraments without preaching or teaching ? can they justly baptize the adult , and not teach them the great articles of the creed which they must profess ? and the great and many duties to be done ? and the great and many benefits to be received ? and doth he think it such a small and easie matter to teach men all the articles of the creed , the sense of the lords prayer , the ten commandments , and the nature of the sacrament of baptism , and the lords-supper ? it may be h● will say , that it is some other preaching that he meaneth . but he speaketh to me , who ( in the hearing of d● warmstrie , and of mr. th. baldwin , who is yet living ) did offer bishop morley when he ●orbad me to preach in his diocess , to promise him to preach only the catechism-doctrine , on baptism , the creed , the lords prayer , the ten c●mmandments , and the lords supper . archbishop vsher in his ●ermon before king iames , on eph●s 4 3. boldly affi●●●th , that l●t the learneds● of them all try it when they will , they shall find that it requireth greater skill to open to the ●gnora●t intelligi●ly these cat●chism common truths , than to handle points of controverted school-divinity . § . 41. it may be objected , 1 cor. 12. are all teachers ? and rom. 12. he that teacheth on teaching . ans. it 's evident that teachers or doctors are there put for some eminently gifted above others in opening and defending sound doctrine , and not for all teachers in general . for exhortation is distinguished from it , which yet is the greatest p●rt of most sermons . paul was the chief speaker , yet barnabas was a teacher . we are more than he is , for many ministers in each church , where the chief speaker shall usually preach ; but the other as assistants in their time and place , and not to be meer sacramenters . § . 42. his next recollections run all upon such intimated or expressed untruths meerly forged by him contrary to my copious explications , and against the rules of common honesty , that i will not lose my own and the readers time in particular answers to them . he would perswade the readers that i affirm that power immediately results from gifts , who never had such a thought , but say it neither resulteth from them , mediately nor immediately . this dealing is so grosly false , that it is neither credit to his cause nor him . would he make men think that i take him to have most authority or power , that hath the best gifts ? as if the wisest and best man had right to the crown or church-power ? if copious discourses to the contrary will not hinder such busie disputers from such inhumane slanders , are they meet to be disputed with ? i have over and over said that , 1. gifts , or the best abilities . 2. and due election or approbation of the ordainers . 3. and the peoples election and consent , all set together , do but make up the qualification or receptive disposition of the recipient . 4. yea , and his consent conjoined ; and that where all these in the necessary degree concur , the power resulteth to that cap●ble person from none of them all , but immediately from god law , which is his instrument giving power to persons so qualified . and that besides all these , ministerial investiture for orders sake , when it may be had , should introduce him into possession ; yea , and the magistrate must be judg whom he will countenance , protect or tolerate . but the case of ordination and investiture are necessary only where they may be had lawfully , and without crossing their end ; as sacrifice was compared with mercy , and the rest of the sabbath compared to works of charity and necessity . § . 43. and as it is the trick of such dealers , p. 81. he must have governours to do his work ; and therefore must not leave out that which may make us odious to them ; but tells men , that our hypothesis is unreconcilable with government in this life , in that it permits persons to assume authority , and to extend it as far as they think fit , by appealing to writings against the sense of all the visible authority of this life . ans. 1. but ●f this hypothesis be none of his adversaries , but come out of the meal-tub , or forge of inventers , what shall such men be called ? 2. we permit no person to assume authority . but writings are not so contemptible to us in comparison of that which you take to be all the visible authority of the church . it is your richard hooker that saith , that the law maketh the king , and giveth and measureth his power , and that it's usurpation which obligeth no mans conscience , when power is taken , and us●d which the law never gave . what i think of this , i have elsewhere shewed . the statutes are not so contemptible in this case , but the great lawyers think they may be appealed to from visible rulers in several cases . and you must talk at other rates than you have done in your tedious fallacious vagaries , before wise christians will believe that we may not appeal from prelates to the written word of god , when the power used by them is justly questioned . if not , how ca●e the reformed churches to justifie their reformation ? was it not by appealing to scripture against the visible church rulers , that were commonly against them ? were not p●pes , council , prelates , and priests against them , for the far greatest part ? did it overthrow all government of the world to appeal from these to the ●cripture ? i hereby undertake to prove , that neither popes , prelates , or priests , have any church-authority , b●t what god hat● given them by his word ▪ and is it not th●● necessary to try it by that word ? must we take th●●r own words for all that popes , or prelates c●●im ? and it will put the pope and council hard to it , to prove any authority from god , if the scripture do not give it them : and if it give it them , it may give it others . § 44. and wh●n 〈◊〉 , done , we are far from granting , that we have les● to sh●● for our succession from the apostle● , than popes or 〈…〉 have . 1 we are 〈◊〉 that we have the same ●aptism , eucharist , creed , l●●ds pra●●r , d●calogue , and script●re , delivered down from the a●ostles . 2. we are sure that we have a ministry of the same species which christ and his ●pirit in the apostles instituted . 3. we know that our churches , and worship , and doctrine , are the ●ame that are described , and setled by the apostles . 4. we know that our present ministers are qualified as the apost●●● requi●ed . 5. and that they are elected , or 〈◊〉 to by the 〈◊〉 , is the apostles required . 6. and that they have as good an ordination , and investiture , as the apostles ever made necessary to the ministry : that is , 1. they have the approbation of senior pastors , and many of them of diocesans . all that were put into any places by the parliament , when the bishops were down , were to have the westminster assemblies approbation under their hands . and that assembly , as called , consisted of many diocesans , with many score grave eminent divines , though the diocesans were not actually present . and a signed approbation , and allowance , hath the essence of all that is of absolute necessity in ordination . 2. they were ordained by true bishops . 1. all true presbyters are episcopi gregis , and joyn in ordination here in enggland . 2 the chief pastors of city-churches , having curates under them , are episcopi eminentes vel praesides , such as ordained for above two hundred years after the apostles . and 3. the chosen presidents of synods were such bishops . but all these concurred in the nonconformists ordinations when the diocesans were down . they were ordained at , and by a synod of presbyters in some great town , or city , where the moderator , and the chief city-pastors were part . 3. many of them were ordained by diocesans . 4. many ordained , as aforesaid , were after approved by diocesans , some by imposition of hands , and all by word , or writing ▪ for archbishop vsher did in my hearing by word and in writing more publickly declare his opinion of such presbyters ordination as valid ●though he excused not such as deposed the diocesans from the guilt of schism ) ; and so did the many other bishops , whom i formerly cited ; yea , even bancroft himself . and surely all this hath all that is essential to ordination . 5. and we know that such a ministry hath continued to propagate the church and gospel in the world since the apostles days . but we confess , 1. that we cannot prove , that such ministers have still succe●ded in the same towns. 2. nor that no one , from whom their ordination came down from the apostles , did pretend to have orders , or authority when he had none . 3. or that no one of them in 1660. years was an heretick , or a schismatick , or a papist . 4. or that no one ordained in wrong words . 5. or that no one ordained contrary to the canons , out of his own limits , or without three bishops , or without the presbyters . 6. or that no competitors were ordained by several bishops . mr. dodwell is a great historian ; when he hath proved all this of all , or any of his clergy-friends , he hath done something more than multiply words . § . 45. but on the other side , we can easily prove , and have proved , 1. that our diocesans are not of the same species with those of old . 2 that the apostles did not make them . i think mr. dodwell will say , that the presbyters first made them by consent ( the children begot the fathers ) . 3 and dr. hammond will defend it , that there is no certainty , that any subject presbyters were made by the apostles in scripture times . so that the very species of their clergy hath no such succession , as distinct from ours . 4. and he that will read the church-history , and councils , declaring the multitude of doleful intercisions in east and west by heresies , the patriarchs of alexandria , antioch , constantinople , ierusalem and rome , and most of the chief seats of bishops , having been judged hereticks , simoniacks , or no bishops by general councils ; yea , roman bishops judged some of them infidels , and diabolical by the councils of constance bas●l , &c. i say , he that knoweth this history , must know , that the diocesans that from these derive their succession , have certainly had frequent and notorious intercisions . § . 46. and this leads me to another part of mr. dodwell's work : viz. his proof that aidan and finan were bishops . as if this had been a great part of his cause . such diverting noise is a great part of the art of deceiving . because i had said , that aiden and finan were not bishops , but presbyters , that is , when they came out of scotland into northumberland , i apprehended that some men of his g●●ius and design , would be willing to mistake me , and therefore printed an explication of the words in the end of my first answer to dr. stillingfleet . but mr. d would have men think that i said , that they were never made and called bishops at all ; and that i read not beda , from whom alone ( near five and thirty years ago ) i took almost all that i assert concerning them . let the reader see my foresaid explication . if mr. dodwell will give us more than noise and mist about this matter : 1. let him prove that it was diocesan bishops that ordained these scots before they came into england , when beda saith they were sent from those monasteries that were ruled by presbyters , and which would not so much as eat or communicate with the roman bishops . 2. let him prove that any bishops in england consecrated hem , or made them bishops here , when beda tells us that they were the first in the north , and therefore had none here to ordain them . 3. let him prove that they were here made true diocesan bishops of our species : when , 1. they had no presbyters at first under them , and therefore ruled none , and had but one congregation ; for one man can be but in one place at once . 2. their church in lindisfarne was not made of stone , but of wood , covered or thatcht with reeds , and they are not said to have any other church under them . 3. they went indeed to preach all over the country , but not as to a church , but as to heathens to convert them . 4. let him prove that ever they took themselves to be of a distinct order from presbyters . 5. at a synod ( bed. c. 25. ) we find no more but the king and his son , and hilda a woman-abbess , and three or four of this sort of bishops , ( far below our ordaining city-presbyters and their synods . ) but unlearned men that value books by interest and preconceived opinions , may think that by such talk mr. dodwell hath done some great matter . § . 47. but ( saith he , p. 81 , 82. ) our hypothesis obliging inferiour governours to prove their title to their office , and the extent of it , from the intention of their supream governours , does oblige all to a strict dependance on the supreme visible power , so as to leave no place for appeal concerning the practice of such government ( which as it lasts only for this life , so it ought not to admit of disputes more lasting than its practice ) , &c. ans. alas for the poor world and church that will be cheated at so gross a rate ! 1. did you not know that the grand error that protestants charge papists with , is the asserting of any such thing as a supreme visible power over the church universal besides christ. and did you think that your roteing over the name to them that deny the thing , would make a wise man change his religion ? 2. by your hypothesis then no man can prove his title to his office , who either believeth not that there is any such universal supreme , or that knoweth not who it is ( i know no competitors but the pope , and general councils , unless the patriarch of constantinople be one . ) 3. and he that knoweth not the intention of this supreme power , is still unable to prove his office . 4. and he that knoweth the intention of the ordaining diocesan , is never the better if he know not the intention of the supreme . and what if the intention of the supreme , and of the diocesan are contrary ? 5. but by your hypothesis the governours may alter the very species of the priesthood as they please ; and what ever god saith of it in his institution or law , it must be to us no other in kind or extent , than the governours intend . if they say , i ordain thee to baptize , but not to teach ; or to do both , but not to celebrate the lords-supper ; or to do that , but not to pray or praise god ; or not to use the keys of the church , our power is limited accordingly ; then if the prelates make mass-priests , their intention is the measure of their power . answer the papists then that ask , was it ever the intention of the pope and his prelates , that the english bishops should disclaim the pope , or the mass , or reform without them as they did ? 6. seeing the english bishops , by you , derive their succession from willfred , and augustine , and rome , is not the church of rome the ●ittest judg of the extent of their power , as knowing their own intentions ? nay , if they were so blind as to intend them power to pull down themselves , may they not recall it ? 7. did ever protestant preach this doctrine , that there is no appeal from the supreme prelates , to god ? o dreadful ! what may men come to ? and what error so great that a former may not introduce ? disgrace not the church of england so much as thus to intimate , that they set up themselves so as that there is no appeal to scripture , or god himself from them ? god hath commanded preaching , praying , praises , baptism , the lords-supper , holy assemblies , &c. if the supreme prelates interdict and forbid all these , is there no appeal to god ? i have told you how much robert grosthead abhor'd this doctrine , and so told pope innocent the 4 th . what absolute blind obedience to prelates is this ! 8. and what a reason brings he , that the practice lasteth only for this life , and therefore , & c ? doth any of our actions here last longer than while they are doing ? praying , praise , sacraments , obeying the king , doing good to the poor , &c. and so swearing , cursing , adultery , rebellion , atheism , blasphemy here , last only for this life . must we therefore obey men without appeal to god , if they forbid us all duty , and command all sin ? 9. and what did the man mean when he said , that it ought not to admit of disputes more lasting than its practice . is this the rate of these mens wise disputations ? 1. a murderers practice may be disputed at the assizes when his act is past . 2. shall not all the actions of men in this world be examined and judged of by christ hereafter ? what ? no men judged according to their works , or for any thing done in the body ? 3. or did he mean that god will justifie us for any villany that we shall do in obedience to the supreme clergy ? 4. or did he think that by appealing to gods judgment , we challenge them there to dispute with us ? what to make of this mans demonstrations , little do i know . § . 48. he adds , p. 82. for how fallible soever they may be conceived to be in expounding scripture , yet none can deny them to be the most certain , as well as the most competent iudges of their own intentions . ans. 1. that 's true . and if their intentions may make doctrine , worship , and priesthood , what they please , it much concerneth us that they conceal not their intentions ! but i would i knew whose intention this must be ; whether the supreme clergies , or the ordainers ; and what to do if divers mens intentions differ ; and what bounds are set to their intentions ; and how many hundred sorts of priests doctrine or worship they may make . 2. you touch their fallibility tenderly , as a thing that some may conceive . but it seems let them never so falsely expound scripture , their own intentions still shall prevail against all the word of god ? i would you would answer dr. stillingfleet's rational account , which confuteth you . § . 49. he proceeds , as certainly therefore as god hath made his church a visible society , and constituted a visible government in it , so certainly it is to be presumed that their hypothesis must be false , &c. ans. 1. trifle not at this deceiving rate with plain men that love the light . if by a visible society with a visible government , you mean ( as we have great reason to think ) , with a visible government over it besides christ , do not thus as mr. thorndike and others of you do , go on to beg it , and build vast structures on it , but prove it to us and we will yield ; prove to me that the vniversal church is a society that must have one vis●ble supreme government under christ , and i here declare to you , that i will turn papist presently , and will not wrangle against any man for calling me a papist ( though i may not own all that popes say and do , as those do that grotius called papists . ) i will not talk with bishop gunning of a collegium pastorum , governing all the christian world per literas formatas ; nor be so moderate as those french papists that make an vniversal council ( which never was , nor ever must be ) the supreme church-power . i will presently be for the pope , though not as absolute . but why answer you not what we have said against it ? particularly my sermon in the morning-lectures against popery . 2. but if by a visible power in the church , you mean not one over the church , the independents deny it not ; while every city hath its proper mayor , ( and so every church its pastor ) it is a visible power in the kingdom , but not over it as a kingdom . all the justices of peace are visible powers in the kingdom , but not supreme , nor as one aristocracy over the whole . seeing all my dissent from popery , and from you , is founded in my judgment against any one universal supreme besides christ , ( monarch , aristocracy , or democracy , i seriously intreat you to write your strongest arguments on that subject to convince me , and answer what i have said to mr. iohnson , and you may spare all the rest of your labour as to me . this will do all . § . 50. p. 83. he adds , how can subjects preserve their due subordination to their superiors if they practice differently ? and while they defend their practices , and pretend divine authority for them ? ans. 1. as the three confessors did , dan. 3. and as daniel did , dan. 6. and as the apostles did , act. 2. & 3. & 4. and as all the bishops and churches did for three hundred years . and as the orthodox did under valens , constantine , theodosius junior , anastasius , philippicus , &c. 2. they may defend it by proving , that there is a god , who is supreme , and that there is no power but of him , and none against him ; and that man is not god , and therefore hath no power but limited ; and that to disobey usurpation , is not to disobey power ; and that god must be obeyed before man. 3. this is high language , and harsh to protestant and christian ears , what! are you serious ? must none in rome , italy , spain , france , &c. practise contrary to their governours ? nor in turky neither ? nor in china , iapan , & c ? is it unlawful to read the scripture , to pray , to worship god , to be baptized , to profess our selves christians , to speak a good word , or do a good deed , to feed our children , or relieve our parents , &c. if governours forbid us ? this is far worse than to forbid the scripture in a known tongue , if when we know it , we must not obey it if governours forbid us , nor so much as plead divine authority for doing what gods word commandeth us ? is gods authority so contemptible in comparison of prelates . or doth it so little concern us , as that we may not so much as plead it for any practice forbidden us by superiours ? this doctrine must needs startle a christians heart . it 's far unlike bishop bilsons of subjection , and such others . if you really mean so , that whatever god commandeth us in scripture , we must do none of it if the governours forbid us , or else we overthrow all governments , speak it out , and prove it ; but christians will abhor it . and yet this same man calleth the martyrs saints , when his argument makes them rebels . w. iohnson would not have talkt at this rate . § . 51. and i would fain know , whether he that first saith , that it subverteth all government , and after nameth [ supreme church-government ] do really mean it of all , or of church-government only ? 1. if of all , the man is no papist , i will gratifie him to proclaim it ; for he is no christian. he that thinks that men must not plead gods authority for doing any thing different from the wills of turkish , iewish , or heathen governours , surely is no christian : no , nor if he had confined this power to christian governours . 2. but if he mean it only of church-governours , how come they to have so absolute a power more than civil magistrates ? may we plead gods authority against a king , and not against the prelates ? what proof was ever given of this ? then the prelates is far above the kings : then the prelate is an absolute governour of the king himself . let kings and parliaments but understand these men , and we fear not their deceits . are they willing to give over all worship of god , and confessing christ , and all duties of religion , justice , or charity , if the supreme clergy will but forbid them ? see i beseech you , worthy country-men , what sort of men and doctrine you have to do with . § . 52. and why doth the man talk only against different practice ? doth he not know , that government commandeth duty , as well as forbiddeth the contrary ? is not omission against government as well as commission ? if the king command taxes , military service , &c. may we disobey , and call it passive obedience ? what if the bishops only forbid us to confess christ , to come to church , to pray , to give alms , to do any good ? may we forbear , sobeit we do not the contrary ? doubtless if gods word and authority may not be pleaded for any duty which god commandeth , and the prelates forbid , neither may it be pleaded for the omission of any villany commanded by prelates ( no , not inquisition , torments , or massacres ) , which god forbids . but this man hath the gramatical skill to call omissive obedience by the name of passive . § . 53. it 's like he will next say , that i make odious suppositions , that the supreme church-power may command any villanies , and forbid christian duties . ans. 1. i despair of getting any of these designers to tell me , which is the supreme universal church-power , so as to be well understood . i never heard of any pretenders but pope , and general councils , and as bishop guning holds , the colledg of all the bishops in the world . and certainly pope and councils have set up heresies , and decreed even the exterminating of all that will not dis-believe all their senses , and deny bread to be bread , and wine to be wine . they have decreed deposing kings , absolving subjects from their allegiance , adoring images , &c. and what is it that yet they may not do ? if they say with peter , if all men deny thee , i will not ; how shall i know that they say true ? doth not the church of england tell us , that councils have erred , & c ? § . 54. and be not these very honest sons of the church of england , that affirm it irreconcilable to government , to alledg divine authority of any different practices , without exception , and at the same time to subscribe to art. 21.19.6.18 . of the sufficiency of scripture . that the churches of jerusalem , alexandria , antioch , rome , have erred in matters of faith ; that the church may not ordain any thing contrary to gods written word : that general councils may err , and have erred ; and that things ordained by them , as necessary to salvation , have neither strength , nor authority , unless it may be declared , that they are taken out of the holy scripture : and those are accursed that presume to say , that every man may be saved by the law , or sect which he professeth . and why not , if he must do all that the governours require , or nothing divers to them ? § . 55. my reason forbids me to trace such a writer as this any further . to tell men of every vain harangue , and confident discourse , that 's full of gross error , or false report , is work unworthy of time and labour ; but i will a little more open the coar of his deceit . chap. v. wherein mr. dodwell's deceits , and the danger of them do consist . § . 1. as to his method of disputing , that you may detect his fallacies , he hath got this absurd ptetence , p. 90. that there is but one sense of all terms , which causes oblige men to mean ; and that every one ought to know , who pretends to have skill in causes . ans. would you have thought that ever a man should publickly use such a cothurnus among the learned ? what a man is obliged to mean , is one thing , and what he doth mean is another . and is there any one that knoweth what humane language is , that knoweth not that almost all words have various significations ? doth he not know by how good reason the schools oblige disputants , first to explain their terms ? and what need there is of definition to explain them ? he instanceth in the words bishops , and the church of england ; and might have added , the catholick church . and doth he not know that it is the species of bishops that we differ about ? and will the general name here explain each parties sense ? when we are for one sort of bishops , and against another ? and is it not such fraud as souls should not be abused by , to refuse wilfully to define the episcopacy that he meaneth , and then plead that all should understand him ? and why is it not as much ignorance in him not to understand me , as in me not to understand him , when i use distinct explication , which he obstinately refuseth ? and doth not dr. stillingfleet's case shame what he saith of the church of england , who was hardly brought to explain it , and at last denieth the very being of the church in mr. dodwell's sense ? which of you was to blame to meddle with the word till you had skill in causes , to understand it without a definition ? and doth not dr. stillingfleet take it as the introduction of popery , to hold a constitutive regent church-government , national , or catholick ? and so he , and mr. dodwell mean not the same thing by the church catholick ( nor bishop guning , mr. thorndike , or the church of rome , who are all for an universal humane supreme power ) . and who is he that hath read dr. challoners credo eccles. cathol . chillingworth , bishop mortons grand imposture , bishop bilson , dr. white , dr. whitaker , dr. sutliffe , bishop andrews , bishop carlton , &c. chamier , sadeel , melancthon , bucer , &c. who knoweth not that the papists and prorestants , by the name of the catholick church , do mean several things , and that we deny the very being of any such church as they call the catholick ? and is this the bold and happy disputant , that will save the schools and world the labour of explaining terms , and foreagreeing of the sense , and put men on disputing , where the subj●ct is denied , and fill a book with tedious confident harangues , and then hide all the fraud by saying , that there is but one sense of all terms , which causes oblige m●n to mean ; and that every one ought to know , who pretend to have skill in causes ? when the cause disputed is only managed by words , as they signifie the minds of the speakers about the real matters ▪ § 2. and as to the material fundamental difference between mr. dodwell's party and us , it lyeth in these following things : i. we totally differ about the nature of gods government of man. ii. and about the use of the holy scripture , and gods laws . iii. about the nature and extent of all humane government . iv. about the form of moral good and evil . v. about the essential form of the catholick church . vi. about gods ordinary means of saving grace . vii . about the use of preaching . viii . about the duty of worshipping god in sacred assemblies , or the communion of saints . ix . about the difference of apostles , and the office of the bishops . x. about the office of a presbyter or parish-pastor . xi . about the necessaries to ministry , churches , christianity , and ordinary title to salvation . xii . and about the final judgment . if all these be little tollerable differences , why may not we be tollerated ? if not , judg reader who they be that are intollerable , when you hear them plead against tolleration . § . 3. i. for the first , we judg that there is a god , who is the governour of the world by an universal law , which is above all humane laws or will , and that he is the fountain of all power , and there is none but what he giveth and limiteth , and that no man is above him , nor hath true authority against his laws . but mr. dodwell saith , that it is irreconcileable to government in this life , or to due subordination of subjects to superiours , to practice differently , and defend it by pretending divine authority , and appealing to writings , ( scriptures is our word by excellency so called ) . and so god shall be god , and be obeyed , if the clergy please . § . 4. ii. as to the second , we suppose that the holy scriptures are gods laws , indited and recorded by the holy ghost to be the first obliging rule of faith , and holy living , which all men are to be obedient to , before and against all contrary laws of men . but mr. dodwell as aforesaid , alloweth no such prime obligation as will warrant an appeal to the word of god , from the visible church-governours that contradict it . § . 5. iii. and for the third , we suppose that all humane powers are derived from god , and have no authority but what he giveth them , and are more under him and his laws , than the justices are under the king and his laws , and can oblige no man against the laws of god. but how far mr. dodwell thinks otherwise , you have heard . he saith not indeed that we must break gods laws , but we must not pretend them , or appeal to them against our governours . in charity i hope he meaneth no worse , but that we must take our rulers word or exposition , and judg nothing to be in the scripture , contrary to their commands . and whether he give them the same dominion also over the law of nature , let him tell you . paul disclaimed dominion over mens saith , and the written law of god. § . 6. iv. and for the fourth , we take moral good to be a conformity to gods law ▪ and moral evil or sin to be a breach of it . but mr. dodwell is for measuring them by the clergies or governours will , though gods law be against theirs . § . 7. v. and for the fifth , we take the catholick church to have no supreme government but god , and our glorified redeemer god and man ; and that there is no such thing as a catholick-church of gods making under any other supreme rulers . but that as god is the invisible king of this visible world , and kings are subordinate supremes in their kingdom , but neither one of them , or many conjunct in an aristocracy , supreme over all the earth ; so christ is the partly visible , and partly invisible supreme ruler of the visible church of christians , and each pastor is under him over his proper flock ( bound to keep concord and peace ) ; but none under him supreme over all , whether monarch ( as the pope ) or aristocracy , as councils , cardinals , or ' others . but mr. dodwell is for a visible society , with a visible humane supreme . but who the supreme is , i despair of getting him to acquaint us . § . 8. vi. and for the sixth , we suppose that god sent forth preachers to convert the world , and turn them from darkness to light , and the power of satan to god , and that faith comes by hearing , and hearing by the word preached , and that whoever believeth shall be saved ; and the word of god is powerful to this end , and sufficient to make us wise to salvation . but mr. dodwell thinks that it is not preaching , but the delivering men the sacraments , that giveth them the first true saving grace and title to salvation . and that none in the world have this sacrament or covenant-title to life , but those that receive it from a hand that had an ordination by bishops in his sense , of uninterrupted succession from the apostles by the like ordination . § . 8. vii . accordingly we hold that preaching is for the converting of souls , and the means of saving faith and holiness . but what he thinks it is good for , i know not well ; nor whether he would send the indians the sacraments instead of preachers . § . 10. viii . we take it to be our duty , though men forbid us , to confess christ , and assemble for gods worship , to read and hear the scripture , and to praise god : but he thinks we must not practice differently from the ruling clergies will , if they forbid us , nor alledg divine authority for it . § . 11. ix . we suppose that the office of a prophetical ministry bringing new doctrines or laws from god , and the office of the teachers and rulers by these laws , are greatly different , and must necessarily be distinguished . moses was a prophetical mediator in legislation , and he confirm●d his mediation by uncontrouled miracles . the prophets afterward came but on particular applicatory messages . but the priests and levites as such were no prophets , nor had power to make any new additions or alterations of the law , but only to teach it the people , and as guides apply it to their several cases ; so christ and his apostles commissioned to deliver and record all his doctrines and commands to the following ages , did by the holy ghost prophetically deliver to the world that body of doctrine and law , which must rule them to the end , and judg them ; and thus sealed and confirmed all by a multitude of uncontrouled miracles ; but all following bishops and pastors are not to do the like , nor add or alter , nor are such legislators , being not prophets nor workers of miracles , but only to teach and apply the laws already recorded in scripture , and guide their congregations in variable circumstances ( time , place , translations , &c. ) according to the general rules of gods law. this is the truth . but how much mr. dodwell equals the bishops and apostles , and sets their words above the scripture as to obligation , you have seen before . § . 12. x. and as he giveth bishops power to silence presbyters , and forbid the preaching of the gospel , and gods worship , so how little knowledg or godliness , or common sobriety or honesty , he requireth to a saving sacramenting priest , who must not be separated from , you heard before , contrary to cyprian , and many a councils canons . but we know that paul had no power to destruction , but only to edification . and they have no more . § . 13. xi . we suppose that we must love , honour , and communicate with all such as true ministers or churches , who have true faith and repentance , and sincere obedience to christs laws , and are able , godly , willing pastors , chosen or consented to by the flocks , approved and ordained by senior pastors , ( especially in synods where city-pastors preside ) , and especially if also authorized by the christian magistrate . ) but he thinks if they have not also successiv● ordination from the apostles by bishops of his species , they are no ministers , or churches , and have no sacrament , and covenant title to salvation , but are schismaticks , and by their ministry sin against the holy ghost . and so destroyeth all certainty of title to salvation , and of church-communion , ministry and sacraments , to all the christian world. § . 14 xii . lastly , we think that men shall be judged by their keeping or breaking gods law , and according to what they did in the body . but he would have us obey the supreme clergy , and not plead scripture or divine authority for our different practice ; because the government that lasteth but for this life , ought not to admit of disputes more lasting than its practice . § . 15. i conclude with a request to him to resolve me these doubts . 1. whether prophets having immediate messages from heaven , were not differenced from the teaching priests and pastors . 2. whether false prophets were not grievously threatened among the iews ; and whether christ did not command us to beware of false prophets ? 3. whether he be not a false prophet ( worse than a false teacher ) that falsely pretendeth to that which is proper to a prophet ? 4. whether it be not proper to a prophet to deliver as immediately from god , new laws to the universal church , yea or to any church , which are not in the scripture , nor are revealed by it as gods means , ( besides the determination of circumstances left to humane prudence variable pro re nata ) if moses and the apostles in legislation acted as prophets , do not they so that pretend to do the like ? 5. whether the general councils of bishops and the pope have not done the work proper to the prophetical office , when they have made laws for the unversal church , and this as by divine authority , and undertaken to give all the church the sense of scripture , which only shall be obligatory to them thereby ? for it is the maker of the sense that is the maker of the law ; especially when they pretend to infallibility , or to be secured from erring in faith , by divine inspiration , how ignorant or bad soever they be singly . is not this pretended authority and inspiration that of prophets , as different from meer teachers and guides by gods law already made ? 6. if it be so , how many such papal councils , arrogating such power , have been false prophets ? 7. but if they pretend not inspiration , nor prophetical authority from god , nor yet authority given them by the scriptures , or laws of god already made , ( or falsly pretend such ) then is not this to usurp christs own authority , and so instead of being false prophets , to be partly vice-christs , ( or law-givers to his universal church ) called commonly antichrists ? i would willingly have things so cleared , that men may be freed from all such suspicions . but if you are still confident that the universal church hath a visible supreme government besides christs , i should be glad , 1. to see it proved . 2. to know whose it is , and how we may know them . 3. and to know its true extent . if you intend no fraud , you cannot refuse me this , when i promise you , if performed , i will let fall the suit , and no more trouble you with lesser controversies . i have no copy of my first letter to mr. dodwell upon a book which he sent me . this is his answer . reverend and worthy sir , i have received your very kind letter , wherein i hardly know whether i should be more thankful for your approbation or your reproof , both of them being in their kind so useful , and both of them being by you performed with so great civility . i am confident that if our modern disputes had been moderated with that candor , men would certainly have been more peaceful , and very orthodox , than now we find them . i could very heartily have wished that the opinions wherein we differ , had not been of that nature as to s●parate communion , ( for this i look upon as the only circumstance that can make such differences grievous to a pious person ; for as for those others which exasperate many that dissenters are not so wise to discern the truth , or so fortunate in avoiding prejudices , or lighting on faithful informations , in a time when they are cap●ble of receiving them ; or that they are not so submissive as themselves expect to that pope which luther has long since observed in every mans ●eart , &c. are reasons either sinful , or at least insufficient to excuse the sin of uncharitableness upon such an account ) but as they a●e , considering them as tempered with that piety and moderation which may expiate their other malignities , that they are rather alledged as apologies for your selves , than as obligations on others , rather to excuse your deformity in assisting at our altars , than erecting others in opposition to them ; that you are still i●quisitive and desirous of further information , and ready to lay down your mistakes where you are convinced that they are such ; that still you preserve a p●aceable mind , and embrace our communion it s●lf in voto , though perhaps not actually ; these are so valuable considerations , even before god as well as man , for excusing from the guilt of error , as that whatever i may think of your op●nions , i hope it shall not hinder me from a cordial respect and veneration for your person . as i do very much esteem the good opinion of so great a lover of p●●ce and piety as your self , and should have been sorry to have given any ju●t occasion of offence to you ▪ so i am not a little glad that upon a review of the particulars mentioned in your letter , i find my self so very innocent . for as for my preface , the main parts of it wherein the disrepect of the clergy is shewn to have been an introductory to the atheism of the age we live in ; and that the conformable clergy , that is , such as would answer the design of the church not only as to their exterior demeanor in publick solemn assemblies , but also as to the qualifications of their persons , and the conduct of their whole lives , could not prove either trifling in their preaching or scandalous in their examples , and therefore that the church is not responsible for their misdemeanors where they prove otherwise ; and that the laity are in their proportion obliged to the same duties with the clergy , and therefore may make use of the advices there prescribed ; or where the errors of our modern school-divinity are touched , and some proposals made for their reformation ; in these things , i say , i can see no occasion of offence , but rather some preservatives against it . the only thing i suppose you aim at , is my taxing some opinions of nonconformists , and that with as little personal reflection as i was able , which i conceived prejudicial to church-authority ; which because you seem to disown , i do not see why you should apprehend your self as particularly concerned , especially there being nothing in the discourse whereby you could conclude either your self or any of your moderate temper to have been intended . i will assure you i intended none but such as were guilty , and with being so , i charged none particularly . but that not only the old puritans and separatists of queen elizabeths times , &c. but also very many of ours now are guilty of them , is too notorious to suppose you ignorant of it . i could heartily wish that the number of better principled and more peaceable dissenters were greater than i fear it is . nor do i see that what is there said can make it unuseful even to the persons truly concerned , that value truth more than any , however beloved party ; seeing it may either let them see the ill consequence of their principles , and their influence on that athei●m and prophaneness which i am confident themselves do most cordially detest , which i conceive to be more likely to prevail with them than other arguments , as being more suited to their pious disp●sitions ; or supposing that my fears were indeed groundless of the introduction of prophaneness by the contempt of government , or of contempt of government by their disobedience to it , yet might it at least warn them from confining on such dangerous consequ●nces , or from coming to them unawares by an abuse of principles generally true , but obnoxious to particular inconveniences when unwarily managed . i mean it may put them in mind of the greater momentousness of good government and peace than many of their differences , and consequently of the great engagements incumbent on them for their preservation ; and that they would therefore so take care to oppose the particular abusive constitutions of government , as not to bring their government into contempt , nor to sugg●st unanswerable apologies to factious persons for the future , when they are unwilling to be obedient . these are abuses which i believe your self would wish redressed in the causers of our church-divisions . but if it could not be useful to them , yet could it not be prejudicial to them , nothing being urged , either invidiously , or imperiously , and therefore no harm being done if i should prove utterly mistaken . that you should marvel how reviving discipline could by me be expected from the constitution of our present ecclesiastical government , does seem no less marvellous to me , especially as to the exception you make against it ; for if it were impossible to maintain discipline under a government so far monarchical , as to appropriate the decretory power of the government of many to a single person , though the execution be intrusted to many ; then it would follow , that the secular discipline under a secular monarch of any extent , were impossible also to be observed , seeing it is as impossible for any such prince to have a particular cognizance of every particular cause , much more of every particular person in his dominions , as for a bishop in his diocess . as there it appears by experience ( i shall instance in a scripture-example , because i know that will be liable to least exception ) , that david in an extent more vast , and a people more numerous th●n that of the largest diocesses , 120. miles in length , and 60 ▪ miles in bre●dth , and rather better in david's days , where were accounted 1300000 men sit for war , besides artificers , and such others , not coming under that account , was yet able to give a go●d account of his government , without particular inspection into all causes , or communication of his pow●r to numerous co-ordinate presbyteries ; so i do not see , why it may not as well hold for a possibility of discipline , under an ecclesiastical monarch of a much narrower extent ; for the reason produced by you , seems to proceed from the nature of government in general , and therefore must proceed with the same force in seculars as ecclesiasticals , there being no ingredient peculiarly rela●ing to religion , much less to christianity ▪ which might alter the case , or argue a disparity ; for certainly princes , as well as bishops , are responsible for the miscarriage of their particular ●ubjects ; for they may be prevented by moral diligence , and yet you will not thence conclude that every particular must come under his immediate personal care and cognizance ; nor is it proved , that the bishop is otherwise obliged to such a care upon pe●uliar respects besides , that it is plainly against experience , even in ecclesistasticals ; for as it has fallen out in some places , where there were many cities , the bishops were propor●ionally multiplied , as in affrica and ireland ; so that it was not upon account of the impossibility of managing the charge of much greater multitudes than the inhabitants of those small cities , appears , in that even in the very same places the greatness of no city was thought sufficient for multiplying the bishops , though it was for the inferior clergy . i need not tell you how great rome was ▪ and how full of christians , even in decius's time , under cornelius , which required the united endeavours of above a thousand clergies , as appears from the said cornelius's epistle to fabius , of antioch , in euseb. yet was one bishop thought sufficient for all ; nay , the erecting another in the same see , was thought to be formal schism , as appears from the controversies of those ages , betwixt cornelius , and novatian , and st. cyprian , and felicissimus the same also might have been shewn in several other cities , exceeding numerous , and abounding with christians , as antioch , and alexandria , and carthage ▪ &c. which even in those early ages , when discipline was at the greatest rigour , were yet governed by single bishops : nay ▪ whole nations were sometimes governed only by one , as the got●s by vlpilas , and the indians by aedesius , and the arabians by moses , which is an argument insisted on by some presbyterians , for shewing the probability of ordinations by bare presby●●rs . y●t are there no complaints of dissolution of discipline in such places , upon account of the greatness of their charge , which to me seem sufficient convictions , that the multitude of persons governed , is not the reason of our present neglects in that particular . when i said , that ignatius's epistles were questioned by the presbyterians , i never said , nor intended it concerning all ( for i knew of vedelius's apology for them ) , much less did i lay it particularly to your charge : so that if you had here forborn assuming to your self what was spoken of others , many of whose opinions i am confident you will not undertake to justifie , there had been no occasion of this exception . that other presbyterians , and those by far the greatest number , have denied them , cannot be questioned . as for the reasons for nonconformity alledged by you , and your brethren , of the savoy conference in 1660. if i might without offence , presume to interpose my own thoughts , they are as followeth : 1. for the approving , not only submitting to such things as you disliked , and that by an oath , i am sure there are many conformists themselves , that understand no more to have been intended by the church , but only an exterior submission , not an internal approbation of the particulars . and particularly , i have been in●ormed by a letter from a very worthy credible person , who pretends to have had it from the bishop himself , that bishop sanderson , who was a member of your conference , interposed those words in the act of parliament , where it is required , that ministers declare their unfeigned assent and consent to the use of all things in the book of common-prayer , &c. designedly that this objection might be prevented . the new article of faith , inserted in the rubrick , i do not know , nor can i now get the books that past betwixt you at the conference , to find what you mean. that lay-chancellors were put down , and that the bishops did more consult their presbyteries , i could for my own part h●artily wish . but ● cannot think abuses momentous enough to warrant a schism , and i know your self are for bearing with some things that are not so w●ll liked of , rather than that the church of god should be divided for them . in brief , i do not understand any of the six particulars mentioned as the reasons that keep you off , though indeed you disapprove them , both because you do not undertake to determine what they might be to others , but only what they are to persons of your mind ( though i confess , this may be understood as a modest declining to judg of others ) ; and because you conceive piety the most likely means to unite us , which could not be if we imposed any thing on you against your consciences . so that the only one may be presumed to have been thought sufficient by you to this purpose , seems to have been another , which because you intimate somewhat obscurely , i do not know whether you would be willing that it should be taken notice of . but however i suppose that it self does i suppose only deprive us of your clerical , not your laical communion . god give us all to discern the things that belong to peace . as for other questions , we may patiently await our lords leisure , who when he comes shall tell us all things ; and in the mean time preserve charity , and be wise unto sobriety . i hope , sir , you will excuse my freedom , and let me know whether i may in any thing be serviceable to you ; and above all things reserve a portion in your prayers for trin. col. near dublin , decemb. 14. 1672. your unfeigned well-wisher , henry dodwell . for the worthy and much honoured mr. henry dodwell , at trinity colledg near dublin in ireland . worthy sir , i heartily thank you for your patience with my free expressions , and for your grave and kind reply . as to the main cause of the nonconformists , should i enter upon that which i cannot prosecute , i should greatly injure it , my self and you : i must again crave your patience with my freedom . the sins which they fear ( whether justly is the question ) are so heinous , that they dare not mention them , lest their condemners and afflicters cannot bear it ; and so many , that to open them justly , will require a great volume , and therefore not by me to be done in a letter . only to what you have said , let me mind you in transitu . 1. that you mistake me if you think that i excepted against your preface as medling with me , any otherwise than as i am one of those nonconformists with whom i am acquainted , who are mostly of my mind . ( and i suppose you would take it for no honour to be thought to be better acquainted with the most of them in england , than i am . ) 2. that your intimations about the old nonconformists are not to our business , seeing the name of nonconformists maketh not , nor proveth all or many so named to be of the same mind . nor is your mention of our treaty or papers of 1660 , more pertinent , it being the old cause only that we had to do with , the new laws of conformity being not then existent , which have made it quite another thing . only i assure you , if my superiours would not take it for a crime and inj●ry to do what iustin , 〈…〉 for their mistaken cause ) , 〈…〉 it , i would endeavour to shew another 〈…〉 , and nonconformity , than is commonly taken 〈…〉 also to give you ( who so well understand antiquity ) 〈…〉 evidence of our conformity to the ancient 〈…〉 300 , and mostly for 600 years after christ. 〈◊〉 ( ●hat i may not say nothing to you ) 〈…〉 only employ 〈◊〉 lines about your sug●●●tions concerning the possibility of tru● disc●pline by d●●●esans as they are with us . and still you m●st pardon my 〈◊〉 of speech . i must say , that it is the c●●amity of churches , when their prelates and pastors are men that never were acquainted with the flocks , but spend one half 〈◊〉 their days in schools and colle●ges , and the other in noblen●●●● or gentlemens houses , and then talk confidently of the p●or people whom they know not , and the discipline which they ●●ver tryed . even you whom i honour as a person of extraordinary worth , constrain me by this your letter to think that i di●pute as about war with one that never stormed a garison , nor fought a battel ; or as about navigation with one that was never one month at ●ea . i. our first question is , what the pastoral office is , and especially discipline ? ii our next is , whether it may be delegated to , or done by one that is not of gods institution for the doing of it . iii. and then we shall soon see whether it be possible for our diocesans to do it , or any considerable part of it ? i. if the erastians be in the right , that none of our discipline is necessary besides that by the sword , ( and our preaching ) then we may put up the controversie on both sides . but if that be the work of bishops now , which was so in scripture-times , the matter will hold no long dispute . to shorten th●t work , i desire you to peruse ( its like you have done ) dr. hammonds paraphrase on all the texts that mention bishops and presbyters , with his treatise of the keys , where he will tell you , that it was the bishops office to be the ordinary preacher , to pray , to celebrate the eucharist , to visit the sick , to keep and distribute the alms and offerings of the church , as curators for the poor , with much more work . and that every single congregation had such a bishop , that ever met to celebrate gods publick worship ; and that there was not a mee●ing of a christian church without such ( for the said worship in scripture-times ) for he saith that there is no proof that there were any other presbyters in scripture-times . and for discipline , it is past doubt : 1. that as to the matter of 〈◊〉 , i● must consist of a personal watch over each member of ●he 〈◊〉 ; that every one in it that liveth in gross sin , or infidel , or heathenish , or her●tical error and ignorance , be orderly admonished , first m●re privately , afterward more openly , and last●y most 〈◊〉 ; and that he be by convincing reasons and ●xhortations perswaded to repentance . that the penitent mu●t be 〈◊〉 and confirmed , the obstinately impenitent rejected , as u●meet for the communion of the church . and for the manner , it is agreed that it must be done with condescending tenderness , patience , plain evidence , earnest exhortations , no means left untried to reduce a sinful miserable soul. and all this with the time and patience which so great a work requireth . ( and sure if the congregation must avoid the sinner , they should know why . ) one such person will hold the pastor work from first to last many an hour and day . n●xt , let us think how many such as by christs law must be th●s dealt with , are in a diocess . i had the most reformed people ( as to sins of commission and omission ) that ever i knew in england . our custom being to have each family come by turns to us to be personally catechised and instructed . i had full opportunity to know them all . many score of them that came daily to church , knew not the essentials of christianity and baptism . when i came first to them , i suppose some thousands lived in gross ignorance , open impiety and prophaneness . and even at last some scores i fear lived in gross sin . some were notorious drunkards , raging weekly twice or thrice in the open streets . some quieter drunkards . many profane swearers . too many railers , fighters , slanderers , &c. three or four apostate-infidels . the parishes about me were far worse . a great part of the people know not who christ is , nor what he doth , as the saviour of the world , nor understand one of many articles of the creed , or petitions of the lords prayer ; much less do any thing like christians for children or servants in their families . the diocess that i now live in , hath above 1100 parishes , some have half as many ; some parishes have 3000 , some 10000 people . in london some 20000 , 30000 , and the country smaller parishes usually about 400 , 500 , or 1000. i do warrantably conjecture that in the diocess where i now live , there may be about 50000 souls that by christs law should be admonished and disciplined for gross sin . and about 80000 , or 100000 that are grosly ignorant of christianity . it 's ten to one ( experience tells it me ) that five conventions will scarce serve with each obstinate sinner , to bring the work to the issue of a due excommunication or absolution . some parts of the diocess that i am in , are about 120 miles from other parts . the diocesan then that doth all this himself , ( but there is no such ) if he sit half the year , must either speak to 10000 , or 20000 persons at once , or in a few minutes , or else he must let all the rest lye and rot in their sins , till he hath done with the first . and indeed ( i have tried it ) a sober pastoral course of conviction and discipline with each one , will take up so much time , that seven years are not enough for him to go over all this diocess if he did as much in a month as ever i knew a bishop do in his life , except against godly nonconformists , or conscientious dissenters . but if you consider how far every accusing minister and churchwarden , and every accused sinner , have to travel , some 20 , some 40 miles , &c. ) and that witnesses also must travel as far ; and how long they must attend , and how few can bear the charge of this ; and that the old and weak sort of sinners are unable for the journey , and who shall do the parish ministers work the while ; and how likely it i● that of 10000 such sinners , 5000 may be dead , or the witnesses at least , before the re●t are tried and well dispatched ; or t●e case grown old , and the same m●n drunken twent● times again , before he can be judged for the first . 〈◊〉 al●o how strange a course this is to humble , convince , and save a soul — wonderful ! — that it should with any man living be a controversie , whether one bishop be sufficient for all this ? and what need we more than common experience ? the work is every where undone . lay the blame where you will , not one common gross sinner of a thousand is disciplin'd or judged as in question . that which can be done , and should be done , some one good bishop will do but none that ever i knew did ever see the face , and speak to one of a thousand gross sinners of his diocess , ( unless perhaps as he preached to one or few congregations ) nor do i know any that take it for their work , ( if they could do it ) , but leave it to the lay-chancellor as his part . if you say that excommunication must not be on many : i answer , 1. the bishops trying and conviction of gross sinners is first for their repentance , and not their excommunication , except in case of the last obstinacy , which cannot be foreknown till tried . 2. if christ would not have such discipline at all , there needs no bishop to do it . if he would , when twenty drunkards , fornicators , &c. are notoriously guilty , is it his will that one of these only be admonished , convinced , excommunicated , and all the rest let alone that are equally guilty ? sure the law of god doth not so distinguish , but say of all alike , if any called a brother be a fornicator , &c. and will such partiality either reform men , or honour religion , or rather make it a scorn , and make him that is singled out , hate the partial prosecutor . if you say it 's long of churchwardens that accuse not men : i answer , 1. and it will be so , while the thing is unfeasable ; who will be hated to do no good ? 2. some churchwardens of late to some articles have presented all the parish without ▪ exception . and so no man heard of it any more . ii. and whether the bishop may delegate his office , or do his work per alios , would be no controversie if scripture were our rule , or it were known what a pastors office is . if he may delegate it , either to a layman in sensu composito , or to a clergy man : if to a layman , than a layman and a clergy-man are all one . for there is nothing but the work to define the authority and obligation by , which constituteth the office. a bishop is one authorized and obliged to do the work of a bishop , and so is a layman too by this supposition . if to a clergy-man , either to one of the same order and office with the bishop , or of another . if of the same ( before or now made so ) datur quaesitum , then he is not the sole bishop . if of another in sensu composito , then another clergy man is not another ; for he that is authorized to the same work , is of the same office. if you say that he may not delegate the whole work , de specie , but a part ; i ask which part ? either the essential part , or but an integral common part . if the former ? 1 either ●o such as god in scripture by office authorizeth to that part , or not . if the former , then the bishop cometh too late to that which god hath done already . and then that is no proper work of bishops which god hath made common to another office. if the later , than a man may make new priestly o●fices and orders , even to the same work that god hath ●ade officers to do already . and then we need not say , ●that orders are iure divino ] if the bishop may make more at his pleasure ; but quo jure ; and what shall set his bounds and end ? this seemeth more ( in kind ) than the italians at trent would have given to the pope over bishops . an● if they do not themselves also that same essential part of their office which they give to others , they degrade themselves for the ceasing or alienation of an essential part , changeth the specie● . but i suppose you will say 〈◊〉 is pre●byters to whom they may delegate this work . and 〈◊〉 , either it is a wor● which god hath made part of the presbyters office , or not . if it be , then that presbyter doth his ow● 〈◊〉 appointed him by god , and not another 〈…〉 not , 〈◊〉 he maketh a new officer , who is ●either 〈…〉 . but the 〈…〉 the office 〈◊〉 , that it may not be 〈◊〉 ( tho●gh bishop may ordain men to an office of 〈…〉 the king or church may make new officers 〈…〉 , clock keepers ostiaries , &c. ) ; 〈…〉 , and obligation to personal duty , to be done 〈◊〉 person●l abi●●ty ] as is the office of a physician , a judg , a school 〈…〉 , a pilot , &c where he that author●zeth and oblig●th another statedly to do his work , doth thereby make that other a physician , judg , school-master , pilot , &c. this is but ordin●tio● . and if a bishop be but one that may appoint others to do the episcopal work , then 1. why is not every king a bishop , for he may appoint men to do a bishops work ? and why is he not also a physician , musician , pilot , &c. because he may do the like by them ? 2. and then the bishop appointed by the king , is no more a bishop indeed than one appointed by a bishop is . but this delegation that i speak against , is a smaller sin than such men choose . to depute others to exercise discipline , whom god appointed not de specie thereto , is but sacriledg and usurpation , ( by alienating it from the true office , and setting up a false one ) : but yet the thing might some how be done , if any were to do it . but the almost total deposition and destruction of the discipline it self , and letting none do it , by pretending the sole authority of doing it , is another kind of sin . now to your answer from the similitude of civil monarchs , i reply , it is no wonder if we never agree about church-offices , if we no better agree of the general nature of them , and their work . of which if you will please to read a sheet or two which i wrote the last year to ludov. molinaeus , of the difference of magistracy , and church-power , and also read the lord bacons considerations , you will excuse me for here passing by what is there said . i. the standing of the magistrates office is by the law of nature , which therefore alloweth variety and mutations of inferior orders , as there is cause . but the standing of the clergy is by supernatural institution . our book of ordination saith there are three orders , &c. therefore man may not alter them , or make more of that same kind . ii. kingly power requireth not ad dispositionem materiae , such personal ability as the pastoral-office doth . a child may be a king , and it may serve turn if he be but the head of power , and give others commission to do all the rest of the governing work . but it is not so with a judg , a physician , an orator , or a bishop ; who is not subjectum capax of the essence of the office , without personal aptitude . iii. god hath described the bishops office in scripture as consisting of three parts , viz. teaching , priestly , ( or about worship and sacraments ) and ruling ; as under christs prophetical , priestly and kingly office. and he hath no where made one more proper to a bishop than another ; nor said this is essential , and that is but integral . therefore the bishop may as well allow a layman to administer the sacraments , &c. as one not appointed to it by god , to rule by the keys . iv. the bishops pastoral rule is only by gods word upon the conscience ( as bishop bilson of obed. sheweth at large , and all protestants agree ) , and not by any mulcts or corporal force . if he use the sword , or constraint , it is not as a bishop , but as a magistrate . but the kings is by the sword . and will it follow that because the king may appoint another to apprehend men , and carry them to prison , &c. that therefore a bishop appointed by god to preach , worship and rule , and therein to draw the impenitent to repentance by patient exhortations , and reproofs , &c. may commit this to another , never appointed to it of god ? v. either it is the bishops work ( as was said ) that is delegated by him , or some other . if properly his own , than either he maketh more bishops , ( and that 's all we plead for ) , or else a presbyter or layman may do a bishops proper work . and then what need of a bishop ( to pass by the contradiction . ) vi. but my chief answer to you is , the king as supreme magistrate doth appoint and rule by others that are truly magistrates : they have every one a judicial power in their several places under him , even every justice of peace . but you suppose the bishop to set up no bishops , nor no church-governours under him at all . a king can rule a kingdom by supremo judgment , when he hath hundreds of judges under him who do it by his authority . and if this had been all our dispute , whether a patriarch or archbishop can rule a thousand churches by a thousand inferior bishops , or church-rulers , you had said something ? but doth it follow that your church monarch can over-see them all himself without any sub-oversees , or rule them ( by gods word on the conscience ) without any sub-rulers ? you appropriate the decretory power to your monarch ; and communicate only the executive . hold to that . the whole government is but legislatio & iudicium ; legislation now we meddle not with , ( yet our bishops allow it to the presbyters in convocation , for they take canons to be church-laws . ) it is a lower power that is denied to them , that they grant the higher to . bare execution is no government . a hangman is no governour . a governour may also be executioner , but a meer executioner is no governour . the people are executioners of excommunications , while they withdraw from the excommunicate , and with such do not eat , &c. as 1 cor. 5. and the parish-priest is an executioner , while he ( as a cryer ) proclaimeth or readeth the chancellors excommunication in the church , and when he denieth the sacrament to those that he is bid deny it to . i grant you that this is communicated . but it is the judicial power it self which i have been proving the bishop uncapable of . exploration is part of the judicial work . i know you include not that in execution ( which follows it ) if you did , it would be a sad office for a bishop to sentence all men , upon other mens trial and word . as if the bishop must excommunicate all that some body else saith he must excommunicate . this turneth decreeing into a hangman-like execution . and the nature of the cause forbiddeth it . no man is to be excommunicate for any other crime as such , but for impenitence in some crime ; nor to be absolved after , but upon repentance . now if it were , but whether a man de facto have been drunk , or fornicated , or perjured , &c. it were hard judging sententially meerly on trust from others ; but yet perhaps that might sometimes be done : but when the case is , whether the man be penitent , personal trial is necessary to a rational and ecclesiastical administration of the sentence . i conclude therefore , that as a king can judg by many hundred judges , and a general command an army by many hundred commanders , but not without any one by himself alone , having executioners under him . so is it here . vii . and i pray you note one other difference : in the kingdom it is not one subject of an hundred , or many hundreds , that hath law suits with others once in a year , or seven years , or his life . nor one of some hundreds ( where i have lived ) that findeth the magistrate work as criminal . and in this we differ even from the physician , who in a city hath not one of many that is sick , but we are all of a sinning corrupt disposition , and the pastor hath few of his flock that need not some personal applications in one degree or other . and even as to gross sins lived in , and ignorance or heresie against the very essence of christianity , it is a good parish where a considerable part of it are not guilty ; so that it is easier for one justice of peace to send two or three thieves in a year to a gaol , and bind two or three to the good behaviour , than for one bishop to admonish , exhort , convince and judg 10000 impenitent sinners in a little time , and hear all the witnesses , &c. if you should have said , that the parish priest is to reprove , exhort , convince them first , till he prove them impenitent , and he is to instruct the ignorant , infidels and hereticks : i answer , 1. that is more than an executive power . 2. we desire no more at all from bishop● or any , and know no other episcopal power over the people , but thus personally to convince men , and declare to the congregation upon proof , the fitness or unfitnss of men for their communion , by penitence ▪ or impenitence . but this is it that the ministers are hindred from , or denied . they have no power to speak with any one ignorant , heretical , infidel , or scandalous sinner in the parish , but such as are willing . and few of the guilty are willing . they will neither come to the minister , nor suffer him to come to them , but shut their doors on him if they know that he cometh on such a work , or else they will not be within . or if they be , will tell him , that they will not answer him . when i came first to kederminster , the rabble multitude curst me in the streets , and rose up against me , but for saying , that infants originally have that sin and misery which needs a saviour ; yet such ( if they scorn to speak with us ) must be our communicants for want of pastoral power . there is no law or penalty that i ever knew of , to constrain any to come to us , receive us , hear us , or answer us , if we had never so much cause to question them of , or fortifie them against infidelity , heresie , ignorance , or wicked lives . and if any other accuse them to us ( as few will ) we must not judg them without trial . it may be you will say . would you have them constrained by force to speak with the pastor , or give him any account of their faith , life , or knowledg , besides coming with others into the church ? i answer , no , we would have no force , as we have none . but then we would not be forced our selves by the church-lords and monarchs to take our selves for the pastors of such as refuse our pastoral office , and to give the sacrament , and all priviledges of church-communion , to every one in the parish , who upon just suspicion of gross scandal , heresie , infidelity or ignorance , obstinately refuseth to speak to us , and give us any account , or to be tried . i that have yearly tried my parish by personal conference , know that thousands and thousands among us know not ( and therefore believe not ) whether christ be god or man , or angel , or what ; nor who the holy ghost is , or why christ died , rose ; nor scarce any supernaturally revealed article of the christian faith . and that many that understand them , believe them not . and i desire no church-power , but not to take those , 1. for christians ; 2. and for my especial christian flock , 1. who are no christians ; 2. who themselves refuse it . without their consent the minister is forced on them . they a●e forced by the sword to say that they are christians , and to come to church and communicate . the old christian profession was , i will be a christian , and hold communion with the church , though i go to prison or death for it . the prelatical christian profession is , i will rather be a christian and communicate , than i will lye in gaol , and have all my estate confiscate . seeing then that we have not the due power of a pastor to deny our office-administrations in sacraments to those that refuse us in the other parts aforesaid , we are utterly disabled from so much as preparing men for the bishops , or chancellors examination . 3. but if it were otherwise , that must not satisfie the church-monarch , who must judg himself , and therefore must hear by himself . but you tell me , it is plainly against experience in ecclesiasticks . ans. it 's hard then to know any thing . for i dispute all this while , as if the question were , whether men in england speak english. and if i herein err , i am uncurable , and therefore i allow you to despair of me . you say , the greatness of no city was thought sufficient to multiply bishops . ans. 1. gods institution was , that every church have a bishop , act. 14.23 , &c. 2. a particular church then was , a society of neighbour-christians , combined for personal communion in gods worship , and holy living , consisting of pastor and flock . 3. for 250 years i think , you cannot prove that any one bishop in the world , save at alexandria and romr , had more such congregations and altars than one ; nor these for a long time after the apostles ; nor in many churches of ome hundred years longer . 4. at antioch ( the third patriarchate ) ignatius professeth that every church had one altar , and one bishop with his presbyters and deacons , fellow-servants . and that in this one church the bishop must enquire of all by name , even servant-men and maids , and see that they absented not themselves from the church . why is not ignatius confuted if he erred ? vid. mede on the point . 5. alexandria and rome by not multiplying bishops as churches or converts needed it , began the grand sin and calamity which hath undone us , and therefore are not to be our pattern . orbis major est urbe . 6. were bishops necessarily to be distributed by cities , the empires that have few , or no cities , must have few , or no bishops ; and an emperor might , aliud ag●ndo , depose all the bishops by dis franchizing the cities . 7. but every corporation , oppidum , like our market-towns , was then truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and if you will but procure every such city with us , to have a bishop , and the office of such bishops to be to drive men from sin , and not to it , and to silence blasphemers , and not faithful preachers of the gospel , all our controversies of prelacy are then at an end . 8. and you must remember , that great cities had long but few christians , in comparison of the heathens ( till constantine's time , and mostly long after ) . and when patrick with his own hand ordained three hundred and fifty bishops in your ireland , they were but ecclesiarum fundatores , and with them he founded but septingentas ecclesias , and ordained five thousand clerks , if ioceline be true , vit. patri● . cap. 185. and not rather the far more credible report of antonin . in chr●n . tit . 11. cap. 18. § 2. and vincent . specul . histor . lib. 20. cap. 23. who say , that ecclesias fun●avit 365. ●rdinavit episcopos eodem numero 365. et eo amplius in quibus spiritus dei crat . presbyteros autem usque ad 3●00 ▪ ordinavit a● vsher ●●ceth them , de primord . eccl. br. p 9●7 . which is ninius number there . so that here is no more church●s th●n ●ishops ▪ and about nine presbyters to a bishop . you tell me of above one thousand clergy-men at rome , in cor●elius's 〈◊〉 . ans. 1. this was above two hundred and fifty years after christs birth . 2. i never took all the impotent persons , poor , and widows in the church , to be clergy-men , and clergy-women . cornelius his account is , that there are six and forty presbyters , seven deacons , seven sub-deacons , two and forty acolytes , two and fifty exorcists , and readers , with porters , widows , and impotent persons , above one thousand and fifty souls , considering , 1. how their meetings were then obscure , and small , in houses ( as the tolerated churches in london ) . and in so vast a city , in how many distant places . besides the sub-urbicarian assemblies ▪ 4 ▪ and how many presbyters used still to be with the bishop in the same assembly ? 5. and that here are in all but seven deacons . 6. and that many then were presbyters that used not to preach , but for privater over-sight , and as the bishops assessors . 7. and that the poorer sort most commonly received the gospel . 8. and that none of these , but the six and forty presbyters , had any power in the discipline . 9. and that by all this reckoning , the whole church maintained not , besides the officers , near a thousand poor ; we may probably conjecture , that the whole church of that bishop was not bigger than some one london-parish ( stepney , giles , cripplegate , martins , &c. ) where are about fifty thousand souls . 10. and when none were christians but persecuted volunteers , they were the holiest , and best of men ; and i have tryed , that six hundred such make less work for discipline , than ten of the rabble that are driven into our churches , and choose them rather than the goal . but when all 's done , two cities under the power of great temptation , are not to be our rule against gods word , and the state of all other churches in the world , and undeniable experience . it 's true that you say , that to erect another altar was counted schism ; that is , altare contra altare ; because when the phrase came up , no church had more than one altar . your instances intimated of antioch and carthage , i believe not ; and can give you ( had i liberty ) a volume of proof from antiquity , that for two hundred and fifty years , if not much longer , ignatius's rule was true , that every church had one altar , and one bishop , at least , except the two aforesaid . vlphilas was but an arrian bishop , of a few goths newly turned arrians , and the first that translated the scriptures into the gothick tongue ; so that no churches among them had the scripture , till after his translating ; and these few were presently persecuted to rhe death by athanarichus ( ut socrat . lib. 4 cap. 32. ) you may call these few , a kingdom , if you please . how few of the indians were converted when frumentius ( not aedesius , as you say ) was made their bishop , it 's easie to gather by the history . scythia and persia used to have each a bishop , and he lived in the roman empire , as near them as he durst , as not being tolerated usually in their land. and as few , it 's like , mos●s had among the arabians ; there being no mention in the history of any thing to perswade us , that he had many churches under him , that i remember . and the work of these b●shops was to ordain presbyters , who had the power of the keys , & exceptae ordinatione , did all that bishops did , as hierome saith . so that then a diocess had not one sole church-governour ; and therefore where you gather that yet discipline was not dissolved : i answer : 1. in all this you leave out a matter of chief consideration : viz. that all the presbyters then were assistants in discipline , and had a true church-government over the people , which now they have not . 2. it 's strange that we that have eyes and ears must be sent to the indians and ancient history , to know whether one bishop can hear , and try , and admonish so many thousands at once , as we see by experience are those objects of discipline which the scripture describeth , and when we see that it is not done . and after all this , we have talk't but of a ●hantasm ; for it is not one bishop , but one lay man , a chancellor , that useth this decretory power of the keys , over all these fouls , so far as they are used , as to the ordinary court-tryals and exerci●e ; and the bishop rarely medleth with it . again , nonconformists doubt not to prove , that the diocesan frame , whi●h they dare not swear to , 1. doth depose the species of churches of gods institution . 2 and the discipline it self almost totally . 3. and the species of presbyters . 4. and the old species of bishops . and instead of each of these , setteth up a new species of man's invention , wholly different , and inconsistent . and that they are not willing to swear , subscribe , or deliberately and solemnly enter into a church-covenant , that in their places and callings they will never endeavour any alteration of this , no not by a request or word , you may less wonder than if some were then loath to swear or covenant never to endeavour to take down the priests of dan and bethel , or reform the high places . it 's dangerous making a solemn ministerial covenant , never to obey god in any one great matter , and never to repent of so doing . again , our reasons at the savoy were , 1. about another ma●ter : 2. few of them received , or ever published to the world . and all that i have said to you is very little of our cause ; which i will not touch , unless i might prosecute it . your information about bishop sanderson , and the word , vse of all things , &c. is as the rest , to conquer our sense and experience . 1. the words in the act are most plain , and bishop sanderson de iuram , concludeth , that oaths ( and covenants ) must be taken in the plain and proper sense . 2. it is notorious , that after the lords in a proviso of another act , would have so expounded the act of uniformity , ( that it is meant but of consent to use , &c ) and the commons rejected it as intolerable , and upon a meeting of both houses satisfied the lords by their reasons , who acquiesced in the rejection of that exposition . and shall we still stretch our sense against the plain words , when the parliament long after hath rejected such an exposition ? sir , it is much more ( especially about separation ) which your lines invite me to say , and the cause requireth ; but i fear i have wronged you by prolixity already ; and much more by my freedom of speech , which is from my inclination to speak of things as they are , and is truly joined with a very great respect and honour of your self , commanded by your excellent book , and judicious peaceable stile and temper . i rest , jan. 5. 1672. your unworthy fellow-servant , ( worthy to be silenced ) , ri. baxter . the short answer to mr. dodwell's long letter , fully answered in my treatise of episcopacy . for the worthy and much honoured mr. henry dodwell , at trinity colledg near dublin in ireland . worthy sir , i thankfully received yours of 28 pages , from the hand of mr. teate . that i may not be again guilty of such hastiness in writing as you take notice of , i premise this to acquaint you , that your warning , with my backwardness to such work , and the multitude of employments in which i am pre-engaged , shall keep me a while from that error , and you from the trouble . and if i take not your concluding counsel to avoid both timerity and partiality in this cause , i shall notoriously contradict mine own interest . i have studied the point as diligently as i could , almost thirty years longer than you have lived in the world , ( if the bearer of yours give me a true account of your age . ) and yet i truly think it very possible that one of such admirable parts and diligence as your self , ( evident in your great reading and accurate stile ) may know much more in half that time . but if i can know my own thoughts , i have studied with a desire whatever it cost me , to know the truth . i dare not say , ( impartially ) altogether . for i have flesh and blood , and who can choose but have a little partiality for that way which all his worldly interest pleadeth for ? could i have proved conformity lawful ( not to have contained a covenant against the church-form , church-offices , and church-discipline of christs institutions , and for upholding that church usurpation and tyranny which began and still continueth the divisions of the christian world ; nor the deliberate ministerial owning of the perjury of many thousands , &c. ) i need not have undergone the common scorn and hatred that i have born , nor to have been deprived of all ministerial maintenance , and silenced for eleven years of that part of my life , which should have been most serviceable ( to add no more ) ; my reputation with those on the other extreme , i did voluntarily cast away , by opposing them ( when i could as easily have kept it as most i know ) lest it should be any snare or tempting interest to me . i assure you , that i have not wanted bread , is a thing that i owe to thanks to any party for , either prelatists , presbyterians or independents , &c. i confess i have read what the antiprelatists say , such as beza , gerson , bucer , didoclav . parker , bains , iacob blondel , salmasius , &c. but i have more diligently studied , since i was twenty years of age , the chiefest on the other side , saravia , bilson , downham , hooker , burges , covel , bridg , bancroft , vvhitgift , spalatensis , and since petavius , hammond , and multitudes more . and i have now , as you desired , read over all yours , that i might see the end , before i past my judgment on the beginning . but our apprehensions are various , as our preconceptions are ; i find that we are all forestalled , and readiest to learn of our selves , who are not always the happiest teachers of our selves . what we have first laid in , is usually made the standard of all that followeth ; and all must be reduced into a due conformity and subserviency to our former sentiments . you have shewed great learning , ingenuity and piety , and in a very fluent stile expressed what was in your mind ; and made me remember what one answereth him that said , hooker was yet unanswered , viz. reduce what you would have answered , to argument , and it will soon be done . i find , that it had been much better to have said nothing , than to have begun in such a manner of dispute , in which the further we go , the less we understand one another , and make each other molestation , instead of edification : for plainly i find , that ( though much may be learned out of so rare a discourse as you have vouchsafed me , yet ) it doth very little at all to any dispatch of our pres●nt controversie , but might easily deceive me by avocation , if i would forget what it is that i dispute about : for i perceive , 1. that we agree not in our sense of the terms which we make use of : and from thence you infer some great and dangerous errors in my judgment . 2. we agree least of all in common and obvious matters of fact , which are before our eyes , and the things of which i have had almost an ages experience . 3. i find , that a very great part , if not the far greatest of all your discourse , is written upon a mis-understanding of my words and judgment . and if one were to publish such kind of writings , how tiresome would it be to the reader , should i set down a particular account of all your passages that are besides the question , and all that proceed from such misunderstanding ? i speak not by way of blaming you ; for we are not competent judges of other mens actions , till we know the reasons of them : that may be laudable , which crosseth our desires . perhaps you had reasons to pass by the chief part of my explications of my sense , and of the matter of fact , and say nothing to them : and perhaps you had reasons when i had told you our country-distribution of acts of government , into legislative , and judicial , and executive , to make use still of the equivocal word decretory , and to understand by it ( as you saw cause ) only the legislative power , and to leave out the iudicial , which was all that i controverted : it may be you had reason , when i talk of a single , or parochial church , to say , i supposed in it but a single pastor : you are not accountable to me for such errors , be they never so causless in my opinion . it may be you had reason to write against the old nonconformists that are in another world ; and to think , that for the names sake it concerned us : and to plead , that conformity to all the present covenants , and oaths , and subscriptions , is necessary , because you could wish the discipline more regular , as if we were to subscribe to what is in your wishes . it may be you had reason to suppose the parish-priests to have the government of the people , even the power of the church-keys ( and yet sometimes to unsay it again ) , without answering my proof to the contrary , when i take it for the chief supposition that causeth my nonconformity : and to prove copiously , that a bishop may govern a diocess when he hath a governor under him in every parish , without answering my proofs , that he hath no such under him , but hath , quantum in se , half degraded the presbyters . and when i said , that discipline is not possible under such diocesans as are with us , you might have reason that i know not of , to leave out , as are with us , and to prove it possible with other diocesans that have governing presbyters under them . perhaps you had reason to confound the convincing , perswasive , declarative power of a iudg , with that of a private man , and thence to raise the supposition which you raise . perhaps you know some medium between corporal force , and mulcts , proper to the magistrate , and authoritative perswasion , and prevailing on the conscience by the reverence of gods laws , though i know none : and you were not bound to teach me what you know . perhaps you had reason to think that i may subscribe , that no man in three kingdoms that hath vowed it , is bound to endeavour to alter our church-government by lay-chancellors , because you defend it not , but wish it altered : and it may be you have reasons unknown to me , that none but irregular endeavours are there disclaimed , and that our lawgivers spake universally , and would be interpreted particularly , with many such like . but abscondita & quae supra nos , nihil ad nos — what i may not pretend to understand , i will not presume to censure , but only say , that i am uncapable of being informed by them . this i am satisfied of , that my schismatical principles take into church-communion such as you , and those that are in knowledg below , not only you , but me , even the weakest true christians but upon your catholick terms , no man of my measure of knowledg must be tolerated to be a preacher , or a christian in church-communion , nor live at least out of goal , or some such penalty . and if one at muscovy can get a courtier to make him a bishop , he and such other are the church ( which why you still put it in the feminine gender when it consisteth of masculine court-bishops , i know not . ) and if he command us to do that which we account the most inhumane perjury , if he think it to be but the renunciation of an unlawful oath , as i understand you , we are schismaticks if we obey him not . whether in cases of commanded blasphemy , and all other crimes , we must accordingly renounce our understandings , i know not . though there be somewhat of irony in all this , there is nothing but what is consistent with the high estimation of your extraordinary worth . and i must say , that our different educations , i doubt not , is a great cause of our different sentiments . had i never been a pastor , nor lived out of a colledg , ( and had met with such a taking orator ) i might have thought as you do . and had you converst with as many country-people as i have done , and such , i think you would have thought as i do . my great deceiver is sense and experience . i am inclined to look near me , in judging of present matters of fact : as if our controversie were , whether one schoolmaster can govern a thousand schools without any but monitors under him , and teachers that have no government . and your way is from old histories , to prove that some body did so 1400 years ago , or a thousand , in some places of the world , if stories deceive us not ; and therefore it may be so now . though none of those excellent men do it , who are put into the places of the silenced schismatical ministers , nor none of the excellent bishops that are over us , who are so good that one of them no doubt would do it , were it possible . but seriously i take it for a great mercy of god , that honest christians of little learning have that experience in the practicals of religion , which the studied accurate plausible orations of contradictors cannot overcome , though they are not so well skill'd at the same weapons as to answer them . sir , pardon and accept this short and thankful acknowledgment , that i have received your learned tractate , till i take the leisure ( if i so long live ) to return you an answer suitable to your discourse and expectations . i rest , aug. 5. 1673. your servant , rich. baxter . mr. dodwell desiring me not to make haste in answering him , i sent him only this , intending more ; but want of time , and the quality of the task , ( being put but to answer a multitude of words ) delayed it till he came to london , and then i thought we might talk it out , which we oft tried to little purpose . his great proof of large churches , of many altars , from the only two that swelled first , rome and alexandria , are so fully answered in this annexed letter which worthy mr. clerkson wrote to me , that i think he needs no other answer ; since published by me : as is a f●ll discourse on the subject , by mr. clerkson himself , against dr. st●llingfleet . a copy of the letter to mr. dodwell , march 12. 1681. sir , since your speech with me , i have thought again of what you insisted on , and find it consist of these four points : 1. whether i charge you with popery , or at least , do not vindicate you when so accused . 2. your reasons against answering voetius and me . 3. your desire to know my terms of concord . 4. your perswading me to give over preaching . lest words be mis-understood , or forgotten , i send you my answer to each of these . i. i take it to be none of my business , to tell what religion other men are of , till i am called to it : and then i take my self bound to judg every man what he professeth to be , till i can disprove it . 2. i distinguish the name ( e. g. of protestant , or papist ) from the thing . accordingly , 1. i am sure you deny your self to be a papist , and i believe you . 2. what you mean by the word , i refer all men that talk of it to your books , which are fitter to tell your mind than i am , that know no mans heart : grotius took a papist to be one that flattered popes , taking all to be just which they said and did , and not one that consented to all the general councils . 3. you shall chuse what name i shall call you by : if it be protestant , far be it from me to deny it you ; but as your book publisheth your judgment to the world , you will give me leave to tell men what is in it : and to profess my self , that i am no such protestant , as takes the church of rome to be a true church of uninterrupted succession , which gave our bishops their office and power ; and that all the reformed that have not diocesan bishops , are no churches , no ministers , have no sacraments , no pardon of sin , or hope of salvation , by promise , and known ordinary grounds , which the roman church hath . yea , that they sin against the holy ghost : yea , and that this is the case of the episcopal protestants , that have not had an uninterrupted succession of episcopal ordination ; and that the french protestants were better turn papists , than to continue such protestants as they are . i take all this for your judgment : but i vindicate you so far as to say , that you oft contradict your self , and so possibly may yet come off . if you should say , that neither such protestants , nor papists , have sacraments , and part in the covenant of grace , pardon , and salvation , you would leave so few for heaven , and so many for hell , as i will not imagine you to be guilty o● . ii. as to the second , i must tell all , that i take it but for trifling , to call us to answer the same things again , which are answered so long ago , and have no reply from papists , or any other . and i doubt not , but you know that it is the main charge which the papists assault the reformed churches with , and put their chief trust in , which you also bring against them : and we still believe , that iansenius did it much stronglier than you ; and much more than yours , is by vo●tius against him fully answered ; and your denial moveth us not . iii. to satisfie your third demand , i remember a small script , which i published 1659 , or 1660 , and therewith send it you ; by which ( with what i read to you ) you may conjecture at my terms , specially if you joyn my preface to cathol . theologie , i take it for granted , that it will not satisfie you . but pardon my freedom for saying that , while i perceive your confidence ordinarily to go quite beyond your proofs ; and while my principles call me to love more as brethren , than yours do , and engage me not to justifie persecution of men better than my self , i shall think never the worse of them for that . iv. as to your judgment for my ceasing to preach , i dare not obey it : i think if i say , these men forbid me , god will not take it for an excuse , after such charges as scripture layeth down , and such promises as in ordination i made , and such necessity of souls as i am sure of , and such encouragements as god hath given me . i fear hearing , thou slothful servant , &c. as much as the guilt of other heinous sins : i have not lived idly ; and if i silence my self , i invite god by death to silence me , and judg me , as obeying man against him . i am past doubt , that satan and my flesh give me the same counsel as you do . i have abundant arguments for my preaching , which i never heard a ●ational answer of , and which such a poor objection as , then there will be no order , will not confute , especially when all the ministers of england are bound to be nonconformists , and consequently to ●ease preaching , if i am so bound . and why not next , all christians to cease hearing , and praying , if so forbidden ? if it be only christs gospel that i preach , i cannot but suspect the voice that saith , give over preaching . accept this account of the sense of your friend , rich. baxter . to mr. dodwell , nov. 15th 1680. sir , yours of oct. 16 th i received , nov. 11 th , which intimateth the second edition of your letters , which i hear not of ; your last letter to me , signifying your purpose to publish your long letter from ireland to me , caused me to print an old treatise of episcopacy , which i had cast by , and now send you as an answer to that letter . i thank you for your admonition , and desire of my repentance : it shall make me , if i can , search yet more diligently ; but i find no probability of being able ; the like lamentations of my sin , and wrong to the church , i have long had from papists , antinomians , anabaptists , and separatists , and some quakers , and seekers ; and i despair of satisfying them ; nor can i be of all their minds : and i find here but one argument to draw me to yours , ( viz ) my taking the oath of canonical obedience . and 1. you know not that i took it : many ordained men did not . to tell you the truth , i entered so rawly , that though i well remember my subscription , i remember not that i took that oath : i remember i took it not for my ordination , but at the same time taking a license for a school , some oath the register suddenly thrust on me , and i remember not what it was ( which was , and is my sin ) . 2. if i took it , surely i never intended to bind my self to any but my true ordinary . and when he is dead and the very order for near twenty years publickly ( though culpably ) put down , and none existent where i lived , i never saw it proved , that i am sworn to all that after are set up over others , by the king , without the clergies , or peoples choice , or consent , contrary to the judgment of the church for one thousand years , and that without , and against my own consent : and that he that sweareth obedience to his present ordinary , is thereby sworn , though he never dream't of it to all that ever shall succeed him , what changes soever be made , and though judging them usurpers , i renounce them . if it be said , that i virtually consent by the convocation ; i deny it , nor did the city of london consent ; for they had not one chosen clerk there . they chose mr. calamy and me , and we were both refused by the bishop , and only the dignitaries of the city admitted . what if i had sworn obedience in 1639. to the presbytery in scotland , or 1649. in england ; and after they are put down , and i find them to be an unlawful power , and they are restored again , doth my first oath bind me to the latter stock against my consent ? 3. the english ecclesiastical law-books , which i have read , do tell me , that the chancellor , official , commissary , archdeacons , and every iudex ordinarius is my ordinary ( whatever you say against it ) : and some bishops themselves have judged the lay-chancellors judgment , by the use of the keys , to be a great sin . quest. whether then an ignorant oath to obey such usurpers , repented of , do bind to obey them still ? what if in france i had sworn obedience to their bishops , and after see that it was an unlawful oath , quod materiam , am i bound by it till death ? 4. i swore to obey them but in licitis & honestis . and i do not know that ever i therein disobeyed those that i sware to ; no , nor the latter reduced stock : either i have proved the degenerate sort , described in this treatise , to be a heinously sinful depravation of the church , and its government , and an injury against christ , by deposing his church form , discipline , and officers , or not : if not , evince it , and i will thank you ; if yea , to comply with such sin , or in any calling to forbear detecting it by writing , is an omission which is not licitum vel honestum . an unlawful oath against a thing indifferent , will not bind me , if the king do but command that indifferent thing ; much less will an ignorant oath to obey church-usurpers , and corrupters , oblige me against christs commands . nor do i think it licitum vel honestum , to renounce my ministry , sacrilegiously , and perfidiously break my ordination-vow to god , and forbear preaching christs gospel to needy souls , because they forbid me . in a word , sir , i unfeignedly thank you for your desire to save me from dying in sin . i have great reason to make it my greatest care . constant pain and languor , call to me , neither to dissemble , nor delay : when i cannot know my own heart so well as you do , i may come to believe you , that it is unruly pride . till then i am past doubt , that could any abasement , any labour , any cost , help me to know that you are in the right , and i in the wrong , i would most joyfully undertake it : but such warnings as your's awaken my conscience , so that i dare not die in the guilt of active , or omissive compliance with those men , 1. whose degenerate state i confidently judg to be the dangerous malady of the church , and destructive to a right church-state , church-officers and government . 2. whose canons of government are such as they are . 3. who have since i had any understanding , done that against serious godliness in england which they did , and these ( near ) twenty years , done what they have done , procuring the silencing , and outward ruin of about two thousand such ministers of christ , as i know to have been the most pious , faithful , and successful in true ministerial work , of any that ever i could know ; and such as i am fully perswaded no nation under heaven have two thousand better . and yours , or other mens accusations , or contrary judgment , cannot make me ignorant of this , which experience , and great acquaintance have told me . 4. and church-history , which tells me what such have done in former ages , increase my fear of dying in the guilt of participating of their sin . i know of no other motives that i have . the sum of my request to you is ; that instead of telling me what the pope , or any usurper may say , that i should be humble and obedient , you will but tell me what means i should use , which i have omitted , to get my judgment informed , if i err , and to become of your mind , and as wise as you . i again intreat you to tell me the way , and i shall give you most hearty thanks . did i not know your judgment and mine to be so distant , as puts me out of hope of attaining my end , i would have sent you nine or ten proposals , for the meer reducing of the parish churches to their necessary state , without altering any thing of the diocesans power or grandure , save only their power of the sword , which yet as they are magistrates we submit to . that your former letters brought me not to your judgment , you may see , by the book which i send you , cometh not to pass by hasty judging , nor without that which seemeth reason to me after my long and best consideration . i am fully assured , not byassed hereto by worldly interest , which hath long lain on the other side . accept this account from nov. 15. 1680. your unfeigned , though dissenting friend , ri. baxter . july 9. 1677 ▪ for my much honoured friend mr. henry dodwell . sir , since the writing of my last to you , your own words have acquainted me , 1. that you take my principles to have some inconsistence or contradiction . 2. that you think i have not yet told you what church-government it is that i would have , or how it can attain its end . 3. that you suppose that denying men the sacrament of the lords supper is a coercive power sufficient to force unwilling men to obey church-governours . 4. that you hold that all religious assemblies not allowed by the bishops , are unlawful , and therefore that we must rather use none than such . i. as to the first , no reason obligeth me to believe you till you prove it ; which must be by citing the inconsistent words . how easie is it to tell you or any man , that you speak contradictions ? is accusing , proving ? and you have told me by experience that mistaking hearers and readers understand not mens words so well as the speakers or writers do . when you so widely mistook a speech of mine , when i had told you that as far as i could learn by my own acquaintance , and the report of the members themselves , there was but one known presbyterian in the house of commons when the wars began , ( i named you a credible witness yet living ) , and you report that i said , there was but one presbyterian in the assembly of divines ? may not my writing be as much mistaken by you ? prove your charge , and i will confe●s my contradictions , and give you thanks . ii. as to the second i was afraid i had used more words than needs ; if all that i have said tell you not what i mean , you may excuse me from adding more , which are like to be no more significant ; you must name me the particulars that you are unsatisfied in , before i can know what is needful to be added . one particular you did name , viz. whether i hold a power in the church to deny men the sacrament that would have it ? i left you no reason to make a doubt of it . if this be it , pardon the repetitions which you make me guilty of , and i shall renew my account . 1. i believe that christ hath instituted the office of the sacred ministry ( which the ancients called sacerdotium ) , as subordinate to his teaching , ruling , and sacerdotal office ; and that being obliged to disciple and baptize the nations , and to teach them christs commands , and to guide them in holy doctrine , worship and discipline , they are authorized to all that they are obliged to ; and that it is their office-work to administer baptism and the lords supper , and that they have the church-keys to judg whom to take in by baptism , what food to feed the children of the church with , and whom to cast out of its communion . 2. i believe that this power is limited and regulated by christs own universal laws , and that they are not lawless or arbitrary ; but he hath bound them by a just description , whom to take in , what food to give them , and whom to cast out . and that he hath given them no power to cross or violate these his laws . and if they do it notoriously , it is null and worse , and no act of authority but of sin . e. g. if bishops baptize unconverted infidels , or give the other sacrament to such , or to notorious wicked impenitent persons . 3. i believe that if one or many bishops or priests do disobey these laws of christ , their sin doth not oblige all other persons to rebel or sin with them , or disoblige them from their duty . e. g. if some bishops should refuse to receive penitent believers and their ●eed into the church by baptism , others are nevertheless bound to receive them , and not all the bishops in the world to keep them out because some do it sinfully ? so if some bishops would feed them with un●ound doctrine , or corrupt gods worship , ( e. g. with image-worship , or language unint●lligible , &c. ) others must not follow them , but do better . and if some bishops turn christs sheep out of his sold and pasture unjustly , denying them communion , others must not do wickedly with them , but must receive such ; else one tyrant might oblige all the churches to tyranny . 4. but while the power of the keys is lawfully used , he that is justly cast out of the communion of one church , should not be received to communion with any other that hath just notice of his exclusion , till the cause be removed . 5. but the notice of it concerneth not those that living out of reach , are uncapable of communion with that person . if a woman in this parish be excommunicated as a scold , or a man as a drunkard , &c. the bishop is not bound to send notice of their names and case to ethiopia or armenia , nor to all the christian world ; no nor to all england . nor do they use to do it to all the parishes in the diocess , but only to that one where the person liveth . but i doubt not but all that church should know of it , of which he was a communicating member , ( by the way , why is not all the diocess told of it , but that men are conscious that he hath not personal communion with them ; and therefore need not be so excommunicated ? ) 6. therefore mens limited capacity allowing them personal communion but in a narrow compass , there needs no confederacy of all the christian world for the rejecting of those that one of them hath first rejected . 7. but in well-ordered agreeing churches none should be received presently into the communion of another church , without due notice of his aptitude or capacity ; which regularly should be by the certificates of the church whence he came , called communicatory letters ; or if he was never before admitted to the sacrament because not at age , his own personal profession giveth him right ; and so it doth in the countries where through neglect such certificates or testimonies are not in use , sobeit there come in no proof against him , that he stands excommunicate , or deserveth it . a professing christian hath right to communion if he travel through all the churches in the world , till his profession be disproved , or his claim disabled by just testimony . if a man be excommunicate in , e. g. lincoln-diocess in one parish-church , above a thousand parishes more of the same church diocesan , may receive him for want of notice , unless they are bound to receive no stranger of another parish ; and that is a kind of excommunicating of all christians from the communion of all the christian world , except one parish . 8. the legal excommunication , which is only a general pronunciation that such or such sinners in specie shall be actually excommunicate , is done already by god himself in his universal laws . and no man ought to make laws to excommunicate any that gods laws do not decree to be excommunicate , save that when there is a difficulty in discerning whether this or that doctrine or practice be indeed the sin so condemned in gods laws , mens laws may expound it ▪ to remove that difficulty . if all were excommunicate that gods own laws do require to be excommunicate , alas ! how great would the number be ? so little need is there , that voluminous councils should excommunicate many more ; and that councils should be added to councils to the end of the world , to make new laws for excommunicating men . 9. where god hath commanded all christians in his laws , to avoid any sort of wicked men , and with such not to eat , the fact being once notorious , the person is so far , ipso jure , excommunicate , as that all are bound to avoid familiarity with that person , though no bishop sentence him : but the pastors having the church keys , we must not go out of the church , because such a man is there ; for who shall be in the church , is at his judgment ; but who shall be at my table , is at mine . 10. but if the church it self be essentiated of such as god thus commandeth all to avoid , and this be notorious , every christian must avoid that church . the essentials of a church are the pars regens & pars subdita , the pastors , and the body of the flock . if either be so far corrupt , the church is corupt : when any one essential part is wanting ▪ or depraved , then the essence is wanting , or depraved : therefore where many pastors make up the pars regens of a particular church , it is not the heresie , or wickedness of some one only that will warrant a separation ; because one is but an integral , and not an essential part : but where one bishop only is the essential regent constitutive part , there that one mans heresie , or notorious wickedness ( such as we are commanded to have no communion with ) will allow us to avoid that church , as a church , though not each member of it , who are parts still of the universal church . if i knew what further explication of my thoughts it is that you desire , i should be ready to give it you . iii. as to the coercive power which you talk of , it is strange if we can differ about the nature of it ; but we greatly differ , i suppose , about the extent of it . pardon me , if to avoid confusion , i first speak of the name , and then of the thing . 1. though our ordinary use of the words , coactive and coercive , be to signifie that which worketh either on the body , and its provision only , or on the mind by force upon the body , or estate ; yet if you will but tell me what you mean by it , so distinctly that we may not be entangled with logomachy , take it in what sense you will. the words which you use are the signification of your mind : i desire but to understand , and to be understood : i follow bishop bilson ( of christ. obed. ) , and others commonly , that distinguish the power of magistrates and pastors , by the names of the power of the sword , and of the word ▪ by the first , they mean all power of corporal mul●ts and penalties , directly such ( for he that griev●th the mind , consequently troubleth the body ) . by the latter , they mean all that official power of gods word and sacraments which worketh by the senses of hearing , seeing and tasting , upon the conscience , that is , on the understanding and will , and by these reformeth practice . the word is thus de●ivered , either generally , by common doctrine , which is historical , assertive , precepts , prohibitions , promises or threatnings , or by personal application of these . 1. by meer words , as in personal instruction , precept , threatning , &c. and by declaration , that this person proved and judged guilty of impenitency , in such and such sin , is uncapable of church-communion , therefore by au●hority from christ i command him to forbear , and you to avoid him . and such a one being proved innocent or penitent , hath by gods law right to communion with his church , therefore i absolve him , invite him , receive him , and command you in christs name to hold loving communion with him . 2. or it is the application of words and sacramental signs toget●er , by solemn tradition and investiture ; or the denying of such sacraments . briefly , magistrates by mulcts , prisons , exile , 〈◊〉 , &c. work on the body ; pastors have no such power , b●t by general doctrine and personal application by words and sacraments ( given or denied ) work on the mind or conscience ; 〈◊〉 which some call a perswasive power ; distinguishing ( as camero 〈◊〉 ) between private perswasion of an equal , &c. and doct●ral , pastoral , official , perswasion , whose force is by the divine authority of the perswader , used in teaching , disciplinary judging , and sacraments . if you will call this last coercive , or by any other name , you have your liberty . i will do my part that you may understand me , if i may not understand you . 2. now ad rem , can we disagree how far this constraineth the unwilling ? not without some great neglect or culpable defect . i may suppose then that we are agreed of all these particulars : 1. that gods laws have told us who must or must not have sacramental communion , which we must obey , whatever be the effects . 2. that excommunication is not only , nor alway chiefly , to bring the person excommunicated to obedience ( no more than hanging ) but to keep the purity and reputation of the church , and the safety of the members , and to warn others . 3. that the way by which it is to affect the offender , is , 1. by shaming him ; 2. by striking his conscience with the sense of gods displeasure declared thus by his ministers . 4. so far as the sacrament is a means of conveying grace , to deny it , is not to reform but to destroy . but when the person hath made himself uncapable of the benefit of the sacrament , and apt to receive it abusively to his hurt , then it may possibly humble him to be denied it . 5. if the denial of the sacrament work not on a mans conscience morally ( as threatnings do ) it no way compelleth him to his duty , nor saveth him from sin . 6. de facto many hundred thousands of ignorant wicked members of episcopal churches are so far from being constrained to goodness by being without the sacrament , that they are content to be without it , and loth to be forced to it . 7. the more sin and wickedness any man hath , the less true conscience ; and the less conscience , the less doth he regard a due excommunication . 8. the bishops themselves are conscious of the insufficiency of their excommunications alone to compel any to obedience , while they confess that without the secular power of the sword to back it , they would be but laught at , and despised by the most . nor durst they ever try to govern by their church keys alone among us without the enforcement of the sword . and at the same time while they excommunicate them from the sacrament , they have a law to lay them in gaol , and utterly ruin them if they will not receive it . how loth are the bishops to lose this compelling law. 9. i think few of my acquaintance in england do believe that any great number are brought to holy reformation , no nor to episcopal obedience , by the fear of being kept from the sacrament , but that which they fear is the corporal penalty that followeth ; lay by that , and you may try . 10. if you will trust to that spiritual power alone , & valeat quantum valere potest , without corporal force , few that i know of will resist you , ( but many thousands will despise you , as the bishops well foresee ) bring as many to obedience by it as you can . but if you mean that you must needs have the magistrate to second you , as your lictor or executioner , and to imprison , fine , banish , burn , &c. it would be too gross hypocrisie to call the effects of this coercive power , the effects of excommunication , and to call it coercive power to deny a man the sacrament , because he feareth the sword . 11. de facto , there are supposed to be in the parish that you dwell in , above 60000 souls , suppose 10000 of these yearly receive the sacrament ( though some say it is not 5000. ) are the other 40000 compelled to obedience by not communicating . 12. all those forbear your sacrament without any sense of coercion or loss , 1. who believe ( as you do ) that sacramental communion is a sin , where it cannot lawfully be had ( that is , say you , where the bishops forbid it ; say they , where gods laws forbid it , by reason of adherent sin . 2. and that , take the bishops who forbid it them to be usurpers , that have no true calling ( as all the papists do of our bishops , and many others . ) 3. who take it to be more eligible , yea a necessary duty to hold communion with purer societies . 4. besides all those sectaries that make light of sacraments in general . what papists , quakers , anabaptist , separatists , &c. are compelled to any good by the bishops denying them the sacrament ? 13. nothing but ignorance or impudence can deny that the difficulty of knowing whose excommunication it is that is to be dreaded as owned by god , hath encouraged professed christians so confusedly to excommunicate one another , as that this excommunication hath been so far from constraining most to repentance , that it hath made christianity a horrid scandal to infidels and heathens , by setting the christian world in the odious confusion of excommunicating one another . to give some instances how far excommunication is not coercive . 1. who but the devil was the gainer of pope victor's excommunicating the asians about easter-day ? did it compel them to obedience ? 2. when the orthodox excommunicated the arrians , did it force them to obey ? when they got almost all the bishops for them , and excommunicated and destroyed their excommunicators ? 3. when the cecilians ( or orthodox ) and the donatists for so many ages excommunicated one another , meerly upon the difference which party had the true ordained bishops , did excommunications force them to obedience ? 4. ( to pass forty other sects ) when rome excommunicated , yea and prosecuted the novatians , did it compel them to obey ? and did not atticus , sisinnius and proclus win more by allowing them their own communion , and living with them in love and peace ? chrysostome since threatned the novatian bishop that he would silence him ; but he quickly recalled his word before they parted , and durst not do it . 5. did cyril's counsel against the ioannites win them , or harden them ? was it not atticus and proclus love and lenity that ended that division ? 6. did the excommunicating of the nestorians by cyril , compell them to obedience , when so much of the east are nestorians to this day , and requite the orthodox with their excommunications ? 7. did the excommunicating of those that rejected the council of calcedon , ( the eutychians , and acephali ) compel them to obedience , when many emperours took their part , and the greater number of bishops joined with them , and they equally damned those that received the council for many princes reigns . and when so great a part of christians as are the iacobites , abassines , &c. own dioscorus , and condemn that council to this day ? 8. did the excommunicating of the old hereticks , gnosticks , basilidians , valentinians , paulinists , apollinarians , eunomians , aetians , photinians , macedonians , priscillians , &c. compel them to obedience at all ? or did they regard it ? 9. did the excommunicating of the parties that were for silence ( the acacians as to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and those that were for zeno's henoticon ) compel them to obedience ? 10 d●d the mutual damnations of the phantasticks , iustinian's and g●mas party , and the corrupticolae , force either to obedience ? 11. did the excommunications of the monothelites compel them to obedience ? when in the days of philippicus they had a council , saith binnius , of innumerable bishops ? and he saith , that the general council at trul called quini●extum was of the same men that were in the approved sixth general council , and that they were monothelites . 12 did the several excommunications of the constantinopolitan bishop , by the roman , and of the roman again by them , and the alexandrian , &c compel either party to obedience ? 13. had the pope excommunicated the africans in the long fraction in the days of aurelius and austin , would it have compeled them to obedience ? 14. when the pope ( at last ) joined with iu●tinians general council against the tria capitula , and condemned the refusers of it , did it compel his own neighbour-bishops to obedience , when they so generally forsook him , that there were not three bishops to consecrate the pope , but he was fain to use a presbyter ; and when they set up a patriarch at aquileia as their chief , and condemned or forsook the pope for near an hundred years ? 15. did the popes excommunicating of the goths in spain and and other parts , compel them to obey him ? 16. did augustines rejection of the britains , and the britains and scots long refusing communion with the romanists , compel either party to obey ? 17. did the excommunicating of leo isaurus , constantine , and the rest of the iconoclasts , compel them to obey ? 18. did the excommunicating of the albigenses and waldenses , bring them to obedience ? or was it not ( say some historians ) the murder of about two millions , that solitudinem fecit , quam vocarunt pacem ? 19. did the excommunications of the emperours , frederick , henry , &c. and their adherents , as the venetian interdict , compel them to obedience ? 20. did the excommunicating of the german protestants , and queen elizabeth , and the english protestants , bring them to obedience ? how many such instances may i give you ? if you say , to what purpose is all this ? i shall say , no doubt so knowing a man can tell . it is to tell you why i expect no more coercive power from meer excommunication than experience and reason will allow me to expect . and no such perfect obedience and universal concord by it , as your words import . and some questions i here crave your answer of . qu. 1. the same that you so much urge on me : seeing this matter of fact is undeniable , and excommunication hath done no more than it hath done , is all church-government therefore vain ? or what is your own way of remedy ? qu. 2. seeing it is bishops themselves , that for so many hundred years excommunicated one another as hereticks and schismaticks , how shall they , or their flocks be certain which bishops they be , whose excommunications they must take , as gods act , and which not ? i pray answer it plainly . 1. if any say , it must be the majority , or greater number , then so were the arrians too long , so were the eutychians , so were the monothelites , so were the iconoclasts ; so the papists say they are now . if you say , the bishops in a general council , that 's almost all one . what wars were there between many general councils ; and how long was it the religion of one side , to be for one , and curse the other ; and of the other side , to curse all that did not receive that ? how shall we know which council to obey ? if you say as binnius , that all councils have just so much power as the pope giveth them , how shall we know that this is true ? but i suppose that will not be your answer . if you say , we must obey that which is orthodox , who is the judg ? if every man , then they that judg the excommunicating-bishops , or councils , not orthodox , will not obey them . truly i know not what answer to expect from you . qu. 3. can that man expect , that excommunicating should set all right , and bring men to obedience now in the end of the world , who is constrained ( against his will ) to be certain , that abused excommunications have been the great means of setting the christian world into pernicious sch●sms and confusions ? qu. 4. at this day , when the papal church unchurches all the christian churches that are not subjects to the pope ; and when the greek church excommunitcateth the papal , and most continue damning one another , can you think , that even excommunicating is the remedy to cure these schisms , and set all right ? qu. 5. if denying men the sacrament , will constrain men to obedience , why do not the episcopal churches through the world , cure the peoples sins by keeping them from the sacrament , when so great numbers are prophane , and sensual , and worldlings , and wicked , how easie a means of conversion were it to forbid them all the sacrament ? qu. 6. is it no contradiction to say , that the sacrament is gods means of giving sanctification ? and yet that keeping men from it is the means ? qu. 7. but if you mean not constraining to obey god , but only to obey the bishop , and not god , what good will such obedience do the mans soul , that will not save him ? i confess the magistrate that hath the sword , may compel men to the use of the necessary suitable means of conversion and grace ; and those means may further sanctification . iv. as to the fourth point , i have said enough of it to you heretofore . 1. if no religious assemblies for preaching , praying , and sacraments , be lawful , but what the bishops allow , then god hath put it into the bishops power , whether he shall have any such publick worship , or any shall be obliged so to worship him , or not . but the consequent is false ; ergo , so is the antecedent . true pastors have but the power to promote , and order gods worship , but not to exclude , or forbid it to any ( much less to all , or 1000. ) without necessary cause . 2. and then if preaching , and hearing , and sacraments , be ordinarily necessary to mens salvation , then god hath left it to the will , or power of the bishops , whether any of the people shall be ( ordinarily ) saved . but that is not so . 3. and then if the king should license , or command us to preach , pray , and communicate , and the bishop forbid it , it were sin . but that i will not believe , unless the cause , more than the authority , make the difference . to cooclude , i hold , that just use of the keys is very necessary , and that it is the great sin of england to reject it : but that a false usurped use of excomunication hath been the incendiary of the christian world , which hath broken it to pieces , caused horrid schisms , rebellions , treasons , murders , and bloody wars . i. the just use is , 1. when a scandalous or great sinner is with convincing evidence told of his error , and with seriousness , yet with love and compassion , intreated to repent , and either prevailed with , and so absolved , or after due patience , authoritatively pronounced uncapable of church-communion , and bound over to answer it at the bar of christ , in terror if he repent not , and this by the pastor of that particular church , which either statedly , or pro tempore , he belongeth to . 2. and when this is duly notified to such neighbour-pastors as he may seek communion with , and they agree not to receive any justly cast out by others , but to receive and relieve the injured and falsly condemned . 3. and when the king and his justices , permit not the ejected violently to intrude , and take the sacrament , or joyn with the church by force , but preserveth forcibly the peace and priviledges of the churches . ii. the excommunication that hath turned the church into factions , and undone almost east and west , is , 1. when a bishop , because of his humane superiory , as patriark , primate , or pope , claimeth the power of excommunicating other bishops , as his subjects , whose sentence must stand because of his regent power . 2. or at least , gathering a council where he shall preside , and that council shall take themselves to have a governing power of the keys over the particular bishop , not only to renounce communion with them themselves , but to oblige all others to stand to their judicial sentence . 3. when bishops shall meddle causelesly in other bishops churches , and make themseves judges either of distant , unknown persons , and cases , or of such as they have nothing to do to try . yea , judg men of other countries , or so distant , as the witnesses and causes cannot without oppression be brought to their bar. 4. when they disgrace gods universal laws of communion , as ins●ffici●nt , and make a multitude of unnecessary , ensnaring , dividing laws of their own , according to which they must be mens judges . 5. when these laws are not made only for their own flocks and selves , but for all the christian world , or for absent , or dissenting persons . 6. when men excommunicate others for hard words , not understood , that deserve it not as to real matter . 7. or do it to keep up an unlawful usurped power over those churches that never consented to take them for their pastors , and to rule where they have no true authority but such as standeth on a forcing strength . 8. when lay-chancellors use the keys of the church . 9. when men excommunicate others wickedly , for doing their duty to god and man , or unjustly without sufficient cause . 10. when unjust excommunicators force ministers against their consciences to publish their condemnations against those that they know to be not worthy of that sentence , if not the best of their flocks . 11. and when they damn all as hereticks , schismaticks , &c. that communicate with any that they thus unjustly damn . 12. when they dishonour kings , and higher pwers , by disgracing excommunications ; much more when they depose them . 13. when they tell princes , that it is their duty to banish , imprison ▪ or destroy men , because excommunicate , and not reconciled ; and make kings their executioners . and so of old , when a bishop was excommunicate , he must presently be banished : and they say , the scots horning is of the same nature . if all had been either banished , or imprisoned , that were excommunicate , a●d unreconciled in the pursuit of the general councils of old , how great a diminution would it have made of the free subjects of the empire ? and if princes must strike with the sword , all that stand excommunicate , without trying , and judging the persons themselves , it is no wonder if such prelates , as can first so debase them to be their lictors , can next depose them . he is like to be a great persecuter , that will imprison or banish all that a proud contentious clergy will excommunicate . as corruptio optimi est pessima , i doubt not but a wise , humble , holy , spiritual , loving , heavenly , zealous , patient , exemplary sort of pastors is the means of continuing christs kingdom in the world , and such are the pillars and basis of truth in the house of god ( as it is said of timothy , not of the church as is commonly mistaken ) . so an ignorant , worldly , carnal , proud , usurping , domineering , hypocritical sort of pastors , have been the great plagues , and causes of schism , confusion , and common calamity : and that when satan can be the chuser of pastors for christs church , he will ( and too oft hath ) ever chuse such as shall most succesfully serve him in christs name . and i doubt not , but such holy discipline , as shall keep clean the church of christ , and keep off the reproach of wickedness and uncleanness from the christian religion , and manifest duly to the flock the difference between the precious and the vile , is a great ordinance of god ( which one man cannot exercise over many hundred parishes , and unknown people ) . but an usurped domineering use of excommunication , to subdue kings , princes , nobles , and people to the jurisdiction , opinions , and canons of popes , patriarchs , prelates , or their councils , i think hath done not the least part of satans work in the world . and i must tell you , that i have lived now near 62. ( now near 66. ) years , and i never saw one man or woman reformed or converted by excommunication ( and i hope i have known thousands converted from their sin by preaching , even by some that are now forbidden to preach ) . all that ever i knew excommunicate , were of two sorts . 1. dissenters from the opinions of the bishops , or conscientious refusers of their commands : and these all rejoice in their sufferings , applying , blessed are ye , when they cast out your names , &c. say all evil of you falsly , &c. or they take their censure for wicked persecution . the papists laugh at their excommunicators , and say , what an odd conditioned church have you , that will cast us out that never came in , and because we will not come in ? 2. ungodly impenitent sinners : and these hate the excommunicators for disgracing them , and are driven further off from godliness than before : but they will say , they repent at any time , rather than go to the gaol . i never saw one person brought to publick confession in the assembly , by the bishops discipline ; but i heard i was young , of one , or two , that for adultery stood in a white sheet in the church , laughing at the sport , or hating the imposers . when there were no bishops among us , about 1650. many episcopal , presbyterians , &c. agreed , where i lived , to exercise so much discipline , as we were all agreed belonged to presbyters . hereupon i found good success , in bringing some to repentance by admonition , but never of any one that stood it out to an excommunication ( so far as we went , which was only to admonish , and pray for their repentance publickly , and after to declare them unmeet for christian communion , and to require the people to avoid them accordingly , till they repent ) . after this they hated us more than before ( and one of them laid hands on me in the church-yard , to have killed me ) . and i am sure that they reverenced those ministers more than now lay-chancellors ( if not bishops ) are by such reverenced : so that experience convinced me , that the penalty of excommunication is much more beneficial to others , than to the excommunicate . and how many thousands in your parish do now voluntarily excommunicate themselves from the sacrament , and church-assemblies , and find no remorse , or reformation by it ? and if all of both sorts ( conscientious dissenters , and prophane despisers , and sinners ) were excommunicated now by the church of england , without any corporal penalty adjoyned , what do you think it would do upon them ? would they not laugh at you , or pity you ? do not the bishops believe this , and therefore will not trust to their excommunications at all without the sword ? i cannot magnifie the discipline of such men as count themselves the power of the keys to be but a leaden sword , a vain thing , without the annexed enforcement of corporal penalties : if it be but outward obedience to their commands , which they drive men to ▪ without the heart , 1. men of no conscience will soonest obey them , as forced against their consciences . 2. and why do they abuse the name of the keys , as if it were the cause of that which it is no cause of , but is done only by the magistrates sword ? it is the writ de excom . cap. that doth it , and not the keys . and they that think unwilling persons have right to the great benefit of church communion ; yea , all that had rather come ●o church than lie in gaol , shall never have my assent . if really your meaning be to set up the power of the keys by themselves , to do their proper work , and not expect that magistrates must joyn their forcing power , to punish a man meerly because he beareth the bishops punishment patiently , without changing his mind ; let it prevail as far as it can prevail ; who will fear it ( save for the schism that it may cause ) ? but if it be your meaning all this while , that under the name of denying the sacrament , it is confiscation or the gaol that must do the work , i should wish for more of the spirit of christianity , and less inclination to the inquisition-way . persecution never yet escaped its due odium , or penalty , by disowning its proper name . i am more of st. martin's mind than of ithacius's . v. one word more i add , that i like not your making so light as you seem to me to do , of the badness of some ministers and people that are in the allowed churches . i know that the papists speak much of the holiness of a pope , when perhaps a general council saith , he is a murderer , adulterer , heretick , &c. and so call their church relatively holy . i deny not that relative holiness , which is founded in meer profession : but i believe , that christ came to gather a people to another sort of godliness , and by his spirit to fill them with divine and heavenly life , light , and love ( to god and man ) . and i believe , that all that have this ( though excommunicate ) shall be glorified : and that without this , all the obedience to bishops that they give , will never keep them out of hell. and i take it to be no great priviledg to march in an orderly army to damnation , or to be at peace in satans power . hell will be hell which way ever we come to it . i confess , were these bishops in the right , that sancta clara citeth , that say , the ignorant people might merit by hating god , as an act of obedience , if their pastors should tell them it is their duty ; then this external obedience to them were more considerable : but i had rather go in the company that goeth to heaven ( as all do that are true lovers of god and man ) than in that which goeth to hell ( as do the most regular of the ungodly ) . and yet i account true obedience , and regularity , a great duty of the godly , and a great help to godliness . and therefore i value the means for the end , concord for piety and salvation . and i cannot think , that there is not now in london , a very laudable degree of concord among all those that , though in different assemblies , and with difference of opinions about small matters , do hold one body , one spirit , one lord , one faith , one baptism , one celestial hope , and one god and father of all , and live in love , and peace and patience towards each other : this is far greater concord than the thousands of people , that deserving excommunication for their wicked lives , do hold in the bosom of the church , which receiveth them as children thereof . and o! were it not for that uncharitable impatience , which an ill selfish spirit doth contain , why should it seem to us a matter of such odium , envy , or out-cry , for men to hear the same gospel from another man , which for some differing opinion they will not hear from us ? or for men to communicate , e. g. standing , or sitting in a congregation of that mind , that ( weakly ) scruple to kneel at it with others ( the old canons countenancing their gesture of standing , more than kneeling ) what harm will it do me , if ( under the strictest laws of peace ) men worshipped god by themselves , that scruple some word , or action in our worship ? e. g. a nestorian that should think , that it is improper to say , that the virgin mary was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that the denomination should be a ratione formali , rather than a materiali : would liberty in such matters , with love and peace , do more hurt to the churches than schismatical excommunications have done ? and indeed it is hard to make people able to reconcile a conjunct earn●stness , in driving the same men into the church , and casting them out ; yea , of excommunicating them , ipso facto , by divers canons ( sine sententia ) , and accusing them for not communicating . if it be for not repenting , 1. can you bring all the sinners about us to repentance , by excommunications ? why then are the openly wicked so numerous ? 2. do you think men can change their judgment , meerly because they are commanded , or excommunicated ? if a man study , and pray , and endeavour to the utmost , to know the truth , and you say , that yet he erreth , will a censure cure his understanding ? e. g. a nestorian , a monothelite , an anabaptist , &c. much less when a man knoweth that he is in the right , and the censurer fighteth againd truth and duty . men in some diseases will rage at the sight of certain things , which would not much trouble them , if the disease were cured . macedonius , and nestorius , that were judged hereticks themselves , could not bear the bishops , and meetings of the novatians ; but atticus could , and they lived together in christian love. i know those places now in england , where a conformable and nonconformable minister , live in so great love , and the latter go still to the parish-churches , and the former sometimes come to them , as that no considerable trouble ariseth by their difference : and i know other places , where the publick ministers cannot bear any that hear not themselves , yea , or that constantly hearing them , hear any other that dissenteth . but they seek to win dissenters , as fowlers would bring birds to the net , by showting , and throwing stones at them ; and anglers would catch fish , by beating the waters . vi. i will tell you also , that i much dissent from you , in that when i told you , that the tyranny of prelates hath done more hurt than the disobedience and discord of the people towards them , you said , you do not think so . qu. do you think that thieves have killed as many men as wars have done ? if it be true , that iulius caesar , and his armies killed 1192000. persons , besides those that he slew in the civil wars . that darius lost at once 200 000 , and abundance of such instances in lower degrees may be given ; sure poor thieves and murderers come far short of this account . and so it is in the present case . gregory nazian ▪ was a wise , and good man , who saith , the people were factious , and too unruly , but ( at const. ) were honest , and meant well . but how sadly doth he describe the bishops , as rage●ing even in their councils , and as the far greater causes of all calamity ! judg by the twenty instances that i before gave you , about their excommunication : how few heresies , or schisms , were there of old , that the bishops were not the notorious causes of ? the samosatinians , apollinarians , macedonians , nestorians , acephali , the monothelites , yea , the donatists , novatians , the phantasiasticks , and almost all : the arrians began by a presbyter ; but if petavius cites them truly ( as he doth ) too many bishops led him the way , and most of the bishops followed , and were the men that kept up , and increased the heresie , far beyond the people , or the presbyters . eutychus , a monk , began his cause ; but he was quickly contemned by his followers , and did little in comparison of dioscorus , severus , and many hundred more bishops . and is it the people , or the bishops , that now keep east and west in mutual damnations ? have the peoples divisions done more harm than the papal schism , and usurpations , and cruelties , killing about 2000000. as is said of albigenses and waldenses , the inquisitions , bloody wars against the germane emperors , and many english kings , the rebellion against the greek emperor , leo isaurus , and destruction of the eastern empire , our smithfield bone-fires , and innumerable other cruelties , desolations , heresies and schisms ? are all these less than the abuse of liberty by inferiors , in praying , preaching , or disorders ? judg hale saith , that he had a friend that stored a very great pond of three or four acres , with a great number of fish , and at seven years end only put in two very small pikes , and at the draught of his pond , there was not one fish left , but the two pikes grown to an excessive bigness , and all the rest with their millions of fry devoured by the pair of tyrants . hale of the orig. of man , sect. 2. cap. 9 pag. 208. the block had been a better ruler . the lord forgive the presbyterians their over-keenness against sects , before the pikes have made an end of them . pardon truth to your servant , ri. baxter . for the learned mr. henry dowell ( after a personal conference with him ) . sir , concord and peace are so very desirable to the ends of christianity , that i am glad to hear you speak for them in the general , though i take your way to be certainly destructive of them ; and because you think the like of mine , and so while we are agreed for the end , we greatly differ about the means , i shall here perform what i last offered you , viz. i. an explication of my own sense of the way of church-concord ( because you said i am still upon the destructive part ) viz. 1. my fundamental principles . 2. the way of concord , which i suppose to be sufficient , and only likely ( as appointed by god ) to attain that end . ii. the reasons of my utter dissent from your way . iii. a proposal for our further debating of these differences . i. i hope if you are a man of charity or impartiality , it will be no hard matter to you to believe that i am willing to be acquainted with healing truth ( that i say not as willing as you ) ; and if i be unhappy in the success of my enquiries , it is not for want of searching diligence . and your parts assure me , that it is so with you . but it is the usual effect of one received error , to let in many more ; and it is so either with me or you . and lest it should prove my unhappiness , i shall thankfully accept your remedying informations . 1. the principles which i presuppose , are such as these . 1. as god as creator , so christ as redeemer is the universal king and head over all things to the church , which is his body , ephes. 1.22 , 23. ioh. 17.2 , &c. 2. he hath made vniversal laws to be means of this universal government . 3. his universal laws are in suo genere sufficient to their proper use . 4. there is no other universal king or ruler of the world , or of the church , whether personal or collective . and therefore none that hath power of universal legislation , or jurisdiction . 5. much less any that hath a superiour power to alter gods universal laws by abrogation , subrogation , suspension , or dispensation . nor will god himself alter them , and substitute new ones . as tertullian saith , we at first believe this , that no more is to be believed . 6. these laws of our universal governour are partly of natural revelation , and partly of supernatural , viz. by himself , and by his spirit in his apostles given in an extraordinary measure to this end , to lead them into all truth , which is delivered to us in their scripture-records . 7. some local precepts , whose matter was narrow and temporary , even the mutable customs of that time and place were also narrow and temporary ; ( as the washing of feet , anointing , vailing women , the kiss of peace , &c ) which maketh nothing for the mutability of the universal laws . 8. no pastors since the apostles , are by office or power appointed to make any universal laws for the church , nor any of the same kind and reason with gods own laws , whose reason or cause was existent in the apostles times , but only to explain the word of god , and apply it to particular persons and cases , as ministers under christ in his teaching , priestly and governing office ; nor have the apostles any other kind of successors . 9. christ made not peter or any one of his apostles governour of the rest : but when they strove who should be the chief , rebuked that expectation , and determined , that among them preeminence should consist in excelling in humility and service . 10. when the corinthians were sick of the like disease , paul rebuked them for saying , i am of cephas , and determineth that apostles are but particular members of the body , of which christ only is the head ; and not the lords , but ministers and helpers of their faith . 11 ▪ no pastors ( as such ) have forcing power , either to touch mens bodies , or estates , or inflict by the sword corporal penalties , or mulcts . but only by the word ( by which the power of the keys is exercised ) to instruct men , and urge gods precepts , promises and threats upon their consciences . 12. the apostles were bishops eminenter , in that they called , gathered , and while they stayed with them , governed churches . but not formaliter as taking any one particular church for their proper charge : but setled such fixed bishops over them . and though they distributed their labours about the world prudently , and as the spirit of christ guided them ; yet we find not any probability that ever they divided the world into twelve or thirteen provinces , or ever setled twelve or thirteen chief metropolitical seats in the world , which their proper successors as such should govern in preeminence . nor doth any history intimate such a thing ; nor yet that any apostle took any city for his proper diocess , where another apostle might not come and exercise equal power . 13. it seemeth that christs sending out his seventy disciples by two and two , and the apostles staying together much at ierusalem , and paul and barnabas's going forth together , and after paul & silas , and barnabas and mark , & peter and paul ( supposed ) to be together at rome , &c. that the spirit of god did purposely prevent the intentions of any afterward of being the metropolitical successors of single apostles or disciples of christs immediate sending , in this or that city as their proper seat . 14. as grotius thinks that the churches were instituted after the likeness of the synagogues , of which one city had many ; so dr. hammond endeavours to evince , not only that peter and paul were bishops of two distinct churches of rome , one of the iews , and the other of the gentile christians ; but also that it was so in other cities . dissertat . 15. the patriarchs were not 12 or 13 , but three first , and five afterward ; and none of them pretended to any power as especial successors of any one apostle , but antioch and rome of peter ; ( and that was not their first claim or title , but an honorary reason why men afterward advanced them . ) alexandria claimed succession but from st. mark , and ierusalem from iames ( no apostle , if dr. hammond and others be not much mistaken ) and constantinople from none . 16. the 28 canon of calcedon tels us enough of the foundation , title and reason of patriarchal power , and all church-history that the metropolitical powers were granted by emperours , either immediately , or empowering councils thereto . 17. these emperours having no power out of the empire , neither by themselves , nor by councils , gave not any power that extended further than the empire , or that could by that title continue to any city which fell under the government of another prince . 18 a● the●e never was a council truly universal , so the name vniversal or oec●menical was not of old given them , in respect to the whole christian world , but to the whole empire ; as the power that called them , and the names of the bishops subscribed , &c. fully prove . 19. before christian princes did empower them , councils were but for counsel , concord and correspondency , and particular pastors were bound by their decrees only : 1. for the evidence of truth which they made known : 2. and by the general law of god , to maintain unity and peace , and help each other . but afterward , by vertu● of the princes law , or will , they exercised a direct government over the particular bishops , and those were oft banished that did not submit to them . 20. while councils met but for counsel and concord , and also when afterwards they were but provincial , or national under kings , where none of the patriarchal spirit and interest did corrupt them , they made excellent orders , and were a great blessing to the churches : of the first sort , e. g. were divers african , and of the latter divers spanish , and french , when neither emperor , nor pop● ▪ did over-rule them , but the gothish , and french kings moderately govern them . but though i deny not any good which the councils , called general , did , especially the fir●● nicene ; yet i must profess , that the history of the patriarchal seats , and the history of the general councils , and the church-wars then , and after them managed by four of the patriarchs especially , and their bishops ▪ the confusion caused in most of the churches , the anathematiz●ng of one another , the blood that hath been shed in the open streets , of monks ▪ and common people ; yea , the fighting , and fury of bishops at the councils , to the death of some of them , their ●iring out the endeavours of such emperors , and their officers , that would have kept peace and concord among them , do all put me out of hope , that the peace and concord of the christian world , should ever be setled by popes , patriarchs , or such kind of councils , which all have so long filled the christian world with most calamitous divisions , contentions , and blood-shed , and made the snares , which continue its divisions and distractions to this day . ii. i conceive , that the means of church-concord , appointed by god , is as follows ▪ but i premise , 1. it must be pre-supposed , that no perfect concord will be had on earth ; yea ▪ that there will unavoidably be very many differences , which must be born . so great is the diversity of mens natural capacity and temper , their education , company , teachers , helps , interests , callings , temptations , &c. that it is not probable that any two men in all the world , are in every particular of the same mind : and every man that groweth in knowledg , will more and more differ from himself , and not be of the same mind as he was when he knew less . 2. yet must our increase in knowledg , and concord , be our continual endeavour ; and it is the use of teaching to bring these differences , caused by ignorance , to as small a number as we can . 3. there is scarce a more effectual means of division , and confusion , and church-ruin , to be devised , than to suppose a more extensive concord to be possible , and necessary , than indeed is ; and so to set up an impossible end , and means , and to deny concord and peace to all that cannot have it on those terms . if all should be denied to be the kings subjects , who dare not profess assent , consent , and approbation of every law , and part , or word of the laws , or that agree not of the meaning of every law , or that differ in any matters of religion , what a schism , confusion , and ruine would it unavoidably make in the kingdom ? and how few subjects would it leave the king ? even as if none but men of the same stature , visage , or wit , should be subjects . 4 ▪ the necessary union and concord of christians , is a matter of so great importance , that it cannot be supposed , that christ is the sole universal lawgiver , and yet hath not ordained , or determined what shall be the terms of necessary christian unity and concord : and indeed he hath determined it . viz. i. he hath ordained baptism himself , to be our christning , or our visible investiture in the church universal ; that is , our relation to christ , as the head of his universal kingdom , or body . and every rightfully baptized person ( till by violating that covenant he forfeit his benefits ) , is to be taken by us as a member of christ , a child of god , and an heir of heaven ; and we are bound to love him as a brother , and use him accordingly , in all due offices of love. and because the church , into which baptism entereth us , consists of christian pastors and people , apostles and prophets , having been as foundations , infallibly delivering us , now recorded in scripture the word of life ; and ordinary pastors being appointed to teach , and guide the people in holy doctrine , worship , and conversation ; therefore it is implied , that the baptized person at age , understandeth this , and consenteth thereunto ; that is , to receive , as infallible , the recorded sacred doctrine of the infallible persons , apostles and prophets , and the ordinary ministry of such ordinary pastors and teachers , as he shall discern to be set over him by the word and spirit of christ. whether this consent to the pastoral-office , be necessary to the being of a christian , or only to the well-being , is a controversie with which i need not stop , or length●n in this account . but baptism , as such , doth not enter us into any particular church . ii. 1. christ ( by himself , and his ●pirit in the apostles ) hath ordained , that christians shall be associated into particular churches , consisting of the aforesaid ordinary pastors and their flocks , for personal communion in holy d●ctrine , worship , and conversation ; in all which these pastors are their guides , according to the laws , or word of christ , already delivered by the in●allible ministry of the apostles and prophets ; against , or beyond which , christ hath given them no power . their office is of his own making , and describing ; and their power to determine undetermined useful circumstances in gods worship , and church-discipline , is but a power to obey christs general commands ( to do all thing● in love , peace , order , decency , and to edification ) , which they may not violate . 2. every christian that hath opportunity , should be a member of some such particular church ; statedly , if it may be ; if not , yet transiently : but some may want such opportunity ( as single persons converted , or cast among infidels ; travellers , embassadors , factors , and other merchants , ( among infidels ) or where christianity is so corrupted by the p●stors , as that they will not allow men communion without sinful oaths , covenants , professions , words , or practices . 3. no one at age can be a member of the universal , or of any particular church ( and so the subj●ct of that pastor ) against his will , or without his own consent ( however antecedent obligations may bind men to consent ) . 4. every such church should have its proper bishop ; and in ignatius's time , its unity was describ●d by one altar , and one bishop , with his fellow presbyters , and deacons . 5. such b●shops , or pastors were to be ordained by senior bishops , or p●stors , and received by the e●ection , or consent of the whole church ; and for many hundred years no churches received their bishops on any other terms . the ordainers , and the people or church receiving him , having each a necessary consent , as a double key for the security of the church ; to which afterwards the christian magi●●rates consent was added according to gods word , so far as protecting and countenancing of the bishop did require , the senior bishops must consent to his ordination , the people must consent to him as formally related to themselves as their pastor ; and the magistrate as to one to be protected by him . 6 as without mutual consent the relation of pastor and flock is not founded ; so gods providence must direct every man to know what particular church he should be of , and whom by consent to take for the guide of his soul. in england men may freely chuse what church and pastor they will stand related to ; every man having liberty to dwell in what parish or diocess he please , without asking leave of the bishop to remove . 7. the individuating or distingu●shing of particular churches by peculiar circuits , or proper spaces of ground , is no further of gods institution , than it is the performance of the general commands of doing all in order to edification , &c. and as in prosperous times under godly peaceable princes , it is greatly convenient and desirable ; so in several cases of division , church-corruption by heresie , or tyranny , persecution , &c. it is inconvenient , and it becomes a necessary duty to gather churches in the same space of ground where only some other pastor had a church before . the cases in which this is lawful , and the cases in which separation is unlawful , having written largely in another paper , i shall offer it to you when you desire it . 8. it is not of absolute necessity that all the members of a particular church , do always or usually meet in one place , ( though it be very convenient and desirable where it may be done ) ; for persecution may prohibit it , or want of a large capacious place , or the great d●stance of some of the inhabitants , or the age , or weakness of others ; and therefore in the ancient churches , though at first they usually were all assembled in one place , yet after when they encreased , the canons required all the people to assemble with the bishop but at certain chief festivals in the year , having chappels or oratories in the villages where they m●t on other days . and with us many parishes of great extent have many chappels of ease . 9. but that the end of the association be not only for distan● communion by delegates or letters , or meer relation to one common ruler as all the empire had to the emperour , but for personal commvnion of pastor and flock , so that they may at least per vices meet together , or live within the reach of each others personal notice , and converse , and communion in doctrine , worship and discipline , this is essential to a partiicular church , primi ordinis , of divine institution , of which i now treat . iii. 1. as christians must gather into particular churches , under their proper bishops ; so these churches must hold a certain communion among themselves , so much as is necessary to their mutual edification and preservation , of which synods , and communicatory letters and messengers , are the means . 2. an association of several churches for communion of churches , doth tota specie differ from an association of individual christians into one church primae speciei . and it differeth in the matter , end , and kind of communion . 3. if these several churches agree in the same baptismal covenant , in the same ancient creed or articles of faith , and in the same love and holy desires summed up by christ in the lords-prayer , and in taking the commands of christ for the rule of their conversation , and receiving gods revelations recorded in the holy scriptures so far as they understand them , renouncing all contraries to any of this so soon as they perceive them so to be , this should suffice to their loving and comfortable communion , without any desires of domination or government over one another . and though i will not do any thing unpeaceably against patriarchs , metropolitans , archbishops or diocesans , if they govern according to the laws of god ; yet i know no divine right that any of them have to be the rulers of the particular bishops and churches . though a humane presidency for order we deny not , nor that junior bishops do owe some respect and submission to the seniors . 4. though the general laws of christ ( for concord , edification , &c. ) do enable magistrates by command , or pastors by contract to chuse and make new officers of their own ( which god never particularly instituted ) for the determining and executing such circumstantials as god hath left to humane prudence , ( as presidents , moderators , churchwardens , summoners , &c. ) yet i deny , 1. that any officer of meer humane institution hath a superior proper ecclesiastical power of the keys , to be a bishop of bishops , and to govern the governou●s of the particular churches by excommunications , depositions , and absolutions , seeing ex ratione rei , it belongeth to the same legislator , who instituted the inferiour order , to have instituted the superiour , if he would have had it . 2. and i peremptorily deny that any such pretended superiour ( patriarch , primate , metropolitan , archbishop , &c. ) hath any power ( save diabolical ) to deprive any particular churches , bishops , or christians , of any of the priviledges setled on them by christs vniversal laws , or to disoblige them from any duties required by christ. iv. it belongeth to the office of princes and magistrates only to rule all , both clergy and laity , by the sword or force ; even to drive ministers to do their certain duty , and to punish them for sin . and they are to keep peace among the churches ; and ( as bad as the secular powers have been ) had they not kept peace better than the bishops have done , i am possest with horrour to think what a field of blood the churches had been throughout the world , since the exaltation of the clergy . v. christ only is ( as the universal legislator , so ) the universal final judg , from whom there is no appeal . vi. every christian as a rational agent hath a judgment of discerning , by which he must judg whether his rulers commands be according to christs commands or not . and if they be , must obey christ in them . if not , must not obey them against christ , but appeal to him . and if any do this erroneously , it is his sin ; if justly , it is his duty . these six particulars i take to be the sufficient means which christ hath appointed for the concord of the church ; and that the seven points of concord mentioned by the apostle should satisfie us herein , viz. 1. one body . 2. one spirit . 3. one hope of our calling . 4 one lord. 5. one faith. 6. one baptism . 7. one god and father of all . and they that agree in these , are bound to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace ; as knowing that the kingdom of god consisteth not in meats and d●inks , but in righteousness , peace and joy in the holy ghost . and he that in these serveth christ , is acceptable to god , and ( should be ) approved of men , rom. 14.17 , 18. ephes. 4.6 , 7 , &c. nor is it lawful for any to hate , persecute , silence , or excommunicate their brethren that agree in these ; or to divide , distract , or confound the churches for the interest of their several preeminences , or provinces , which have no higher than humane authority , perhaps questionable , at least unquestionably below the authority of god , and null when it is against it . i am sure by the church-history of all ages since christ , the great divider of the christian world hath been the pride of a worldly ( too ignorant ) clergy . 1. striving who should be greatest . 2. striving about ambiguous words . 3. imposing unnecessary things by their authority upon the churches ; to be ignorant of this , is impossible to me when once i have read the history of the church ; which warneth me what to suspect as the causes of our distractions ; for the things that had been , are . and how unexcusable these three evils are , and how contrary to christ , these texts do tell me : i. luk 22.24 , 25 , 26 1 pet. 5.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. 1 cor. 3.5 , 6 , 7 , 22. 2 cor. 1.24 . ii. 2 tim. 2.14 , 16 , 23 , 24 , 25. 1 tim. 1.4 , 5 , 6. iii. 2 cor. 11.3 . act. 15.28 . revel . 2.24 , 25 , mat. 15.8 , 9. rom. 14 , & 15 , throughout . to tell you , that i am not only as you say , on the destructive part , i have thus told you briefly what i assert as the way to peace . and now i shall destructively tell you why i differ from your principles as truly destructive of truth , unity and peace . some of the principles which i have heard from your mouth , which i dissent from , are these : i. that the church must have some ecclesiastical governours that are absolute , from whom no man may appeal to an invisible power . ii. that diocesan churches are the first in order of divine institution ▪ iii. that diocesan-bishops by consent may make other church-forms , as national , patriarchal , &c. and that such churches are not made by princes , but by the consent of prelates . iv. that these church-forms of mans making , stand in a governing superiority over those of gods making . v. that where by such consent of diocesans such superior jurisdictions are once setled , it is a sin for any to gather assemblies within the local bounds of their jurisdiction without their consent . vi. that you cannot see how those that do so , can be saved . vii . that if i preach on the account of my ministerial office , and the peoples necessity , to such as else would have no preaching , nor any publick worship of god , ( e. g. in a parish where there are 40000 more than can hear in the parish-church ) , though i must conclude that according to the ordinary way of salvation such could not be brought to faith , holiness and salvation , for want of teaching , it is yet my sin to preach to them , and my duty to let them rather be damned , if i have not the bishops consent to teach them ; and that because it is the bishop and not i that shall answer for their damnation . viii . that it is disputable with you whether those to whom church power is given ( viz. diocesans ) may not change ( not only the local temporary circumstances , but ) the very church-forms , and suspend laws of christ. ix . that baptism entreth the baptized into some particular church , and consequently under this fore-described church-government . x. that in the case of preaching the gospel , ministers may in many cases do it , though emperours and kings forbid them , ( as in the days of constantius , valens , yea and better men ) ; but not if the bishop forbid them , or consent not . xi . that circa sacra , if the king command the churches for uniformity , one translation of the bible , one version or meter of the psalms , one liturgy , one time , or place of worship , &c. and the bishop another , we ought to obey the bishop against the command of the king. xii . that the required subscriptions , declarations , rubricks and canons , are primarily the laws of the church , which the king and parliament do confirm by their sanction ; and therefore the church is the expounder of them . these are some of your assertions , which i cannot yet receive . i. my reasons against the first are these : 1. because this maketh gods of men , and so is idolatry , giving them gods proper power and prerogative . 2. yea , it taketh down god ( or his laws ) , and setteth them above him : for there cannot be two absolute governors that have not one will. if i must not appeal from them to god , then i must appeal from god to them ; that is , i must break his law , if they bid me , or else they are not absolute . 3. this maketh all gods laws at the will of ma● , as alterable , or dispensible : man may forbid all that god commandeth , and i must obey . 4. then all villanies may be made virtues , or duties , at the will of man : if they command us to curse god , or blaspheme , or be perjured , or commit fornication , murder , or idolatry , it would become a duty . 5. then the power , and lives of kings would be at the clergies mercy ; for if their power be absolute , they may make treason and rebellion a duty . 6. and all family-societies , and civil converse , migbt be overthrown , while an absolute clergy may disoblige men from all duty to one another . 7. then the council at lateran , which you have excellently proved in your considerations , to be the author of its canons , doth , or did oblige princes to exterminate their reformed subjects , and disoblige subjects from their allegiance to princes that obey not the pope herein , and are excommunicate . so of greg. 7 th's council . rom. 8. then did the church , or kingdom of england well , to disobey , or forsake the roman power , that was over them ? 9. were not our martyrs rather rebels , that died for disobeying an absolute power ? 10. how should two contradicting absolute powers ( viz. general councils ) be both obeyed ? e. g nicen. 1. and arimini ▪ sirm. and tyr. or ephes. 2 and calced ▪ 11. how will this stand with the judgment and practice of the apostles , that said , whether it be meet that we obey god , or man , judg ye ? 12. how will it stand with conformity to the church of england , that in the articles saith , that general councils may err , and have erred in matter of faith ? &c. 13. is it not against the sense of all mankind , even the common light of nature , where utter atheism hath not prevailed ? say not , that i wrong you , by laying all this odium on your self . i lay it but on your words : and i doubt not , but ( though disputing interest draw such words from you ) on consideration you will re-call them by some limitations . ii. my reasons against your second , must pre-suppose , that we understand one another as to the sense of the word , diocesan church , which being your ●erm , had i been with you , i must have desired you first to explain . the word , diocess of old , you know , signified a part of the empire , larger than a province , and that had many metropolitans in it . i suppose that is not your sense . sometimes now it is taken for that space of ground which we call , a diocess ; sometimes for all the people in that space . and with us , a diocesan church , is a church of the lowest order , containing in it , a multitude of fixed parochial congregations , which have every one their stated presbyter , who is no bishop , and vnum altare , and are no churches , but parts of a church , and which is individuated by one bishop , and the measuring-space of ground , whose inhabitants are its members . till you tell me the contrary , i must take this for your sense ; for you profess to me , that you speak of such diocesan churches as ours ( and they have some above a thousand , others many hundred parishes ) , and you say our parishes are not churches , but parts of a church , and so families are . 2. either you mean , that a diocesan church is the first in order of execution and existence , or else in order of intention , and so last in existence and execution . i know not your meaning , and therefore must speak to both . i. that a diocesan church is first in intention , is denied by me , and disproved ( though it belong to you to prove it ) . 1. intentions no where declared of god in mature or supernatural revelations , are not to be asserted of him as truths . but a prime intention of a diocesan church is no where declared of god : ergo , not to be asserted of him as truth . 2. it is the end or ultimum rei complementum , which is first in intention ( where there is ordo intentionis . ) but a diocesan church is not the end or ultimum rei complementum : ergo , not first intended . the major is not deniable : the minor hath the consent as far i as know , of all the world . for they are all either for the hierarchy , or against it . they that are for it , say that a metropolitan is above a diocesan , and a provincial above a metropolitan , and a patriarchal above a provincial , and a national ( which hath patriarchs , as the empire had ) above that ; and ●ay the new catholicks , an humane universal above a national church , as the complement or perfection ; and therefore must be first intended . but those that are against the hierarchy , think that all these are church-corruptions , or humane policies set up by usurpation , and therefore not of prime divine intention . 3. if you should go this way , i would first debate the question with you , how far there is such a thing as ordo intentionis to be ascribed to god. for though st. thomas ( as you use to call him ) assert such intentions , it is with many limitations ; and others deny it , and all confess that it needeth much explication to be understood . ii. but if it be a priority of existence in order of execution . that you mean , it disproveth it self . for , 1. it is contrary to the nature of production , that two , or twenty , or an hundred stated congregations , should be before on t ; as it is that i should write a page before a line , and a line before a word , and a word before a letter . 2. it is contrary to the scripture-history , which telleth us that christ called his disciples by degrees , a few first , and more after ; and that the apostles accordingly converted men ; from the number of 120 , they rose to 3000 more ; and after to 5000 , &c. and that ordinarily the churches in scripture-times were such as could , and often did meet in one place , ( though that be n●t necessary as i said before ) hath so copious evidence , as that i will not here trouble you with it . 3. either the apostles ordained bishops before subject presbyters , or such presbyters before bishops , or both at once . if both at once as two orders , it 's strange that they called both orders promiscuously by the same names , sometimes bishops , sometimes presbyters , and sometimes pastors and teachers , without any distinguishing epithete or notice . and it 's strange that we never find any mention of the two sorts of congregations , one the bishops cathedral , and the other the parish presbyters congregation . if you say that they were the bishops themselves , and first ordained only subject-presbyters under them , that cannot hold . for doubtless there were more than twelve or thirteen churches ( the number of apostles in their times ; nor were they fixed bishops , but indefinite gatherers and edifiers of the churches . and either those elders first ordained by the apostles were bishops , or else there were churches without bishops , for they ordained elders in every city , and in every church . and either the elders first ordained by the apostles had the power of ordaining others , or not . if they had , then either they were bishops , or else subject-presbyters were ordained to be ordainers ; yea to ordain bishops ( if such were to be after ordained . ) and so indeed it would be suitable to your concei● , that the inferiour order of diocesans do by consent make superior metropolitans , provincials , nationals , and patriarchs to rule them ; and with hieromes report ad evagr. that the alexandrian presbyters made the bishops , as the army doth a general . but this making of children to beget fathers , is so commonly denied , that i need not more dispute against it . 3 ▪ but i think most of the hierarchical way will say , that the apostles first ordained bishops , that those bishops might ordain subject-presbyters . and if so , the churches could be but single congregation at the first till the subject-presbyters were ordained yea , dr. hammond ( as aforesaid ) asserteth ( in act. 11. and in dissert . &c. ) that there is no proof there were any of the order of subject-presbyters in scripture-times ; and he thinketh that most of his party were of his mind ; and that the name bishop , elder and pastor in scripture signifie only those that we now call bishops . and in this he followeth dion . petavius , and fr. a sancta clara de episcop . who saith that it came from scotus . and if this be so , then in all scripture-times there was no church of more than one worshipping congregation . for we are agreed that church-meetings were for the publick worship of god , and celebration of sacraments , and exercise of discipline , which no meer lay-man might lawfully guide the people in , and perform as such assemblies did require . and one bishop could be but in one place at once . and if there were many bishops , there were many churches . so that according to dr. hammond and all of his mind , there was no church in scripture-times of more than one stated ordinary worshipping congregation , because there were no subject-presbyters . if you say that yet this was a diocesan church , because it had a diocesan bishop ; i answer , why is he called a diocesan bishop if he had not a diocesan church ? if you mean that he was designed to turn his single congregation into many by increase : 1. that must not be said only , but proved . 2. and that supposeth that his one congregation was first before the many . and i hope you ●ake not infidels for parts of the church , because they are to be converted hereafter . those that are no members of the church make not the church , and so make it not to be diocesan . one congregation is not an hundred or a thousand , because so many will be hereafter . if you mean that such a space of ground was assigned to the bishops to gather and govern churches in . i answer , 1. gathering churches is a work antecedent to episcopacy . 2. the ground is no part of the church . it is a church of men , and not of soil and houses that we speak of . 3. nor indeed will you ever prove that the apostles measured out or distinguished churches by the space of ground . so that the first churches were not diocesan . iii. as to your third opinion , 1. officers are denominated from the work which they are to do . there are works to be done , circa sacra , about the holy ministerial works , as accidental : as to 〈◊〉 to church buildings , utensils , and lands , to summon synods , and register their acts ; to moderate in disputations , and to take votes , &c. these the magistrate may appoint officers to pe●●orm ; and if he do not , the churches , by his permission , may do it by consent . and there are works proper to the magistrate , viz. to force men to their duty by mulcts , or corporal penalties . i deny none of these . but the works of ordination , pastoral guidance , excommunication and absolution , by the power of the keys , are proper to the sacred office , which christ hath instituted . and i shall not believe , till i see it proved , that any men have power to make any new order , or office of this sort , which christ never made by himseelf , or his spirit in his apostles ; much less that inferiors may make superior offices : for 1. it belongeth to the same power to make one ( especially the superior ) church-office , which made the other of the same general nature . if without christs institution , no man could be episcopus gregis , and have the power of the keys over the people , then by parity of reason , without his institution no man can be episcopus episcoporum , and have the power of the keys over the bishops . 2. dr. hammond's argument against presbyters ordination is , nemo dat quod non habet ; which though it serve not his turn on several accounts ( both because 1. they have the order which they confer . 2. because ordination is not giving , but ministerial delivery by investiture ) ; yet in this case it will hold ; for 1. this is supposed to be a new institution of an office. 2. and that of an higher power than ever the institutors had themselves : the king giveth all his officers their power , but all of them cannot give the king his power . the patriarch cannot make a pope , nor the metropolitans a patriarch , that shall have a power over them , which they never had themselves . and what i say of superior orders , and offices , i say of synods ; for whether the power be monarchica● , or aristocratical , or democratical , there is need of the same power in the cause that maketh it : no man can give that which he hath not to give . if you should fly to such popular principles , as the episcopal champion , richard hooker , doth , and the jesuites in their politicks , and many ; yea , most other writers of politicks , and say , that as the people are the givers of power to the soveraign , though they are no governours themselves , so the bishops give power to the episcopi episcoporum ( personal , or synodical ) , i answer , the principle is false about civil policy , as i have proved against mr. hooker , in my christian directory , and as dr. hammond hath proved in the kings cause , against iohn goodwin . the power every man hath over himself , doth so specifically differ from the power of governing-societies , that the latter is not caused by all mens contribution of the former ; and much more in church-government , which god hath left less the will of man ( as mr. dan. cawdr●y hath proved ) . to conclude , i grant the superiority of magistrates , and of their officers , circa sacra , but not that inferior clergy-men may by consent , make a superior species of rulers ( or episcopos episcoporum ) by the keys , in eodem genere . but i confess , that how far christ himself hath made apostolick successors , or archbishops , as to the ordinary part of governing many churches , is a question to me of much more difficulty , and moment . as for the patriarchal , and other superior church-power in the roman empire , that it was made partly by the emperors themselves ( as the instances of the two iustiniana's , and many others shew ) , and partly by councils , authorized thereto by the emperors , is past all doubt . iv. as to your fourth opinion , i include the reason of my denial of it , in the description of it . whether you confess particular worshipping churches , that have each unum altare , to be of divine institution , i cannot tell : but that you take the diocesan to be so divine , you have told me ; and that you take the superior ruling-churches , to be made by them . now that churches of mans making ( universal , or national , or patriarchal , &c ) should be the rightful governors ( by the keys ) over the churches of gods making , must be either jure divino , or humano : not jure humano ; for 1. man cannot give the power of the keys without god. 2. and mans grant cannot over top gods. indeed there is no power but of god. 2. not jure divino ; for if god give them the power , god maketh that species that containeth that power . for god not to make the office , and not to give the power , is all one . 3. at least , what satisfying proof you will give us , that indeed god giveth power to church-officers of his own making , themseves to make nobler superior officers or churches than themselves , i cannot foresee . and till it 's proved , it is not to be believed . 4. yea it confoundeth the inferiours and the superiors . for the diocesans are so far the superiors to the provincial , national , patriarchal , &c. in that they make them ▪ or give them their power , and yet inferior in that they are to be subjects to them . more nonconformists do deny the power of men to make new species of churches , and church rulers , than their power to make new ceremonies . v. your next mention'd opinion , ( that it is a sin to preach and congregate people within the local bounds of diocesan or provincial , or other superior jurisdictions without their consent ) falleth of it self , if those foregoing fall , which it is built upon . 1. if it prove true that they that made these superior jurisdictions had no power to make them , but gave that which they had not to give , then your foundation faileth . 2. if it be proved that neither christ nor his apostles ever made a law that bishops jurisdictions shall be limited , measured and distributed by space of ground , as our parishes and diocesses are , so that all in such a compass shall be proper to one pastor , much less did ever divide our diocesses or parishes ; ( which me thinks none should deny ) then preaching in that space of ground is no sin against such an order of christ. 3. if it be proved ( as i undertake to do ) that this distribution by spaces of ground , is a work that the king and his officers are to do , ( or the churches by his permission by way of contract , if he leave it to them ) , and this in obedience to gods general laws ( of order , peace , concord and edification ) , then these things will follow , 1. that if the king give us licenses to preach within such a space of ground , we have good authority , and break not the restraining law : and yet such as you accused us of schism as well when the king licensed us , as since . 2. that this law of local bounds doth bind us but as other humane laws do ; which is , say many casuists , not at all out of the case of scandal , when they make not for the bonum publicum . but say others more safely , not when they notoriously make against , 1. either the bonum publicum , which is finis regiminis : 2. or the general law of god which must authorize them , ( being against edification , peace , &c. ) 3. when they are contrary to the great , certain and indi●pensible laws of god himself . and that in such cases patient suffering the penalty which men inflict is instead of obedience to the prohibition , ( and as in daniels case , dan. 6 and ●he apostles , &c. ) therefore i am 〈…〉 to give you , 1. my concessions in what cases it 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 the magistrate in preaching where he forbiddeth 〈◊〉 . 2. 〈◊〉 in what cases it is a great duty . but to say that it is a sin because that the clergy forbiddeth it , must have better proof ●●an i have seen , even , 1. that such clergy-men are truly called by god. 2. and that they have from him the assignation of this space of ground . and 3. are by him empowered to forbid all others to preach on their land . 4. and that even when gods general laws do make it our duty , that they can suspend the obligation of such laws , even the greatest : i am ready upon any just occasion to prove to you , that i were a heinous sinner , if i should have ceased such preaching as i have used upon all the reasons that you alledg against it . and wo to them that make our greatest and dearest duties to pass for sin , and our greatest sin , isa. 5.20 . were it but one of the least commands , i would be loth to break it , and teach men so to do , much less one of the greatest ; when men whose consciences tell them , that they are totally devoted to god ; as christians and as ordained ministers , deny their worldly interest and preferments , and serve him in poverty , beholden for their daily bread , and to the ruin of their worldly estates , and the hazard of their lives in the common goals , endeavour nothing but to preach christs gospel to save mens souls from ignorance , unbelief , sensuality , worldliness , &c. in case of the peoples undeniable necessity ; i say , when such meet with men of the same profession , who think not the common goals among rogues , and the forfeiture of forty pound a sermon , as enacted by law , to be enough to restrain them , but also as in the name of christ they will charge us with heinous sin unless we will perfidiously break our obligations to christ , and sacrilegiously alienate our selves from the work which we are devoted to ( many of us under the bishops hands ) and unless we will be cruel to miserable souls , and shut up the bowels of our compassion from them , while we see them in need and in danger of damnation , what fortitude do we need against such kind of tempters , and such temptations ? if drunkards and boys in the street only scorn'd me as a puritan , or precisian , it were less . if turkish rulers did persecute me for my preaching christ , it were less . if mistaken christian rulers made me the scorn of the nation , and stript me of all my worldly maintenance , and laid me with malefactors in prisons , it were a less temptation , than for a man to come in the name of christ , to tell me that i sin against him , unless i will forsake my calling , break my vows , cease preaching his gospel , betray thousands of souls to satan and damnation , and encourage all that endeavour it by yielding to all their temptations , and giving them success . but as christ must be accused of sin , as well as crucified , and not allowed the honour of suffering as innocent , so must his servants . i will venture upon one argument on the by that may be somewhat by others , though nothing to you for the invalidating of your accusation . i saw from the hands of a noble lord , an excellent truly learned manuscript said by him to be the bishop of lincolns , to satisfie you who are said to judg it unlawful to subscribe to athanasius's creed . what else you refuse i know not ; but by that much i perceive you are a strange kind of nonconformist . now if it be unlawful for you to subscribe and conform , or unlawful for me , ( which i here undertake to prove before any equal competent judges ) then it is unlawful for all the ministers of england ; for none of them may do evil that good may come by it . and then all the ministers in england ought to cease preaching , if i ought to cease , when they are forbidden . the consequence will be denied by others , though not by you . ( and by the way , how can you take the bishops for absolute , from whom there is no appeal to an invisible power , and yet disobey them , if they bid you subscribe athanasius creed . ) if it be a sin in me not to cease preaching when i am silenced for nonconformity , and yet nonconformity be a duty , then it is a sin in all the ministers of england not to be nonformists , and so not to cease preaching . but the latter part of the consequent is false : ergo , so is the antecedent . 2. yea , directly your assertion puts it in the power of one superior to put down the preaching of the gospel , and all gods publick worship , in whole countries or kingdoms , ( if not in the world ) , and so christ must be at their mercy whether he shall have any church , and so whether he shall be christ ; and god , whether he shall have any publick worship in ethiopia ( though brierwood saith that yet after the decay of the abassine empire , it is as big as italy , germany , france and spain ) they have but one bishop , called their abuna and if he forbad all preaching or publick worship in the empire , it is a sin to obey him . and it is a great duty to gather churches within his church . it is a sin in the empire of muscovie , that all their clergy obey their patriarch and prince in forbearing to preach . if all the bishops of england should agree to reduce the kingdom to one only bishoprick , and one church , and turn all the rest into parish-chappels , it were a duty to disobey them , and gather churches in that one church . if the patriarch of alexandria , antioch , or constantinople , had forbidden all in their limits to preach and worship god publickly , it had been a wickedness to obey them . when severus antioch , the eutychian , forbad the orthodox to preach in his patriarchate , it had been their sin to obey him , ( yea or if theodosius or anastasius the emperours had done it ) : yea , though a general council of ephes. 2. ( if not ephes. 1. ) was on his side . if the pope ( whether as pope or as patriarch of the west ) , interdict all the preachers and churches in venice , or in britain , it were a sin to obey him . the reasons are , because their power is derived and limited ( to pass by the no power of usurpers ) the greatest have it for edification , and not for destruction . none of them have power to make void the least ( continued ) law of god by their doctrines , precepts or traditions . all men must take heed of the leven of their false doctrine , and must beware of false prophets , and must prove all things , and hold fast that which is good . there is no true power but of god , and therefore none against him . it is better to obey god than men . but of this you may in season have larger proof , if you desire it . vi. your excluding us from salvation , that will not cease preaching the gospel of salvation , and worshipping god , remembreth us : 1. what a mercy it is that neither pope , nor any such condemner is made our final judg. 2. how most sects agree ( papists , quakers , &c. ) in damning those that dance not after their pipe. 3. what various wiles of temptations satan useth to hinder christs gospel , and mens salvation . at once i have , 1. a backward flesh , that is the worst of all , that saith , favour thy self , and expose not thy self to all this labour , obloquie , hatred , suffering , loss and danger of death for nothing , but that work which thy superiours think needless , and forbid . 2. i feel satan setting in with the flesh , and saying the same . 3. carnal and worldly friends say the same ( as peter to christ , mat. 16. ) 4. displeased sinners and sectaries wish me silent . 5. what superiors say and do , i need not mention . 6. and to perfect all , some preachers in press and pulpit , and you in discourse , declare us in danger of damnation , as schismaticks , unless we will give over preaching the gospel . o how easie were it to me to avoid that damnation ! and if i incur it , how dearly do i purchase it ! it is a sad case that such poor souls as we are in , that would fain know gods will whatever study or suffering it cost us , and after our most earnest search and prayers , believe that if we forsook our trust , and office , and the peoples souls , we should be judged as sacrilegious , perfidious hypocrites , and yet we are told by wiser and greater men , that our labours and sufferings do but damn us ; may not a man be damned at a cheaper rate than forty pound a sermon , or the loss of all his worldly estate , and lying with malefactors , and perhaps dying in a goal , under the published sacred infamy of being schismaticks and enemies of the publick government and peace , & c ? but this also we must be fortified against . for satan is sometime utterly impudent , and will say , damn your selves by perfidiousness , and let the people be damned quietly , or else you shall be damned for schismaticks . but the long noise of damning papists and quakers have somewhat hardned or emboldened us . it was an early trick , act. 15. except ye be circumcised and keep the law of moses , ye cannot be saved . when lands and livings will not prevail ; when profit , pleasure and honour fail ; when poverty , reproach and prisons will not serve , then comes , you cannot else be saved . how many sects say , say as we say , and do as we do , and follow us , or you cannot be saved ? but saith st. paul , it is a small thing with me to be judged of man , or at mans day : i have one that judgeth me , even the lord , ( to whom we will appeal whatever you say against it . ) but you must give me leave to think , that to draw men from their great duty , and the saving souls , to heinous sin , as in the name of christ , and to frighten men into hell with the fear of damnation , and the abused word of god , hath heinous aggravations , which enticing men by sensuality to drunkenness , whoredom or theft , hath not . vii . to the next , the matter of fact , and antecedent suppositions cannot be denied , viz. 1. that it is probably supposed that there are inhabitants more than can hear the preachers voice in the parish-churches , in martins parish about 40000 , in stepney parish near as many , in giles cripplegate 30000 , in giles in the fields near 20000 , in sepulchres , algate , white-chappel , andrews holborn , and many other out-parishes very many thousands . the last bill of mortality that i saw , saith there died in stepney parish as many wanting one , as in all the ninety-seven parishes of london , and in martins as many within six , and in giles cripplegate as many within eight , or thereabout . 2. how shall they call on him in whom they have not believed ? and how shall they believe if they hear not ? and how shall they hear without a preacher ? if the gospel be hid , it is hid to them that are lost : where vision faileth , the people perish , even for lack of knowledg . 3. yet people by our church laws must be presented and prosecuted as recusants if they come not to church , and so 40000 or 30000 should be presented and punished for want of room ; but it is a greater punishment to be strangers unto the gospel . 4. the canon forbiddeth them going to , and communicating in other parishes , and forbiddeth the ministers to receive them . 5. the children of christians are born with no more knowledg than the children of heathens ; and need teaching as well as theirs , to bring them to knowledg when they grow up . 6. god will not save any adult person that is an infidel , impenitent , unsanctified , because he is bred up among christians , and churches , or born of christians , and baptized ; but it will go worse with such unholy persons in the day of judgment , that have had the greatest means . 7. if you can cast the fault on the people , and say that they might remove their dwellings , or ( break the law , and ) go to other parishes , or read at home , &c. that excuseth us not . for the worse they are , the more need they have of help . if they were faultless , what need had they of us ? 8. as to my own case whom you condemn , i have told you , that i have the ordination of a bishop , and the license of the bishop of this diocess ( not nulled or recalled ) which by your principles one would think might serve if it had been against gods own laws . and yet gods law and the bishops license will not serve . 9. some other may say , what 's your case to many others ? i answer : to pass by a great deal not now to be said , let it be understood that the case is this . men are first silenced and excommunicated , and so forbidden the publick churches , and all publick worship of god ; and then the excommunicate are prosecuted and accused for not coming to church . divers canons do ipso facto ( that is , sine sententiâ ) excommunicate all that do but say that any thing in the liturgy or discipline is unlawful , or may not be done with a good conscience ( which all nonconformists hold ) . and it is not possible for us to repent of that as a wicked error , which after all means that we can possibly use , appeareth unto us an undoubted truth , that so our excommunication may be taken off . now these silenced men are assured , that god disobligeth them not from the duty of preaching ; and these excommunicate men are assured that god doth not disoblige them from the duty of publick worship and church-communion . therefore they must use it as they can , when they may not use it as they would . men say the papists should not call us schismaticks , because they cast us out , and went from us ; and will you silence and excommunicate men , as they undertake to prove , for obeying god , and then call them schismaticks for not communicating with you , or for worshipping god in such church-communion as they can ? indeed many of us communicate with you , because we think not our selves bound , tho' you excommunicate us ipso facto , to do execution on our selves , or to go further from you than necessity compelleth us ( tho' i must profess that cyprians 68. epistle , p. 200. and st. martin's separation from the bishops , confirmed by miracle , sometimes sticks in my stomack ) . but i cannot make so light as you do , 1. of such texts as 2 tim. 4.1 , 2. i cha●g● thee before god , and the lord iesus christ , who shall judg the quick and the dead at his appearing , and his kingdom , preach the word , be instant in season , out of season , reprove , rebuke , exhort , with all long-suffering and doctrine . 2. nor of the murderous famishing of thousands of souls , when to murder one child by famine deserveth death and hell . 3. nor of christs law of preferring mercy before sacrifice , necessary morals before rituals , circumstantials or ordinals , which are all but propter rem ordinatam . i remember you have told me , that if the bishop forbad all gods publick worship in the assemblies , we must forbear . such sayings , and this , that i must let so many souls be untaught though they be damned , because it is the bishops fault and not mine , do make me ready to tremble to think of them . if christs works be saving , whose work is it to make so light of mans damnation ? is it any wonder if such principles be called antichristian ? i cannot but perceive from whom they come , when the damnation of poor people must be so easily submitted to , if the bishop do but command the means . methinks you wrong the bishops by such odious suppositions and assertions , as if you would make men believe that they are the grievous wolves that spare not the flock , and the thorns and thistles that are made to prick and rend the people . but i believe that the bishops faultiness in mens damnation would be no exeuse to me if i be accessory . 4. and i doubt not but if you unjustly ipso facto excommunicate men , it neither depriveth them of the right , nor absolveth them from the duty of publick worship , and church-communion . and i am ashamed to read and hear preachers publickly reproaching them for not holding constant communion with the parish-churches , when it 's notorious that the canon hath thus excommunicated them , yea though it were their duty sometime to intrude . and i beseech you judg as a christian or a man , whether you can think such arguments should draw the people themselves to be of your mind : go to them and speak out , neighbours , i confess that while you live in ignorance and sin for want of teaching and publick worship , you are in the way to damnation ; but it is the bishop , and not the silenced preacher that shall answer for it . will they not reply , and shall not the bishop then he damned instead of us , as well as instead of the silenced preacher ? viii . your doubt about mens power to change christs setled form of church-government , is but a consequent of your first , of mens absolute power . but 1. if they change gods laws , or instituted church-forms or government , may they not change their own ? and if so , there is some hope of a reformation . but why then did the canons of 1640. in the et caetera oath , swear the clergy never to consent to change ? and why are we now to swear in the oxford oath , that we will never endeavour any alteration of church-government ( tho' the keys be in the power of lay-chancellors , and tho' the king may command us to endeavour it ) must the nation or clergy swear never ( in their own places ) to endeavour any alteration of the bishops institutions ( as you take them ) , and yet may the bishops alter the very form of government , and churches made by our universal king ? 2. what an uncertain mutable thing may christs laws or church-government prove , while mutable men may change it at their pleasure . 3. to what purpose is antiquity and tradition so much pleaded by hierarchical divines , as if that were the test to know the right government and church , if the bishops may alter it ? 4. if thus much of christs laws and institutions may be altered by prelates , how shall we be sure that all the rest is not also at their will and mercy ? or which is it that they may alter , and which not ? 5. doth not this set man so far above god , or equal with him , as will still tempt men to think that more are antichristian than the pope ? if you say that it is by gods own grant , i wait for your proof , that god granteth power to any man above his laws : those that he made but local or temporary himself , are not abrogated or changed by man where they bind not ; for they never bound any but their proper subjects , e. g. the iewish laws , as such , never bound the gentile world ; and the command of washing feet , bound only th●se where the use of going bare-leg'd with sandals in a hot country , made it an office of kindness ; and so of other temporary precepts . 6. how contrary is this to the common christian doctrine , that we must obey none that command us to sin against god ? for by the first assertion , and this , it seemeth that it cannot be a sin which the bishops command . 7. i pray you put in an exception for the power and lives of kings , and the laws of the land , and the property and liberty of the subjects ; and one word for the protestant religion . for we english-men think god to be greater than the king , or st. patrick ; and gods laws to be firmer than the statutes of king and parliament . and yet i doubt that the king and some parliament will be angry if you do but say that the bishops by consent may change their statutes , or lawful officers and powers ; and bishops , if you say that episcopacy may be changed . ix . baptism , as such , entereth not the baptized into any particular church , but only into the vniversal , headed by christ ; yet a man may at the same time ; be entered into the vniversal , and into a particular church , but that is by a double consent , and not by baptism as such . in this i know none that agree with you but some few of the independents in new-england , and some of the papists . i confess bellarmine saith , that by baptism we are virtually obliged to the pope , being baptized by a ministry , and into a church , of which he is the head. but the contrary is proved , 1. from the express form of the baptismal covenant , which only tyeth us to christ and his universal church , and maketh us christians . but to be a christian dedicated to the father , son , and holy ghost , is one thing , and to be a part of the pastoral charge of a. b. or n. n. is another thing . 2. what particular church was the eunuch , act. 8. baptized into ? not that of ierusalem , for he was going from it , never like to see it more . not that in ethiopia , for there was none till he began it . if you say , of philips church : 1. i pray you , where was that ? 2. and how prove you it ? 3. specially if it was philip the deacon that had no church , being no bishop . 3. may not men be baptized in turkey , or among other infidels , or indians , where there is no church ? and is the first baptized man among them , a church himself ? paul thanketh god that he baptized no more of the corinthians , lest they should think that he baptized into his own name . and doth every baptizer baptize to himself , or to his bishop ? a man may baptize out of all diocesses , or in another's . x. as to your next assertion , i grant , that when a bishop or a beggar speaketh the commands of god , and a king speaketh against it , we must follow that bishop or beggar , rather than the king , because this is but obeying god before men . but supposing that it is a thing indifferent , and but circa sacra , and not a proper part of the agent pastors office , i confess to you , i will obey the king before the bishop . 1. because it is a thing that is under the power of the king to command ; and if so , the king is the supreme , and not the bishop . 2. bishops themselves are subjects of the king , and owe him obedience . therefore rule not over or before him in matters belonging to his office. 3. bishops are chosen by the king , ( for i suppose no man takes the dean and chapters choice for more than a ceremony , that knoweth it ) ; if the king command me to preach at one hour , or one place , and the bishop at another , or to use for uniformity such a translation , metre , liturgy , utensils , garments , &c and the bishops others , i will obey the king before the bishop . but if either or both command me to sin , i will obey neither so ; and if they would take me off from that which christ hath made a real part of my own office ( as commanding that i shall preach and pray in no words but such as they prescribe , &c. ) i think neither hath power to do this . but bishop bilson of christian obedience , and bishop andrews in his tortura toetis , and buckeridg of rochester , and grotius de imprrio sum ▪ potest . circa sacra , have said so much of the power of kings about religion , as that i think i need not add any more . and by the same arguments that you will absolve me from obeying if the king forbid me to preach , by the same you absolve , if the bishop forbid me . if i may disobey constantius and valens , i may disobey eusebius nicomed . theognis maris . if i may disobey theodosius junior , anastasius , zeno , iustinian , i may disobey petrus moggus , dioscorus , severus , &c. but you will much cross your ●nds if you tell the londoners that they may preach and worship god though the king forbid them , but not at all if the bishop forbid them . for he that exalteth himself , or is sinfully exalted by others , shall be brought low . if the reverence of the king were not greater in england than of the bishops , the consciences of many thousands would stick but little at disobedience . there are so many cases first to be resolved . as , 1. whether such diocesans deposing all parochial churches ( and bishops ) and reducing them to chappels or parts only of a church , be not against christs law ? 2. whether they destroy not the ancient order of particular churches ( bishops ) and discipline ? 3. who made their office , and by what power ? 4. who chose and called them to it ? 5. whether their commands be not null , as contrary to gods ? 6 ▪ how far communion with them that silence hundreds of faithful ministers , and set up in their stead — &c. is lawful ? many such questions the people are not so easily satisfied in , as you are . xi . and the three last all set together , look with an ill design : the preface to dr. rich. cousins tables , tells the king , that the church-government here is the kings , or derived from him , and dependant on him ; and grotius de imperio sum ▪ potest . proveth at large the power of kings circa sacra , as doth spalatensis , and many more ; and that canons are but good counsel , till the king make them laws . and we know no law-makers but the king and parliament . but if the church be the expounders of the liturgy , rubrick and canons , articles and acts of uniformity , and out of convocation-time , the bishops be the church , and the archbishops be the rulers of the bishops , ( that swear obedience to them ) this hath a dangerous aspect : for then it is in the power of the bishops ( if not of the archbishops only ) to put a sense upon our 39 articles , rubricks , &c. consistent with popery or heresie , and so to change the religion of the kingdom , without king or parliament , or against them at their pleasure . and thus officers of mans making , who become a church of mans devising , may have advantage by this and the former articles , to destroy godliness , christianity and humanity . indeed by the preface to the liturgy , the bishop is made the expounder of any thing doubtful in the book ; and by the index the act of uniformity is made part of the book . but this affrighteth me the more from declaring : 1. because i must consent to all the penalties and impositions of the act it self . 2. and the bishop , exposition is limited , so that it must be contrary to nothing in the book . thus i have given you the reasons of my destructive conference . if i had been with you , and we had been to enter upon any dispute that tendeth to satisfaction , i would have endeavoured to avoid the common frustraters of disputes , 1. by ambiguous words : 2. and subjects that are no subjects : therefore if you desire any such dispute : i. i intreat you to write me down your sense of some terms which we shall frequently use , ( and i will do the like of any at your desire ) : as what you mean , 1. by the word bishop . 2. by a church . 3. by a particular church . 4. by a diocess and diocesan church . 5. by a national church . 6. by the vniversal church . 7. by church government and iurisdiction . 8. by schism . i shall dispute no terms unexplained , lest one take them in one sense , and the other in another , and so we dispute but about a sound of words . ii. i desire that the denied subject of the question may not be taken for granted , instead of being proved . on these terms ( supposing the common laws of disputation , especially avoiding words that have no determinate sense ) i shall not refuse whenever you invite me ; and i am able to debate with you any of these points that i am concerned in ; especially , whether my preaching christs gospel as i do , be my sin , or my duty ? and if our great distance in principles put either of us upon r●●sons that seem dishonouring to the person opposed , we shall i hope 〈…〉 that it is the opinion only that is directly intended . but 〈…〉 opinion is the persons opinion , if it be bad , is a dish●n●●r , whi●● the owner only is guilty of , and the opponent ca●not 〈…〉 must not forbear to open the evil of the cause , for avoiding the dishonour of the owner ; but must the rather open it , in hope that the owner will disown it , when he understandeth truly what it is . for i suppose it is evidence of truth that we desire . in conclusion , remember i pray you , 1. that it is not the ancient episcopacy ( which was in cyprians days ; yea , which agreeth with epiphanius's intimations , and petavius excellent notes thereon , in haeres . 69. ) which i deny . and i conjecture that at this day in england there are more episcopal than presbyterian silenced non-conformists . 2. that what sort of prelacy or higher rulers i dare not subscribe to , yet i can live quietly and submissively under , though not obey them by sinning against god , or breaking my vows of baptism or ordination , and perfidiously leaving souls to satan . nothing more threateneth the subversion of the church-government than swearing men to approve of all th●t's in it . many can submit and live in peace , that dare not subscribe or swear approbation . it was the & caet●ra oath 1640 , that constrained me to th●se searches which 〈◊〉 me a nonconformist . it is an easie ma●●er for overdoers to add but a cla●se or two more to their oaths and subscriptions , which shall ma●e almost all the conscionable ministers of the kingdom nonconformists . 3. whenever notorious necessity ceaseth by the sufficient number and q●ality of conforming preachers , i will cease preaching in england ( but death is liker first to silence me . ) though i take my conforming to be a complex of heinous sins , should i be guilty of it ; yet till i am called , i perswade none to nonformity for fear of casting them ( occasionally ) out of the ministry , preferring their work before the change of their judgment till such endeavours are clearly made by duty . ) but all your endeavour , as far as ever i perceived , is not so much to draw us to conformity , as to persuade us to give over preaching christs gospel , so contrary are our designs . 1 thes· 2.15 , 16. methinks is a fearful text. and so are the words of the liturgy before the sacrament , if any of you be a hinderer of gods word — repent — or take not this sacrament , lest satan enter into you , as he did into judas , and fill you , &c. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26860-e17060 this was written long ago . the earl of orery . ☜ 